LIBRARY 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

SANTA  BARBARA 


PRESENTED  BY 
MRS. 

ERIC   SCHMIDT 


THE 


HISTORY  OF  THE  REIGN 


EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH, 


WILLIAM  EOBERTSO:tT  D.D. 


AN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  EMPEROR'S  LIFE  AFTER  HIS 
ABDICATION. 

BY  WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT 


IN  THREE  VOLUMES. 

VOL.  III. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

J.   B.    LIPPINCOTT  ^  CO. 
1871. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1856,  by 

WILLIAM  H.  PRESCOTT. 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  for  the  District  of  Massachusetts. 


/  n 
\J.2 


CONTENTS 


\OLUME    THIED 


HISTOEY   OF  CHARLES   V. 


BOOK   X. 

The  Pope's  Schemes  against  the  Emperor.  —  Election  of  Pope 
Julius  III.  —  Diet  at  Augsburg.  —  Schemes  of  Maurice  of  Sax- 
ony against  the  Emperor.  —  War  upon  Magdeburg.  —  Council 
summoned  at  Trent.  —  Attempt  to  obtain  the  Liberation  of  the 
Landgrave.  —  Plan  of  Charles  for  procuring  the  Imperial  Crown 
for  his  Son,  Philip.  —  The  Pope  and  Emperor  attempt  to  re- 
cover Parma  and  Placentia.  —  Octavio  makes  an  Alliance  with 
Henry  11.  of  France.  —  Hostilities  between  Charles  and  Henry. 
—  Henry  protests  against  the  Council.  —  Violence  of  the  Em- 
peror against  the  Protestants.  —  Siege  of  Magdeburg  by  Mau- 
rice. —  Martinuzzi  favors  the  Pretensions  of  Ferdinand  to  Hun- 
gary. —  He  is  assassinated  by  Order  of  Ferdinand.  —  Maurice 
makes  a  Treaty  with  Henry  II.  —  He  demands  once  more  the 
Liberty  of  the  Landgrave. — He  amuses  the  Emperor,  and  mean- 
while makes  Preparation  for  War.  —  He  takes  the  Field.  —  The 
Emperor  endeavors  to  gain  Time  by  Negotiation.  —  Maurice 
takes  the  Castle  of  Ehrenberg.  —  The  Emperor  flies  from  In- 
spruck.  —  He  hberates  the  Elector  of  Saxony.  —  The  Council 
of  Trent  breaks  up.  —  The  French  attack  Strasburg.  —  The 
Operations  of  Albert  of  Brandenburg. — Negotiations  for  Peace 
%t  Passau  at  last  successful. 8-94 


IV  CONTENTS. 

BOOK     XI. 

Maurice  marches  against  the  Turks.  —  The  Landgrave  and  the 
Elector  recover  their  Liberty. — The  Emperor  makes  War  upon 
France. —  The  Siege  of  Metz. —  Losses  of  the  Emperoi  In  Italy. 

—  Descent  of  the  Turfes  u])on  the  Kingdom  of  Naples. —  Con- 
federacy under  the  Lead  of  Maurice  against  Albert  of  Branden- 
burg.—  Maurice  is  slain  in  Battle,  but  Albert  is  defeated,  and 
afterwards  driven  out  of  Germany. —  Success  of  the  Emperor 
in  the  Netherlands.  —  His  Losses  in  Hungary  and  Italy.  —  The 
Family  Troubles  of  Solyman.  —  The  Ambition  of  his  Mistress 
Roxalana,  and  the  Fate  of  his  Son  Mustapha.  —  Marriage  of 
Philip  with  Mary  of  England.  —  Etforts  of  ^lary  to  overthrow 
Protestantism.  —  Henry  conducts  a  vigorous  Campaign  against 
the  Emperor.  —  Co.^mo  de'  Medici's  Schemes.  —  The  French 
under  Strozzo  defeated.  —  Siege  of  Siena.  —  Retreat  of  the 
Duke  of  Alva  from  Piedmont.  —  Conspiracy  to  betray  Metz  dis- 
covered.—  Diet  at  Augsburg. —  Death  of  Pope  Julius. —  Charles 
endeavors  anew  to  acquire  the  Imperial  Crown  for  his  Son, 
Philip.  —  The  Peace  of  Religion  established.  —  Pop**  Marcellus 
n. —  Pope  Paul  IV.,  and  the  ambitious  Schemes  of  his  Nephews. 

—  The  Emperor  abdicates  in  favor  of  his  Son,  Philip.  —  Peace 
between  France  and  Spain.  —  The  Pope  attempts  to  rekindle 
War.  —  The  Duke  of  Alva  takes  the  Field  against  him.  —  A 
Truce  between  the  Pope  and  Philip 95-220 


BOOK    XII. 

New  and  fruitless  Attempt  of  the  Emperor  to  procure  the  Succes- 
sion foi-  his  Son,  Philip. —  He  sets  out  for  Spain.  —  His  Retreat 
at  St  Justus.  —  The  Pope  renews  Hostilities  against  Philip.  — 
Duke  of  Guise's  Operations.  —  Philip  gains  the  Aid  of  Eng- 
land. —  The  War  in  the  Netherlands.  —  Siege  of  St.  Qucntin 
—  Measures  of  Henry  for  the  Defence  of  France.  —  Peace  be- 
tween the  Pope  and  Philip.  —  Placentia  restored  to  the  Duke 
of  Parraa. —  Cosmo  de'  Medici  recovers  Siena.  —  The  Duke  of 
Guise  invests  and  takes  Calais.  —  Ferdinand  chosen  Successor 
to  the  Emperor,  but  is  not  acknowledged  by  the  Pope.  —  Mar^ 
riage  of  the  Dauphin  and  the  Queen  of  Scots.  —  Defeat  of  the 
French  at  Graveliaes. —  Proposals  for  Peace. —  Death  of  Charles 


CONTENTS.  V 

V.  —  Death  of  Mary  of  England.  —  Both  Henrj-  and  Philip 
court  her  Successor,  Elizabeth.  —  Her  Artifice  towards  Philip. 

—  Articles  of  Peace  agreed  upon.  —  Death  of  Henry.  —  State 
of  Europe  during  the  Reign  of  Charles  V.  —  Progress  of  the 
House  of  Austria.  —  Growth  of  France,  and  of  England.  — 
The  Reformation.  —  State  of  Venice  and  other  Italian  Nations ; 

—  of  Russia,  and  the  Northern  Powells.      .        •        •        221     328 


LIFE  OF  CHARLES  V.  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION. 


BOOK    I. 

The  Convent  of  Yuste.  —  Charles's  Departure  from  the  Nether- 
lands. —  His  Voyage  to  Spain.  —  His  Progress  through  the 
Country.  —  Reception  at  Valladolid.  —  Journey  to  Jarandilla. 
—  His  Residence  there.  —  Discontent  of  his  Household.  —  His 
Visitors.  —  Pernicious  Indulgence  of  his  Appetite.  —  His  Re- 
moval to  Yuste .        .         .831-878 


BOOK    II. 

Charles's  Mansion  at  Yuste.  —  Furniture  and  Works  of  Art.  — 
Van  Male.  —  Charles's  Household  and  Expenditure  —  His 
Way  of  Life.  —  His  Contessor.  —  His  Mechanical  Pursuits. 
—  His  Observance  of  Religious  Rites.  —  His  Contentment 
at  Yuste 879-419 


BOOK    III. 

Erroneous  Opinions  respecting  Charles.  —  His  Interest  in  Public 
Affairs.  —  Luis  de  Avila. —  Petty  Annoyances. —  Visit  of  Fran- 
cisco Borja.  —  Charles's  Memoirs  of  Himself.  —  Visit  of  his  Sis- 
ters to  Yuste.  —  Death  of  Queen  Eleanor.  —  Charles's  Resignar 
tion  of  the  Imperial  Title.  —  His  Zeal  for  the  Faith.      .       420  -  466 

A2 


Vi  CONTENTS. 

BOOK     IV. 

Charles's  111  Health.  —  He  rehearses  his  Obsequies.  —  Is  attacked 
by  his  last  Illness.  —  Codicil  to  his  Will.  —  Proj^ress  of  the  Dis- 
ease. —  Extreme  Unction.  —  Last  Hours  and  Death.  —  Funeral 
Honors.  —  Philip  the  Second's  Visit  to  Yuste.  —  Bodies  of 
Charles  and  his  Family  removed  to  the  Eiscorial.  —  Decay  of 
the  Convent  at  Yuste 467-610 


INDEX 613-665 


HISTORY   OF  THE   REIGN 


EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH. 


TOL.  EXL 


BOOK    X. 


The  Pope's  Sfhemes  against  the  Emperor.  —  Election  of  Pope  Julius  ITI. 
—  Diet  at  Auirsburg.  —  Schemes  of  Maurice  of  Saxony  against  the 
Emperor. — War  upon  Magdeburg.  —  Council  summoned  at  Trent  — 
Attempt  to  obtain  the  Liberation  of  the  Landgrave.  —  Plan  of  Charles 
for  procuring  the  Imperial  Crown  for  his  Son,  Philip.  —  The  Pope 
and  Emperor  attempt  to  recover  Parma  and  Placentia.  —  Octavio 
makes  an  Alliance  with  Henry  TL  of  France.  —  Hostilities  between 
Charles  and  Henry.  —  Henry  protests  against  the  Council.  — Violence 
of  the  Emperor  against  the  Protestants.  —  Siege  of  Magdeburg  by 
Maurice.  —  INLartinuzzi  favors  the  Pretensions  of  Ferdinand  to  Hun- 
gary. —  He  is  assassinated  by  Order  of  Ferdinand.  —  IVIaurice  makes 
a  Treaty  with  Henry  H.  —  He  demands  once  more  the  Liberty  of 
the  Landgrave.  —  He  amuses  the  Emperor,  and  meanwhile  makes 
Preparation  for  War.  —  He  takes  the  Field.  —  The  Emperor  en- 
deavors to  gain  Time  by  Negotiation.  —  ^laurice  takes  the  Castle 
of  Ehrenberg. — The  Emperor  flies  from  Inspruck.  —  He  liberates 
the  Elector  of  Saxony.  —  The  Council  of  Trent  breaks  up.  —  The 
French  attack  Strasburg.  —  The  Operations  of  Albert  of  Branden- 
burg. —  Negotiations  for  Peace  at  Passau  at  last  successful. 

While  Charles  labored,  with  such  unwearied 
industry,  to  persuade  or  to  force  the  Protestants 
to  adopt  his  regulations  with  respect  to  religion, 
thi^  effects  of  his  steadiness  in  the  execution  of  his 
plan  were  rendered  less  considerable  by  his  rupture 


4  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  X. 

with   the  pope,  which  daily  increased.     The  firm 
resohition  which  the  enperor  seemed  to  have  taken 
against  restoring  Placentia,  together  with  his  repeat- 
ed encroachments  on  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction, 
not  only  by  the  regulations  contained  in  the  In- 
teiim,  but  by  his  attempt  to  reassemble  the  council 
at  Trent,  exasperated   Paul   to   the   utmost,  who, 
with  the  sveakness  incident  to  old  age,  grew  more 
attached  to  his  family,  and  more  jealous  of  his  au- 
thority, as  he  advanced  in  years.      Pushed  on  by 
these  passions,  he  made  new  efforts  to  draw  the 
French  king  into  an  alliance  against  the   emper- 
or;^ but  finding  that  monarch,  notwithstanding  the 
hereditary  enmity  between  him   and  Charles,  and 
the  jealousy  with  which  he  viewed  the  successful 
progress  of  the  imperial  arms,  as  unwilling  as  for- 
merly to  involve  himself  in  immediate  hostilities, 
he  Avas  obliged  to  contract  his  views,  and  to  think 
of  preventing  future  encroachments,   since  it  was 
not  in  his  power  to  inflict  vengeance  on  account 
of  those  which  were  past.     For  this   purpose,  he 
determined  to  recall  his  grant  of  Parma  and  Pla- 
centia, and,  after  declaring  them  to  be  reannexed 
to  the  holy  see,  to  indemnify  his  grandson  Octavio 
by  a  new  establishment  in  the  ecclesiastical  state. 
By  this  expedient  he  hoped  to  gain  two  points  of 
no   small  consequence.     He,   first  of  all,  rendered 
his  possession  of  Parma  more  secure  ;   as  the  em- 
peror would  be  cautious  of  invading  the  patrimony 
of  the  Church,   though   he    might    seize,    without 

1  Mem.  de  Rlbier,  ii.  230. 


1549  J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  5 

scruple,  a  town  belonging  to  the  house  of  Far- 
nese.  In  the  next  place,  he  would  acquire  a  better 
chance  of  recovering  Placentia,  as  his  solicitations 
to  that  effect  might  decently  be  urged  with  greater 
importunity,  and  would  infallibly  be  attended  with 
greater  effect,  when  he  was  considered,  not  as  plead- 
ing the  cause  of  his  own  family,  but  as  an  advocate 
for  the  interest  of  the  holy  see.  But  while  Paul 
was  priding  himself  on  this  device  as  a  happy  re- 
finement in  policy,  Octavio,  an  ambitious  and  high- 
spirited  young  man,  who  could  not  bear  with  pa- 
tience to  be  spoiled  of  one  half  of  his  territories 
by  the  rapaclousness  of  his  father-in-law,  and  to 
be  deprived  of  the  other  by  the  artifices  of  his 
grandfather,  took  measures  in  order  to  prevent  the 
execution  of  a  plan  fatal  to  his  interest.  He  set 
out  secretly  from  Rome,  and,  having  first  endeav- 
ored to  surprise  Parma,  which  attempt  was  frus- 
trated by  the  fidelity  of  the  governor,  to  whom 
the  pope  had  intrusted  the  defence  of  the  town, 
he  made  overtures  to  the  emperor  of  renouncing 
all  connection  with  the  pope,  and  of  depending 
entirely  on  him  for  his  future  fortune.  This  un- 
expected defection  of  one  of  the  pope's  own  family 
to  an  enemy  whom  he  hated,  irritated,  almost  to 
madness,  a  mind  peevish  with  old  age ;  and  there 
was  no  degree  of  severity  to  which  Paul  might  not 
have  proceeded  against  a  grandson  whom  he  re- 
proached as  an  unnatural  apostate.  But,  happily 
for  Octavio,  death  prevented  his  carrying  into  ex- 
ecution the  harsh  resolutions  which  he  had  taken 


6  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

with  respect  to  him,  and  put  an  erd  to  his  pontif 
icate.  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  his  administration, 
and  the  eighty-second  of  his  age.^ 

As  this  event  had  heen  long  expected,  there  was 
an  extraordinary  concourse  of  cardinals  at  Rome; 
and  the  various  competitors  having  had  time  to 
form  their  parties,  and  to  concert  their  measures, 
their  ambition  and  intrigues  protracted  the  con- 
clave to  a  great  leno:th.  The  imperial  and  French 
factions  strove,  with  emulation,  to  promote  one  of 
their  own  number,  and  had,  by  turns,  the  prospect 


2  Among  many  instances  of  the  credulity  or  weakness  of  historians 
in  attributing  the  death  of  illustrious  pei-sonages  to  extraordinary 
causes,  this  is  one.  Almost  all  the  historians  of  the  sixteenth  century 
affirm,  that  the  death  of  Paul  TIL  was  occasioned  by  the  violent  pas- 
sions which  the  behavior  of  his  grandson  excited;  that  being  informed, 
while  he  was  refreshing  himself  in  one  of  his  gardens  near  Rome,  of 
Octavio's  attempt  on  Panna,  as  well  as  of  his  negotiations  with  the 
emperor  by  means  of  Gonzaga,  he  fainted  away,  continued  some  hours 
in  a  swoon,  then  became  feverish,  and  died  within  three  days.  This 
is  the  aciount  given  of  it  by  Tlmanus,  lib.  vi.  211  ;  Adriani,  Istor.  de* 
suoi  Tempi,  lib.  vii.  480;  and  by  Father  Paul,  280.  Even  Cardinal 
Pallavicini,  better  informed  than  any  writer  with  regard  to  the  events 
which  happened  in  the  papal  court,  and,  when  not  warped  by  prejudice 
or  system,  more  accurate  in  relating  them,  agrees  with  their  narrative 
in  its  chief  circumstances.  Pailao.  lib.  ii,  74.  Paruta,  who  wrote  hia 
history  by  command  of  the  senate  of  Venice,  relates  it  in  the  same 
manner.  latorici  Venez.  vol.  iv.  212.  But  there  was  no  occasion  to 
search  for  any  extraordinary  cause  to  account  for  the  death  of  an  old 
man  of  eighty-two.  There  remains  an  authentic  account  of  this  event, 
in  wh)  ,'u  we  find  none  of  those  marvellous  circumstances  of  whi-h  the 
historians  are  so  fond  The  cardinal  of  Ferr?ira,  who  was  intrusted 
with  the  afl^alrs  of  France  at  the  court  of  Heme,  and  M.  d'Urf<S, 
Henr/s  ambassador  in  ordinary  there,  wrote  an  account  to  thf<t  m<in- 
arch  of  the  affliir  at  Parma,  and  of  the  pope's  death.  By  thuse  \i  ap- 
pears, that  Octavio's  attempt  to  surpiise  Parma  was  made  on  the  10\k 


1550.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  1 

of  success. .  But  as  Paul,  during  a  long  pontificate, 
had  raised  many  to  the  ])urple,  and  those  chiefly 
persons  of  eminent  abilities,  as  well  as  zealously 
devoted  to  his  family.  Cardinal  Farnese  had  the 
command  of  a  po\yerful  and  united  squadron,  by 
whose  address  and  firmness  he  exalted  to  the  papal 
throne  the  Cardinal  di  Monte,  whom  Paul  had 
employed  as  his  principal  legate  in  the  council  of 
Trent,  and  trusted  with  his  most  secret  intentions. 
He  assumed  the  name  of  Julius  III.,  and,  in  order 
to  express  his  gratitude  towards  his  benefactor,  the 


of  October ;  that  next  day  In  the  evening,  and  not  while  he  was  airing 
in  the  gardens  of  Monte  Cavallo,  the  pope  received  intelligence  of  what 
he  had  done  ;  that  he  was  seized  with  such  a  transport  of  passion,  and 
cried  so  bitterly,  that  his  voice  was  heard  in  several  apartments  of  the 
palace  ;  that  next  day,  however,  he  was  so  well  as  to  give  an  audience 
to  the  cardinal  of  Ferrara,  and  to  go  through  business  of  different 
kinds  ;  that  Octavio  wrote  a  letter  to  the  pope,  not  to  Cardinal  Farnese 
his  brother,  intimating  his  resolution  of  throwing  himself  into  the 
arms  of  the  emperor  ^  that  the  pope  received  this  on  the  21st  with- 
out any  new  symptoms  of  emotion,  and  returned  an  answer  to  it ; 
that  on  the  2  2d  of  October,  the  day  on  which  the  cardinal  of  Fer- 
rara's  letter  is  dated,  the  pope  was  in  his  usual  state  of  health.  Meni. 
dp.  Rihier,  ii.  247.  By  a  letter  of  M.  d'Urfe,  November  5,  it  appears 
that  the  pope  was  in  such  good  health,  that  on  the  3d  of  that  month 
he  had  celebrated  the  anniversary  of  his  coronation  with  the  usual  so- 
lemnities. Ibid.  251.  By  another  letter  from  the  same  person,  we  learn 
that  on  the  6th  of  November  a  catarrh  or  defluxion  fell  down  on  the 
pope's  lungs,  with  such  dangerous  symptoms  that  his  life  was  imme- 
diately despaired  of  Ibid.  252.  And  by  a  third  letter  we  are  in- 
formed that  he  died  November  the  10th.  In  none  of  these  letters 
IS  his  death  imputed  to  any  extraordinary  cause.  It  appears  that 
more  than  twenty  days  elapsed  between  Octavio's  attempt  on  Par- 
ma and  the  death  of  his  grajidfather,  and  that  the  disease  was  the 
natural  effect  of  old  age,  not  one  of  those  occasioned  by  violence  of 
passion. 

7  B 


g  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  X 

first  act  of  his  administration  was  to  put  Octavio 
Farnese  in  possession  of  Parma.  When  the  injury 
which  he  did  to  the  holy  see,  by  alienating  a  ter- 
ritory of  such  value,  was  mentioned  by  some  of  the 
cardinals,  he  briskly  replied,  "  That  he  would  rather 
be  a  poor  pope,  with  the  reputation  of  a  gentleman, 
than  a  rich  one,  with  the  infamy  of  having  forgot 
ten  the  obligations  conferred  upon  him,  and  the 
promises  which  he  had  made."^  But  all  the  lustre 
of  this  candor  or  generosity  he  quickly  effaced  by 
an  action  most  shockingly  indecent.  According  to 
an  ancient  and  established  practice,  every  pope  upon 
his  election  considers  it  as  his  privilege  to  bestow, 
on  whom  he  pleases,  the  cardinal's  hat,  which  falls 
to  be  disposed  of  by  his  being  invested  with  the 
triple  crown.  Julius,  to  the  astonishment  of  the 
sacred  college,  conferred  this  mark  of  distinction, 
together  with  ample  ecclesiastical  revenues,  and  the 
right  of  bearing  his  name  and  arms,  upon  one  In 
nocent,  a  youth  of  sixteen,  born  of  obscure  parents, 
and  known  by  the  name  of  the  Ape,  from  his  hav- 
ing been  trusted  with  the  care  of  an  animal  of 
that  species  in  the  Cardinal  di  Monte's  family. 
Such  a  prostitution  of  the  highest  dignity  in  the 
Church  would  have  given  offence,  even  in  those 
dark  periods  when  the  credulous  superstition  of  the 
people  emboldened  ecclesiastics  to  venture  on  the 
most  flagrant  violations  of  decorum.  But  in  an 
enlightened  age,  when,  by  the  progress  of  knowl- 
<edge  and  philosophy,  the  obligations  of  duty  and 

3  M6m.  de  RiWer. 


1550.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  9 

decency  were  better  understood,  when  a  blind  ven- 
eration for  the  pontifical  character  was  everywhere 
abated,  and  one  half  of  Christendom  in  open  rebel- 
lion against  the  papal  see,  this  action  was  viewed 
with  horror.      E-ome  was  immediately  filled  with 
libels  and  pasquinades,  which  imputed  the  pope's 
extravagant  regard  for  such  an  unworthy  object  to 
the  most  criminal  passions.      The  Protestants  ex- 
claimed against  the  absurdity  of  supposing  that  the 
infallible  spirit  of  divine  truth  could  dwell  in   a 
breast  so  impure,  and  called  more  loudly  than  ever, 
and  with  greater  appearance  of  justice,  for  the  im- 
mediate and  thorough  reformation  of  a  Church,  the 
head  of  which  was  a  disgrace  to  the  Christian  name.* 
The  rest  of  the  pope's  conduct  was  of  a  piece  with 
this  first  specimen  of  his  dispositions.     Having  now 
reached  the  summit  of  ecclesiastical  ambition,  he 
seemed  eager  to  indemnify  himself,   by  an   unre- 
strained indulgence  of  his  desires,  for  the  self-denial 
or  dissimulation  which  he  had  thought  it  prudent 
to  practise  while  in  a  subordinate  station.     He  be- 
came careless,  to  so  great  a  degree,  of  all  serious 
business,  that  he  could  seldom  be  brought  to  at- 
tend to  it,  but  in  cases  of  extreme  necessity;  and 
giving  up  himself  to  amusements  and  dissipation 
of  every  kind,  he  imitated  the  luxurious  elegance 
of  Leo,  rather  than  the  severe  virtue  of  Adrian, 
the  latter  of  which   it   was  necessary  to   display 
in   contending   with   a   sect   which   derived    great 

*  Sleid.  492.     F.  Paul,  281.    Pallavic.  ii.  7a      Thuan.  lib.  vi.  215. 

VOL.  III.  2 


10  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

credit  from  the  rigid  and  austere  manners  of  its 
teachers.^ 

The  pope,  however  ready  to  fulfil  his  engage- 
ments to  the  family  of  Farnese,  discovered  no  in- 
clination to  observe  the  oath,  which  each  cardinal 
had  taken  w^hen  he  entered  the  conclave,  that,  if 
the  choice  should  fall  on  him,  he  would  immediate- 
ly call  the  council  to  reassume  its  deliberations. 
Julius  knew,  by  experience,  how  difficult  it  was  to 
confine  such  a  body  of  men  within  the  narrow  lim- 
its which  it  was  the  interest  of  the  see  of  Rome  to 
prescribe;  and  how  easily  the  zeal  of  some  mem- 
bers, the  rashness  of  others,  or  the  suggestions  of 
the  princes  on  whom  they  depended,  might  precipi- 
tate a  popular  and  ungovernable  assembly  into  for- 
bidden inquiries,  as  well  as  dangerous  decisions. 
He  wished,  for  these  reasons,  to  have  eluded  the 
obligation  of  his  oath,  and  gave  an  ambiguous  an- 
swer to  the  first  proposals  which  were  made  to  him 
by  the  emperor  with  regard  to  that  matter.  But 
Charles,  either  from  his  natural  obstinacy  in  adher- 
ing to  the  measures  which  he  had  once  adopted,  or 
from  the  mere  pride  of  accomplishing  what  was 
held  to  be  almost  impossible,  persisted  in  his  resolu- 
tion of  forcing  the  Protestants  to  return  into  the 
bosom  of  the  Church.  Having  persuaded  himself 
that  the  authoritative  decisions  of  the  council  might 
be  employed  with  efficacy  in  combating  their  preju- 
dices, he,  in  consequence  of  that  persuasion,  contin- 
ued to  solicit  earnestly  that  a  new  bull  of  coiivoca- 

5  F.  Paul,  281. 


1550.,  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  H 

tion  might  be  issued  ;  and  the  pope  could  not,  with 
decency,  reject  that  request.  When  Julius  found 
that  he  could  not  prevent  the  calling  of  a  council, 
he  endeavored  to  take  to  himself  all  the  merit  of 
having  procured  the  meeting  of  an  assembly  which 
was  the  object  of  such  general  desire  and  expecta- 
tion. A  congregation  of  cardinals,  to  whom  he 
referred  the  consideration  of  what  was  necessary  for 
restoring  peace  to  the  Church,  recommended,  by 
his  direction,  the  speedy  convocation  of  a  council 
as  the  most  effectual  expedient  for  that  purpose; 
and,  as  the  new  heresies  raged  with  the  greatest 
violence  in  Germany,  they  proposed  Trent  as  the 
place  of  its  meeting,  that,  by  a  near  inspection  of 
the  evil,  the  remedy  might  be  applied  with  greater 
discernment  and  certainty  of  success.  The  pope 
w^armly  approved  of  this  advice,  which  he  himself 
had  dictated,  and  sent  nuncios  to  the  imperial  and 
French  courts,  in  order  to  make  known  his  inten- 
tions.^ 

About  this  time,  the  emperor  had  summoned  a 
new  diet  to  meet  at  Augsburg,  in  order  to  enforce 
the  observation  of  the  Interim,  and  to  procure  a 
more  authentic  act  of  the  supreme  court  in  the  em- 
pire, acknowledging  the  jurisdiction  of  the  council, 
as  well  as  an  explicit  promise  of  conforming  to  its 
decrees.  He  appeared  there  in  person,  together 
with  his  son,  the  prince  of  Spain.  Few  electors 
were  present,  but  all  sent  deputies  in  their  name. 
Charles,  notwithstanding  the  despotic  authority  witii 

6  F.  Paul,  281.    Pallav.  ii.  77. 

B2 


12  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

which  he  had  given  law  in  the  empire  during  two 
years,  knew  that  the  spirit  of  independence  among 
the  Germans  was  not  entirely  subdued,  and  for  that 
reason  took  care  to  overawe  the  diet  by  a  considera- 
ble body  of  Spanish  troops  which  escorted  him 
thither.  The  first  poii  t  submitted  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  diet,  was  the  necessity  of  holding  a 
council.  All  the  popish  members  agreed,  without 
difficulty,  that  the  meeting  of  that  assembly  should 
be  renewed  at  Trent,  and  promised  an  implicit  ac- 
quiescence in  its  decrees.  The  Protestants,  intimi 
dated  and  disunited,  must  have  followed  their  ex- 
ample, and  the  resolution  of  the  diet  would  have 
proved  unanimous,  if  Maurice  of  Saxony  had  not 
begun  at  this  time  to  disclose  new  intentions,  and 
to  act  a  part  very  different  from  that  which  he  had 
so  long  assumed. 

By  an  artful  dissimulation  of  his  own  sentiments ; 
by  address  in  paying  court  to  the  emperor ;  and  by 
the  seeming  zeal  with  which  he  forwarded  all  his 
ambitious  schemes,  Maurice  had  raised  himself  to 
the  electoral  dignity ;  and  having  added  the  domin- 
ions of  the  elder  branch  of  the  Saxon  family  to  his 
own,  he  was  become  the  most  powerful  prince  in 
Germany.  But  his  long  and  intimate  union  with 
the  emperor  had  afforded  him  many  opportunities 
of  observing  narrowly  the  dangerous  tendency  of 
that  monarch's  schemes.  He  saw  the  yoke  that 
was  preparing  for  his  country  ;  and,  from  the  rapid 
as  well  as  formidable  progress  of  the  imperial  power, 
was  convinced  that  but  a  few  steps  more  remained 


1550.]  EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  13 

to  be  taken  in  order  to  render  Charles  as  absolute 
a  monarch  in  Germany  as  he  had  become  in  Spain. 
The  more  eminent  the  condition  was  to  which  he 
himself  had  been  exalted,  the  more  solicitous  did 
Maurice  naturally  become  to  maintain  all  its  riglits 
and  privileges,  and  the  more  did  he  dread  the 
thoughts  of  descending  from  the  rank  of  a  prince, 
almost  independent,  to  that  of  a  vassal  subject  to 
the  commands  of  a  master.  At  the  same  time,  he 
perceived  that  Charles  was  bent  on  exacting  a  rigia 
conformity  to  the  doctrines  and  rites  of  the  E,omish 
Church,  instead  of  allowing  liberty  of  conscience, 
the  promise  of  which  had  allured  several  Protestant 
princes  to  assist  him  in  the  war  against  the  confed- 
erates of  Smalkalde.  As  he  himself,  notwithstand- 
ing all  the  compliances  which  he  had  made  from 
motives  of  interest,  or  an  excess  of  confidence  in 
the  emperor,  was  sincerely  attached  to  the  Lutheran 
tenets,  he  determined  not  to  be  a  tame  spectator  of 
the  overthrow  of  a  system  which  he  believed  to  be 
founded  in  truth. 

This  resolution,  flowing  from  the  love  of  liberty 
or  zeal  for  religion,  was  strengthened  by  political 
and  interested  considerations.  In  that  elevated  sta- 
tion in  which  Maurice  was  now  placed,  new  and 
more  extensive  prospects  opened  to  his  view.  Ilia 
rank  and  power  entitled  him  to  be  the  head  of  the 
Protestants  in  the  empire.  His  predecessor,  the 
degraded  elector,  with  inferior  abilities,  and  terri- 
tories less  considerable,  had  acquired  such  an  a*> 
cendant  over  the  councils  of  the  party;  and  Mau 


14  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

rice  neither  wanted  discernment  to  see  the  advantage 
of  this  pre-eminence,  nor  ambition  to  aim  at  attain- 
ing it.  But  he  found  himself  in  a  situation  which 
rendered  the  attempt  no  less  difficult  than  the  ob- 
ject of  it  was  important.  On  the  one  hand,  the 
connection  which  he  had  formed  with  the  emperor 
was  so  intimate,  that  he  could  scarcely  hope  to  take 
any  step  w^hich  tended  to  dissolve  it,  without  alarm- 
ing his  jealousy,  and  drawing  on  himself  the  whole 
weight  of  that  power  which  had  crushed  the  great* 
est  confederacy  ever  formed  in  Germany.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  calamities  which  he  had  brought 
on  the  Protestant  party  were  so  recent,  aB  well  as 
great,  that  it  seemed  almost  impossible  to  regain 
their  confidence,  or  to  rally  and  reanimate  a  body, 
after  he  himself  had  been  the  chief  instrument  in 
breaking  its  union  and  vigor.  These  considerations 
were  sufficient  to  have  discouraged  any  person  of  a 
spirit  less  adventurous  than  Maurice's.  But  to  him 
the  grandeur  and  difficulty  of  the  enterprise  w^ere 
allurements ;  and  he  boldly  resolved  on  measures, 
the  idea  of  which  a  genius  of  an  inferior  order 
could  not  have  conceived,  or  would  have  trembled 
at  the  thoughts  of  the  danger  that  attended  the  ex- 
ecution of  them. 

His  passions  concurred  with  his  interest  in  con- 
firming this  resolution  ;  and  the  resentment  excited 
by  an  injury,  which  he  sensibly  felt,  added  new 
force  to  the  motives  for  opposing  the  emperor 
which  sound  policy  suggested.  Maurice,  by  his 
authority,  had  prevailed  on  the  landgrave  of  Hesse 


1.-550.]  EMPEROK   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  15 

to  put  his  person  in  the  emperor's  power,  and  had 
obtained  a  promise  from  the  imperial  ministers  that 
he  should  not  be  detained  a  prisoner.  This  had 
been  violated  in  the  manner  ah'eady  related.  The 
unhappy  landgrave  exclaimed  as  loudly  against  his 
son-in-law  as  against  Charles.  The  princes  of 
Ilesse  required  Maurice  to  fulfil  his  engagements 
to  their  father,  who  had  lost  his  liberty  by  trusting 
to  him ;  and  all  Germany  suspected  him  of  having 
betrayed,  to  an  implacable  enemy,  the  friend  whom 
he  was  most  bound  to  protect.  Roused  by  these 
solicitations  or  reproaches,  as  well  as  prompted  by 
duty  and  affection  to  his  father-in-law,  Maurice  had 
employed,  not  only  entreaties,  but  remonstrances,  in 
order  to  procure  his  release.  All  these  Charles  had 
disregarded  ;  and  the  shame  of  having  been  first 
deceived,  and  then  slighted,  by  a  prince  whom  he 
had  served  with  zeal  as  well  as  success,  which  mer- 
ited a  very  different  return,  made  such  a  deep  im- 
pression on  Maurice,  that  he  waited  with  impa- 
tience for  an  opportunity  of  being  revenged. 

The  utmost  caution  as  well  as  the  most  delicate 
address  were  requisite  in  taking  every  step  towards 
this  end;  as  he  had  to  guard,  on  the  one  hand, 
against  giving  a  premature  alarm  to  the  emperor, 
while,  on  the  other,  something  considerable  and  ex- 
plicit was  necessary  to  be  done,  in  order  to  regain 
the  confidence  of  the  Protestant  party.  Maurice 
had  accordingly  applied  all  his  powers  of  art  and 
dissimulation  to  attain  both  these  points.  As  he 
knew  Charles  to  be  inflexible  with  regard  to  the 


l^  REIGN  OF  THE  [Booic  X. 

Bubmission  which  he  required  to  the  Interim,  he 
did  not  hesitate  one  moment  whether  he  should 
establish  that  form  of  doctrine  and  worship  in  his 
dominions;  but  being  sensible  how  odious  it  was 
to  his  subjects,  instead  of  violently  imposing  it  on 
them  by  the  mere  terror  of  authority,  as  had  been 
done  in  other  parts  of  Germany,  ne  endeavored  to 
render  their  obedience  a  voluntary  deed  of  their 
own.  For  this  purpose,  he  had  assembled  the 
clergy  of  his  country  at  Leipsic,  and  had  laid  the 
Interim  before  them,  together  with  the  reasons 
which  made  it  necessary  to  conform  to  it.  He  had 
gained  some  of  them  by  promises,  others  he  had 
wrought  upon  by  threats,  and  all  were  intimidated 
by  the  rigor  with  which  obedience  to  the  Interim 
was  extorted  in  the  neighboring  provinces.  Even 
Melancthon,  whose  merit  of  every  kind  entitled 
him  to  the  first  place  among  the  Protestant  divines, 
being  now  deprived  of  the  manly  counsels  of  Lu- 
ther, which  were  wont  to  inspire  him  with  forti- 
tude, and  to  preserve  him  steady  amidst  the  storms 
and  dangers  that  threatened  the  Church,  was  se- 
duced into  unwarrantable  concessions,  by  the  ti- 
midity of  his  temper,  his  fond  desire  of  peace,  and 
his  excessive  complaisance  towards  persons  of  high 
rank.  By  his  arguments  and  authority,  no  less 
than  by  Maurice's  address,  the  assembly  was  pre- 
vailed on  to  declare,  "  that,  in  points  which  were 
purely  indifferent,  obedience  was  due  to  the  com- 
mands of  a  lawful  superior."  Founding  upon  this 
maxim,  no   less  uncontrovertible   in   theory   than 


1550.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  17 

dangerous  when  carried  into  practice,  especially  in 
religious  matters,  many  of  the  Protestant  ecclesi- 
astics whom  Maurice  consulted  proceeded  to  class 
among  the  number  of  things  indifferent  several 
doctrines  which  Luther  had  pointed  out  as  gross 
and  pernicious  errors  in  the  E-omish  creed ;  and 
placing  in  the  same  rank  many  of  those  rites  which 
distinguished  the  reformed  from  the  popish  wor- 
ship, they  exhorted  their  people  to  comply  with 
the  emperor's  injunctions  concerning  these  par  tic 
ulars.^ 

By  this  dexterous  conduct,  the  introduction  of 
the  Interim  excited  none  of  those  violent  convul- 
sions in  Saxony  which  it  occasioned  in  other  prov- 
inces. But  though  the  Saxons  submitted,  the  more 
zealous  Lutherans  exclaimed  against  Melancthon 
and  his  associates  as  false  brethren,  who  were 
either  so  wicked  as  to  apostatize  from  the  truth 
altogether,  or  so  crafty  as  to  betray  it  by  subtile 
distinctions,  or  so  feeble- spirited  as  to  give  it  up 
^rom  pusillanimity  and  criminal  complaisance  to  a 
prince,  capable  of  sacrificing  to  his  political  inter- 
est that  which  he  himself  regarded  as  most  sacred. 
Maurice,  being  conscious  what  a  color  of  probabil- 
ity his  past  conduct  gave  to  those  accusations,  as 
well  as  afraid  of  losing  entirely  the  confidence  of 
the  Protestants,  issued  a  declaration  containing 
professions  of  his  zealous  attachment  to   the   re- 

'  Sleid.  481,  485.  Jo.  Laur.  Moshemil  Institutionum  Hist.  Ecclesi- 
asticae,  lib.  iv.  Helmst  1 755,  4to,  p.  748.  J".  And.  Schmidii  Hi*toria 
(nterimistica,  p.  70,  &c.  Helmst.  1730. 

▼OL-  in.  3 


18  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

formed  religion,  and  of  his  resolution  to  guard 
against  all  the  errors  or  encroachments  of  the 
papal  see.^ 

Having  gone  so  far  in  order  to  remove  the  fears 
and  jealousies  of  the  Protestants,  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  efface  the  impression  which  such  a  declara- 
tion might  make  upon  the  emperor.  For  that  pur- 
pose, he  not  only  renewed  his  professions  of  an 
inviolable  adherence  to  his  alliance  with  him,  but, 
as  the  city  of  Magdeburg  still  persisted  in  rejecting 
the  Interim,  he  undertook  to  reduce  it  to  obedi- 
ence, and  instantly  set  about  levying  troops  to  be' 
employed  in  that  service.  This  damped  all  the 
hopes  which  the  Protestants  began  to  conceive  of 
Maurice,  in  consequence  of  his  declaration,  and  left 
them  more  than  ever  at  a  loss  to  guess  at  his  real 
intentions.  Their  former  suspicion  and  distrust 
of  him  revived,  and  the  divines  of  Magdeburg  filled 
Germany  with  writings  in  w^hich  they  represented 
him  as  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  the  Protestant 
religion,  who  treacherously  assumed  an  appearance 
of  zeal  for  its  interest,  that  he  might  more  effectu- 
ally execute  his  schemes  for  its  destruction. 

This  charge,  supported  by  the  evidence  of  recent 
facts,  as  well  as  by  his  present  dubious  conduct, 
gained  such  universal  credit,  that  Maurice  was 
obliged  to  take  a  vigorous  step  in  his  own  \  indi- 
cation. As  soon  as  the  reassembling  of  the  coun- 
cil of  Trent  was  proposed  in  the  diet,  his  ambas- 
sadors protested  that  their  master  would   not  ao- 

8  Sleid.  485. 


1550.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  19 

knowledge  its  authority,  unless  all  the  points  which 
had  been  already  decided  there  were  reviewed,  and 
considered  as  still  undetermined ;  unless  the  Prot- 
estant divines  had  a  full  hearing  granted  them, 
and  were  allowed  a  decisive  voice  in  the  council; 
and  unless  the  pope  renounced  his  pretensions  to 
preside  in  the  council,  engaged  to  submit  to  its  de- 
crees, and  to  absolve  the  bishops  from  their  oath  of 
obedience,  that  they  might  deliver  their  sentiments 
with  greater  freedom.  These  demands,  which  were 
higher  than  any  that  the  Reformers  had  ventured 
to  make,  even  when  the  zeal  of  their  party  was 
warmest,  or  their  affairs  most  prosperous,  counter- 
balanced, in  some  degree,  the  impression  which 
Maurice's  preparations  against  Magdeburg  had 
made  upon  the  minds  of  the  Protestants,  and  kept 
them  in  suspense  with  regard  to  his  designs.  At 
the  same  time,  he  had  dexterity  enough  to  rep- 
resent this  part  of  his  conduct  in  such  a  light  to 
the  emperor,  that  it  gave  him  no  offence,  and  oc- 
casioned no  interruption  of  the  strict  confidence 
which  subsisted  between  them.  What  the  pre- 
texts were  which  he  employed,  in  order  to  give 
such  a  bold  declaration  an  innocent  appearance, 
the  contemporary  historians  have  not  explained. 
That  they  imposed  upon  Charles  is  certain,  for 
he  still  continued,  not  only  to  prosecute  his  plan, 
as  well  concerning  the  Interim  as  the  council, 
with  the  same  ardor,  but  to  place  the  same  confi- 
dence in  Maurice  with  regard  to  the  execution  of 
both. 

r  c 


20  EEIGN  OF  THE  fBooK  X. 

The  pope's  resolution  concerning  the  council  not 
being  yet  known  at  Augsburg,  the  chief  business  of 
the  diet  was  to  enforce  the  observation  of  the  Inte- 
rim. As  the  senate  of  Magdeburg,  notwithstanding 
various  endeavors  to  frighten  or  to  soothe  them  into 
compliance,  not  only  persevered  obstinately  in  their 
opposition  to  the  Interim,  but  began  to  strengthen 
the  fortifications  of  their  city,  and  to  levy  troops  in 
their  o^vn  defence,  Charles  required  the  diet  to  assist 
him  in  quelling  this  audacious  rebellion  against  a 
decree  of  the  empire.  Had  the  members  of  the 
diet  been  left  to  act  agreeably  to  their  own  inclina- 
tion, this  demand  would  have  been  rejected  Avithout 
hesitation.  All  the  Germans  who  favored,  in  any 
degree,  the  new  opinions  in  religion,  and  many  who 
were  influenced  by  no  other  consideration  than  jeal- 
ousy of  the  emperor  s  growing  power,  regarded  this 
eflbrt  of  the  citizens  of  Magdeburg  as  a  noble  stand 
for  the  liberties  of  their  country.  Even  such  as 
had  not  resolution  to  exert  the  same  spirit,  admired 
the  gallantry  of  their  enterprise,  and  wished  it  suc- 
cess. But  the  presence  of  the  Spanish  troops,  to- 
gether with  the  dread  of  the  emperor's  displeasure, 
overawed  the  members  of  the  diet  to  such  a  degree, 
that,  without  venturing  to  utter  their  own  senti- 
ments, they  tamely  ratified,  by  their  votes,  whatever 
the  emperor  was  pleased  to  prescribe.  The  rigor- 
ous decrees  which  Charles  had  issued  by  his  own 
authority  against  the  Magdeburghers,  were  con- 
firmed ;  a  resolution  was  taken  to  raise  troops  in 
order  to  besiege  the  city  in  form ;  and  persons  were 


1550.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  21 

named  to  fix  the  contingent  in  men  or  money  to  be 
furnished  by  each  state.  At  the  same  time,  the  diet 
petitioned  that  Maurice  might  be  intrusted  with  the 
command  of  that  army ;  to  Avhich  Charles  gave  his 
consent  with  great  alacrity,  and  with  high  encomi- 
ums upon  the  wisdom  of  the  choice  which  they 
had  made.^  As  Maurice  conducted  all  his  schemes 
with  profound  and  impenetrable  secrecy,  it  is  proba- 
ble that  he  took  no  step  avowedly  in  order  to  obtain 
this  charge.  The  recommendation  of  his  country- 
men was  either  purely  accidental,  or  flowed  from 
the  opinion  generally  entertained  of  his  great  abili- 
ties ;  and  neither  the  diet  had  any  foresight,  nor 
the  emperor  any  dread,  of  the  consequences  which 
followed  upon  this  nomination.  Maurice  accepted, 
without  hesitation,  the  command  to  which  he  was 
recommended,  instantly  discerning  the  important 
advantages  which  he  might  derive  from  having  it 
committed  to  him. 

Meanwhile,  Julius,  in  preparing  the  bull  for  the 
convocation  of  the  council,  observed  all  those  te- 
dious forms  which  the  court  of  Rome  can  artfully 
employ  to  retard  any  disagreeable  measure.  At 
last,  however,  it  was  published,  and  the  council 
was  summoned  to  meet  at  Trent  on  the  first  day  of 
the  ensuing  month  of  May.  As  he  knew  that 
many  of  the  Germans  rejected  or  disputed  the 
*iuthority  and  jurisdiction  which  the  papal  see 
Claims  with  respect  to  general  councils,  he  took 
care,  in  the  preamble  of  the  bull,  to  assert,  in  the 

9  Sleid.  503,  512. 


22  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  X. 

Strongest  terms,  his  own  right,  not  only  to  call  and 
preside  in  that  assembly,  but  to  direct  its  proceed- 
ings ;  nor  would  he  soften  these  expressions,  in 
any  degree,  in  compliance  wdth  the  repeated  solici- 
tations of  the  emperor,  who  foresaw  what  offence 
they  would  give,  and  what  construction  might  be 
put  on  them.  They  were  censured  accordingly 
with  great  severity  by  several  members  of  the  diet ; 
but,  whatever  disgust  or  suspicion  they  excited, 
such  complete  influence  over  all  theu'  deliberations 
had  the  emperor  acquired,  that  he  procured  a  re- 
cess, in  which  the  authority  of  the  council  was 
recognized,  and  declared  to  be  the  proper  remedy 
for  the  evils  w^hich  at  that  time  afflicted  the 
Church ;  all  the  princes  and  states  of  the  empire, 
such  as  had  made  innovations  in  religion,  as  well 
as  those  who  adhered  to  the  system  of  their  fore- 
fathers, w^ere  required  to  send  their  representatives 
to  the  council ;  the  emperor  engaged  to  grant  a 
safe-conduct  to  such  as  demanded  it,  and  to  secure 
them  an  impartial  hearing  in  the  council;  he 
promised  to  fix  his  residence  in  some  city  of  the 
empu-e,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Trent,  that  he 
might  protect  the  members  of  the  council  by  his 
presence,  and  take  care  that,  by  conducting  their 
deliberations  agreeably  to  Scripture  and  the  doc- 
trine of  the  fathers,  they  might  bring  them  to  a 
desirable  issue.  In  this  recess,  the  observation  of 
the  Interim  was  more  strongly  enjoined  than  ever ; 
and  the  emperor  threatened  all  who  had  hitherto 
neglected  or  refused  to  conform  to  it,  with  the 


1551.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  23 

severest  elFects  of  his  vengeance,  if  they  persisted 
in  their  disobedience.^^ 

During  the  meeting  of  this  diet,  a  new  attempt 
was  made  in  order  to  procure  liberty  to  the  land 
grave.  That  prince,  nowise  reconciled  to  his  situa- 
tion by  time,  grew  every  day  more  impatient  of  re- 
straint. Having  often  applied  to  Maurice  and  the 
elector  of  Brandenburg,  who  took  every  occasion 
of  soliciting  the  emperor  in  his  behalf,  though 
without  any  effect,  he  now  commanded  his  sons 
to  summon  them,  with  legal  formality,  to  perform 
what  was  contained  in  the  bond  which  they  had 
granted  him,  by  surrendering  themselves  into  their 
hands  to  be  treated  with  the  same  rigor  as  the  em- 
peror had  used  him.  This  furnished  them  with  a 
fresh  pretext  for  renewing  their  application  to  the 
emperor,  together  with  an  additional  argument  to 
enforce  it.  Charles  firmly  resolved  not  to  grant 
their  request ;  though,  at  the  same  time,  being  ex- 
tremely desirous  to  be  delivered  from  their  inces- 
sant importunity,  he  endeavored  to  prevail  on  the 
landgrave  to  give  up  the  bond  which  he  had  re- 
ceived from  the  two  electors.  But  that  prince  re- 
fusing to  part  with  a  security  which  he  deemed 
essential  to  his  safety,  the  emperor  boldly  cut  the 
knot  which  he  could  not  untie;  and,  by  a  public 
deed,  annulled  the  bond  which  Maurice  and  the 
elector  of  Brandenburg  had  granted,  absolving 
them  from  all  their  engagements  to  the  landgrave. 

10  Sleid.  512.     Thuan.  lib.  vl.   233.     Goldasti   Constlt.  Imperiales, 
vol.  u.  340. 

C2 


24  KEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

No  pretension  to  a  power  so  pernicious  to  society 
as  that  of  abrogating  at  pleasure  the  most  sacred 
laws  of  honor,  and  most  formal  obligations  of  pub- 
lic faith,  had  hitherto  been  formed  by  any  but  the 
Roman  pontiffs,  who,  in  consequence  of  their  claim 
of  supreme  power  on  earth,  arrogate  the  right  oi 
dispensing  with  precepts  and  duties  of  every  kind. 
All  Germany  was  filled  with  astonishment  when 
Charles  assumed  the  same  prerogative.  The  state 
of  subjection  to  which  the  empire  was  reduced  ap- 
peared to  be  more  rigorous,  as  well  as  intolerable, 
than  that  of  the  most  wretched  and  enslaved  na- 
tions, if  the  emperor,  by  an  arbitrary  decree,  might 
cancel  those  solemn  contracts  which  are  the  foun- 
dation of  that  mutual  confidence  whereby  men  are 
held  together  in  social  union.  The  landgrave  him* 
self  now  gave  up  all  hopes  of  recovering  his  liberty 
by  the  emperor's  consent,  and  endeavored  to  pro- 
cure it  by  his  own  address.  But  the  plan  which 
he  had  formed  to  deceive  his  guards  being  dis- 
covered, such  of  his  attendants  as  he  had  gained  to 
favor  his  escape  were  put  to  death,  and  he  was  con- 
fined in  the  citadel  of  Mechlin  more  closely  than 
ever." 

Another  transaction  was  carried  on  during  this 
diet,  with  respect  to  an  affair  more  nearly  interest- 
ing to  the  emperor,  and  which  occasioned  likewise 
a  general  alarm  among  the  princes  of  the  empire. 
Charles,  though  formed  with  talents  which  fitted 
him  for  conceiving  and  conducting  great  designs. 

11  Sleid.  504.     Thuan   lib.  vi.  234,  2o5. 


•551.1  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  25 

was  not  capable,  as  has  been  often  observed,  of  bear- 
ing extraordinary  success.  Its  operation  on  his 
mind  was  so  violent  and  intoxicating,  that  it  ele- 
vated him  beyond  what  was  moderate  or  attainable, 
and  turned  his  whole  attention  to  the  pursuit  of 
vast  but  chimerical  objects.  Such  had  been  the 
effect  of  his  victory  over  the  confederates  of  Smal- 
kalde.  He  did  not  long  rest  satisfied  with  the  sub- 
stantial and  certain  advantages  which  were  the 
result  of  that  event,  but,  despising  these,  as  poor 
or  inconside^^able  fruits  of  such  great  succecs,  he 
aimed  at  nothing  less  than  at  bringing  all  Geimany 
to  an  uniformity  in  religion,  and  at  renderiiig  the 
imperial  power  despotic.  These  were  objects  ex- 
tremely splendid  indeed,  and  alluring  to  an  am- 
bitious mind ;  the  pursuit  of  them,  however,  w^as 
attended  with  manifest  danger,  and  the  hope  of 
attaining  them  very  uncertain.  But  the  steps 
which  he  had  already  taken  towards  them  having 
been  accompanied  with  such  success,  his  imagi- 
nation, warmed  with  contemplating  this  alluring 
object,  overlooked  or  despised  all  remaining  diffi- 
culties. As  he  conceived  the  execution  of  his  plan 
to  be  certain,  he  began  to  be  solicitous  how  he 
might  render  the  possession  of  such  an  important 
acquisition  perpetual  in  his  family,  by  transmitting 
the  German  empire,  together  with  the  kingdoms 
of  Spain,  and  his  dominions  in  Italy  and  the  liOW 
Countries,  to  his  son.  Having  long  revolved  this 
flattering  idea  in  his  mind,  without  communicating 
it  even  to  those  ministers  whom  he  most  trusted, 

TOL.  Ul.  4 


23  REIGN  OF  THE  L^ook  X. 

he  had  called  Philip  out  of  Spain,  in  hopes  that  his 
presence  would  facilitate  the  carrying  forward  the 
scheme 

Great  obstacles,  however,  and  such  as  would 
have  deterred  any  ambition  less  accustomed  to  over- 
come difficulties,  were  to  be  surmounted.  He  had, 
in  the  year  1530,  imprudently  assisted  in  procuring 
his  brotlier  Ferdinand  the  dignity  of  king  of  the 
Romans,  and  there  was  no  probability  that  this 
prince,  who  was  still  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  had 
a  son  grown  up  to  the  years  of  manhood,  would 
relinquish,  in  favor  of  his  nephew,  the  near  pros- 
pect of  the  imperial  throne,  which  Charles's  in- 
firmities and  declining  state  of  health  opened  to 
himself  This  did  not  deter  the  emperor  from  ven- 
turing to  make  the  proposition  ;  and  when  Ferdi- 
nand, notwithstanding  his  profound  reverence  for 
his  brother,  and  obsequious  submission  to  his  will 
in  other  instances,  rejected  it  in  a  peremptory 
tone,  he  was  not  discouraged  by  one  repulse.  He 
renewed  his  applications  to  him  by  his  sister,  Mary, 
queen  of  Hungary,  to  whom  Ferdinand  stood  in- 
debted for  the  crowns  both  of  Hungary  and  Bo- 
hemia, and  who,  by  her  great  abilities,  tempered 
with  extreme  gentleness  of  disposition,  had  ac- 
quired an  extraordinary  influence  over  both  the 
brothers.  She  entered  warmly  into  a  measure 
which  tended  so  manifestly  to  aggrandize  the 
house  of  Austria ;  and,  flattering  herself  that  she 
couid  tempt  Ferdinand  to  renounce  the  reversion- 
ary possession  of  the  imperial  dignity  for  an  iin- 


1551. J  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  2*7 

mediate  establishment,  she  assured  him  that  the 
emperor,  by  way  of  compensation  for  his  giving 
up  his  chance  of  succession,  would  instantly  be- 
stow upon  him  territories  of  very  considerable 
value,  and  pointed  out  in  particular  those  of  the 
duke  of  Wurtemberg,  which  might  be  confiscated 
upon  different  pretexts.  But  neither  by  her  ad- 
dress nor  entreaties  could  she  induce  Ferdinand 
to  approve  of  a  plan,  which  would  not  only  have 
degraded  him  from  the  highest  rank  among  the 
monarchs  of  Europe  to  that  of  a  subordinate  and 
dependent  prince,  but  would  have  involved  both 
him  and  his  posterity  in  perpetual  contests.  He 
was,  at  the  same  time,  more  attached  to  his  chil- 
dren, than,  by  a  rash  concession,  to  frustrate  all 
the  high  hopes,  in  prospect  of  which  they  had  been 
educated. 

Notwithstanding  the  immovable  firmness  which 
Ferdinand  discovered,  the  emperor  did  not  aban- 
don his  scheme.  He  flattered  himself  that  he 
might  attain  the  object  in  view  by  another  channel, 
and  that  it  was  not  impossible  to  prevail  on  the 
electors  to  cancel  their  former  choice  of  Ferdinand, 
or,  at  least,  to  elect  Philip  a  second  king  of  the 
Romans,  substituting  him  as  next  in  succession  to 
his  uncle.  With  this  view,  he  took  Philip  along 
with  him  to  the  diet,  that  the  Germans  might 
have  an  opportunity  to  observe  and  become  ac- 
quainted with  the  prince,  in  behalf  of  whom  he 
courted  their  interest ;  and  he  himself  employed 
all  the  arts  of  address  or  insinuation  to  gain  the 


28  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

electors,  and  to  prepare  them  for  listening  with  a 
favorable  ear  to  the  proposal.  But  no  sooner  did 
he  venture  upon  mentioning  it  to  them,  than  they 
at  once  saw  and  trembled  at  the  consequences  with 
which  it  would  be  attended.  They  had  long  felt 
all  the  inconveniences  of  having  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  empire  a  prince  whose  power  and  dominions 
were  so  extensive:  if  they  should  now  repeat  the 
folly,  and  continue  the  imperial  crown,  like  an 
hereditary  dignity,  in  the  same  family,  they  fore- 
saw that  they  would  give  the  son  an  opportunity 
of  carrying  on  that  system  of  oppression  which  the 
father  had  begun ;  and  would  put  it  in  his  power 
to  overturn  whatever  was  yet  left  entire  in  the  an- 
cient and  venerable  fabric  of  the  German  consti- 
tution. 

The  character  of  the  prince,  in  whose  favor 
this  extraordinary  proposition  was  made,  rendered 
it  still  less  agreeable.  Philip,  though  possessed 
with  an  insatiable  desire  of  power,  was  a  stranger 
to  all  the  arts  of  conciliating  good-will.  Haughty, 
reserved,  and  severe,  he,  instead  of  gaining  new 
friends,  disgusted  the  ancient  and  most  devoted 
partisans  of  the  Austrian  interest.  He  scorned 
to  take  the  trouble  of  acquiring  the  language  of 
the  country  to  the  government  of  which  he  aspired ; 
nor  would  he  condescend  to  pay  the  Germans  the 
compliment  of  accommodating  himself,  during  his 
residence  among  them,  to  their  manners  and  cus- 
toms. He  allowed  the  electors  and  most  illustrious 
princes  in  Germany  to  remain  in  his  presence  un- 


ftsi.]  EMPEROK   CHARLES  THE  FIFTn.  29 

covered,  affecting  a  stately  and  distant  demeanor, 
which  the  greatest  of  the  German  emperors,  and 
even  Charles  himself,  amidst  the  pride  of  power 
and  victory,  had  never  assumed.^^  On  the  other 
hand,  Ferdinand,  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  in 
Germany,  had  studied  to  render  himself  acceptable 
to  the  people  by  a  conformity  to  their  manners, 
which  seemed  to  flow  from  choice ;  and  his  son 
Maximilian,  who  was  born  in  Germany,  possessed, 
in  an  eminent  degree,  such  amiable  qualities  as  ren- 
dered him  the  darling  of  his  countrymen,  and  in- 
duced them  to  look  forward  to  his  election  as  a 
most  desirable  event.  Their  esteem  and  affection 
for  him  fortified  the  resolution  which  sound  policy 
had  suggested,  and  determined  the  Germans  to  pre- 
fer the  popular  virtues  of  Ferdinand  and  his  son,  to 
the  stubborn  austerity  of  Philip,  which  interest 
could  not  soften,  nor  ambition  teach  him  to  dis- 
guise. All  the  electors,  the  ecclesiastical  as  well 
as  secular,  concurred  in  expressing  such  strong 
disapprobation  of  the  measure,  that  Charles,  not- 
withstanding the  reluctance  with  which  he  gave 
up  any  point,  was  obliged  to  drop  the  scheme  as 
impracticable.  By  his  unseasonable  perseverance 
in  pushing  it,  he  had  not  only  filled  the  Germans 
with  new  jealousy  of  his  ambitious  designs,  but 
laid  the  foundation  of  rivalship  and  discord  in  the 
Austrian  family,  and  forced  his  brother  Ferdinand, 
in  self-defence,   to  court  the  electors,  particularly 

^3  Frediraan  Andreas  Zulicli  DIssertatio  PoHtico-Historica  de  Naevis 
politicis  Caroli  V.    Lips.  1 706,  4to,  p.  21. 


30  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  » 

Maurice  of  Saxony,  and  to  form  such  connections 
with  them  as  cut  off  all  prospect  of  renewing 
the  proposal  with  success.  Philip,  soured  by  his 
disappointment,  was  sent  back  to  Spain,  to  be 
called  thence  when  any  new  scheme  of  ambition 
should  render  his  presence  necessary.'^^ 

Having  relinquished  this  plan  of  domestic  am- 
bition, which  had  long  occupied  and  engrossed 
him,  Charles  imagined  that  he  would  now  have 
leisure  to  turn  all  his  attention  towards  his  grand 
scheme  of  establishing  uniformity  of  religion  in 
the  empire,  by  forcing  all  the  contending  parties 
to  acquiesce  in  the  decisions  of  the  council  of 
Trent.  But  such  was  the  extent  of  his  dominions, 
the  variety  of  connections  in  which  this  entangled 
him,  and  the  multiplicity  of  events  to  which  these 
gave  rise,  as  seldom  allowed  him  to  apply  his  whole 
force  to  any  one  object.  The  machine  which  he 
had  to  conduct  was  so  great  and  complicated,  that 
an  unforeseen  irregularity  or  obstruction  in  one  of 
the  inferior  wheels  often  disconcerted  the  motion 
of  the  whole,  and  prevented  his  deriving  from 
them  all  the  beneficial  effects  which  he  expected. 
Such  an  unlooked-for  occurrence  happened  at  this 
juncture,  and  created  new  obstacles  to  the  execu- 
tion of  his  schemes  with  regard  to  religion.  Julius 
HI.,  though  he  had  confirmed  Octavio  Farnese  in 
the  possession  of  the  duchy  of  Parma,  during  the 
first  effusions  of  his  joy  and  gratitude  on  his  pro- 
's Sleid.  505.  Thuan.  180,  238.  Mem.  de  Ribier,  li,  219,  281,  314. 
Adiiani,  Istor.  lib.  vili.  507,  520. 


1651.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  31 

motion  to  the  papal  throne,  soon  began  to  repent 
of  his  own  generosity,  and  to  be  apprehensive  of 
consequences  which  either  he  did  not  foresee,  or 
had  disregarded,  while  the  sense  of  his  obligations 
to  the  family  of  Farnese  was  recent.  The  emper- 
or still  retained  Placentia  in  his  hands,  and  had 
not  relinquished  his  pretensions  to  Parma  as  a  fief 
of  the  empire.  Gonzaga,  the  governor  of  Milan, 
having,  by  the  part  which  he  took  in  the  murder 
of  the  late  duke,  Peter  Ludovico,  offered  an  in- 
sult to  the  family  of  Farnese,  which  he  knevjr 
could  never  be  forgiven,  had,  for  that  reason^ 
avowed  its  destruction,  and  employed  all  the  in- 
fluence which  his  great  abilities,  as  well  as  long 
services,  gave  him  with  the  emperor,  in  persuad- 
ing him  to  seize  Parma  by  force  of  arms.  Charles, 
in  compliance  with  his  solicitations,  and  that  he 
might  gratify  his  own  desire  of  annexing  Parma 
to  the  Milanese,  listened  to  the  proposal ;  and 
Gonzaga,  ready  to  take  encouragement  from  the 
slightest  appearance  of  approbation,  began  to  as- 
semble troops,  and  to  make  other  preparations  for 
the  execution  of  his  scheme. 

Octavio,  who  saw  the  impending  danger,  found 
it  necessary  for  his  own  safety  to  increase  the  garri- 
son of  his  capital,  and  to  levy  soldiers  for  defend- 
ing the  rest  of  the  country.  But  as  the  expense 
of  such  an  effort  far  exceeded  his  scanty  revenues, 
he  represented  his  situation  to  the  pope,  and  im- 
plored that  protection  and  assistance  which  was 
due  to  him  as  a  vassal  of  the  Church.     The  iinpe- 


82  KEIGN  OF  THE  [Boox  X 

rial  minister,  however,  had  ah'eady  preoccupied 
the  pope's  ear;  and,  by  discoursing  continually 
concerning  the  danger  of  giving  offence  to  the  em- 
peror, as  well  as  the  imprudence  of  supporting 
Octavio  in  an  usurpation  so  detrimental  to  the 
holy  see,  had  totally  alienated  him  from  the  family 
of  Farnese.  Octavio' s  remonstrance  and  petition 
met,  of  consequence,  with  a  cold  reception ;  and 
he,  despairing  of  any  assistance  from  Julius,  began 
to  look  round  for  protection  from  some  other  quar- 
ter. Henry  II.  of  France  was  the  only  prince 
powerful  enough  to  afford  him  this  protection, 
and,  fortunately,  he  was  now  in  a  situation  which 
allowed  him  to  grant  it.  He  had  brought  his  trans- 
actions with  the  two  British  kingdoms,  which  had 
hitherto  diverted  his  attention  from  the  affairs  of 
the  continent,  to  such  an  issue  as  he  desired.  This 
he  had  effected  partly  by  the  vigor  of  his  arms, 
partly  by  his  dexterity  in  taking  advantage  of  the 
political  factions  Avhich  raged  in  both  kingdoms 
to  such  a  degree  as  rendered  the  councils  of  the 
Scots  violent  and  precipitate,  and  the  operations 
of  the  English  feeble  and  unsteady.  He  had  pro- 
cured from  the  English  favorable  conditions  of 
peace  for  his  allies  the  Scots ;  he  had  prevailed 
on  the  nobles  of  Scotland,  not  only  to  afhance  their 
young  queen  to  his  son,  the  dauphin,  but  even 
to  send  her  into  France,  that  she  might  be  edu- 
cated under  his  eye ;  and  had  recovered  Boulogne, 
together  with  its  dependencies,  which  had  been 
conquered  by  Henry  VIIL 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  3S 

The  French  king,  having  gained  points  of  so 
much  consequence  to  his  crown,  and  disengaged 
himself  with  such  honor  from  the  burden  of  sup- 
porting the  Scots,  and  maintaining  a  war  against 
England,  was  now  at  full  leisure  to  pursue  the 
measures  which  his  hereditary  jealousy  of  the  em- 
peror's powder  naturally  suggested.  He  listened, 
accordingly,  to  the  first  overtures  which  Octavio 
Farnese  made  him;  and,  embracing  eagerly  an 
opportunity  of  recovering  footing  in  Italy,  he  in- 
stantly concluded  a  treaty,  in  Avhich  he  bound 
himself  to  espouse  his  cause,  and  to  furnish  him 
all  the  assistance  which  he  desired.  This  trans- 
action could  not  long  be  kept  secret  from  the 
pope,  who,  foreseeing  the  calamities  which  must 
follow  if  war  were  rekindled  so  near  the  ecclesi- 
astical state,  immediately  issued  monitory  letters, 
requiring  Octavio  to  relinquish  his  new  alliance. 
Upon  his  refusal  to  comply  with  the  requisition, 
he  soon  after  pronounced  his  fief  to  be  forfeited, 
and  declared  war  against  him  as  a  disobedient 
and  rebellious  vassal.  But,  as  with  his  own  forces 
alone  he  could  not  hope  to  subdue  Octavio  while 
supported  by  such  a  powerful  ally  as  the  king  of 
France,  he  had  recourse  to  the  emperor,  who, 
being  extremely  solicitous  to  prevent  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  French  in  Parma,  ordered  Gonzaga 
to  second  Julius  with  all  his  troops.  Thus  the 
French  took  the  field  as  the  allies  of  Octavio,  the 
imperialists  as  the  protectors  of  the  holy  see,  and 
hostilities  commenced  between  them,  while  Charles 

VOL.  III.  6 


34  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X, 

and  Henry  themselves  still  affected  to  give  out 
that  they  would  adhere  inviolably  to  the  peace  of 
Crespy.  The  war  of  Parma  was  not  distinguished 
by  any  memorable  event.  Many  small  rencoun- 
ters happened,  with  alternate  success ;  the  French 
ravaged  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  territories ;  the 
imperialists  laid  waste  the  Parmesan ;  and  the  lat- 
ter, after  having  begun  to  besiege  Parma  in  form, 
were  obliged  to  abandon  the  enterprise  with  dis- 
grace.^* 

But  the  motions  and  alarm  which  this  war,  or 
the  preparations  for  it,  occasioned  in  Italy,  pre- 
vented most  of  the  Italian  prelates  from  repairing 
to  Trent  on  the  1st  of  May,  the  day  appointed 
for  reassembling  the  council;  and  though  the 
papal  legates  and  nuncios  resorted  thither,  they 
were  obliged  to  adjourn  the  council  to  the  1st  of 
September,  hoping  such  a  number  of  prelates  might 
then  assemble,  that  they  might  with  decency  begin 
their  deliberations.  At  that  time  about  sixty  pre- 
lates, mostly  from  the  ecclesiastical  state,  or  from 
Spain,  together  with  a  few  Germans,  convened.^^ 
The  session  was  opened  with  the  accustomed  for- 
malities, and  the  fathers  were  about  to  proceed  to 
business,  when  the  abbot  of  Bellozane  appeared, 
and,  presenting  letters  of  credence  as  ambassador 
from  the  king  of  France,  demanded  audience. 
Having  obtained  it,  he  protested,  in  Henry's  name, 

14  Adrian!,   Istor.  lib.   viii     505,    514,   524.     Sleid.   513.      Parnfa, 
p.  220.     Lettere  del  Caro  scritte  al  nome  del  Card    Faruose, 
ii.  p.  11,  &c. 

A5  F.  Paul,  268. 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  35 

against  an  assembly  called  at  such  an  improper 
juncture,  when  a  war,  wantonly  kindled  by  the 
pope,  made  it  impossible  for  the  deputies  from 
the  Galilean  Church  to  resort  to  Trent  in  safety, 
or  to  deliberate  concerning  articles  of  faith  and 
discipline  with  the  requisite  tranquillity;  he  de- 
clared, that  his  master  did  not  acknowledge  this 
to  be  a  general  or  oecumenic  council,  but  must 
consider,  and  would  treat  it  as  a  particular  and 
partial  convention.^^  The  legate  affected  to  de- 
spise this  protest ;  and  the  prelates  proceeded,  not- 
withstanding, to  examine  and  decide  the  great 
points  in  controversy  concerning  the  sacrament  of 
the  Lord's  supper,  penance,  and  extreme  unction. 
This  measure  of  the  French  monarch,  however, 
gave  a  deep  wound  to  the  credit  of  the  council, 
at  the  very  commencement  of  its  deliberations. 
The  Germans  could  not  pay  much  regard  to  an 
assembly,  the  authority  of  which  the  second  prince 
in  Christendom  had  formally  disclaimed,  or  feel 
any  great  reverence  for  the  decisions  of  a  few  men, 
who  arrogated  to  themselves  all  the  rights  be- 
longing to  the  representatives  of  the  Church  uni- 
versal, a  title  to  which  they  had  such  poor  pre- 
tensions. 

The  emperor,  nevertheless,  was  straining  his  au- 
thority to  the  utmost,  in  order  to  establish  the 
reputation  and  jurisdiction  of  the  council.  He 
had  prevailed  on  the  three  ecclesiastical  electors, 
the  prelates  of  greatest  power  and  dignity  in  the 

'6  Sleid.  518.     Thaan.  282.     F.  Paul,  301. 

D2 


36  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

Church  next  to  the  pope,  to  repair  thither  in  per- 
son. He  had  obliged  several  German  bishops  of 
inferior  rank  to  go  to  Trent  themselves,  or  to  send 
their  proxies.  He  granted  an  imperial  safe-conduct 
to  the  ambassadors  nominated  by  the  elector  of 
Brandenburg,  the  duke  of  Wurtemburg,  and  other 
Protestants,  to  attend  the  council ;  and  exhorted 
them  to  send  their  divines  thither,  in  order  to  pro- 
pound, explain,  and  defend  their  doctrine.  At  the 
same  time,  his  zeal  anticipated  the  decrees  of  the 
council ;  and,  as  if  the  opinions  of  the  Protestants 
had  already  been  condemned,  he  took  large  steps 
towards  exterminating  them.  With  this  intention^ 
he  called  together  the  ministers  of  Augsburg,  and, 
after  interrogating  them  concerning  several  contro- 
verted points,  enjoined  them  to  teach  nothing  with 
respect  to  these  contrary  to  the  tenets  of  the  Rom- 
ish Church.  Upon  their  declining  to  comply  with 
a  requisition  so  contrary  to  the  dictates  of  their 
consciences,  he  commanded  them  to  leave  the  town 
in  three  days,  without  revealing  to  any  person  the 
cause  of  their  banishment ;  he  prohibited  them  to 
preach  for  the  future  in  any  province  of  the  empire; 
and  obliged  them  to  take  an  oath  that  they  would 
punctually  obey  these  injunctions.  They  were  not 
the  only  victims  to  his  zeal.  The  Protestant  clergy 
in  most  of  the  cities  in  the  circle  of  Swabia  were 
ejected  wath  the  same  violence;  and,  in  many  places, 
such  magistrates  as  had  distinguished  themselves  by 
their  attachment  to  the  new  opinions  were  dismissed 
with  the  most  abrupt  irregularity,  and  their  offices 


1551.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  37 

filled,  in  consequence  of  the  emperor's  arbitrary 
appointment,  with  the  most  bigoted  of  their  adver- 
saries. The  reformed  worship  w^as  almost  entire- 
ly suppressed  throughout  that  extensive  province. 
The  ancient  and  fundamental  privileges  of  the  free 
cities  were  violated.  The  people  were  compelled  to 
attend  the  ministration  of  priests  whom  they  re- 
garded with  horror  as  idolaters ;  and  to  submit  to 
the  jurisdiction  of  magistrates  whom  they  detested 
as  usurpers.-^^ 

The  emperor,  after  this  discovery,  which  was 
more  explicit  than  any  that  he  had  hitherto  made, 
of  his  intention  to  subvert  the  German  constitution, 
as  well  as  to  extirpate  the  Protestant  religion,  set 
out  for  Inspruck  in  the  Tyrol.  He  fixed  his  resi- 
dence in  that  city,  as,  by  its  situation  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Trent,  and  on  the  confines  of  Italy,  it 
appeared  a  commodious  station  whence  he  might 
inspect  the  operations  of  the  council,  and  observe 
the  progress  of  the  war  in  the  Parmesan,  without 
losing  sight  of  such  occurrences  as  might  happen 
in  Germany.^^ 

During  these  transactions,  the  siege  of  Magde- 
burg was  carried  on  with  various  success.  At  the 
time  when  Charles  proscribed  the  citizens  of  Mag- 
deburg, and  put  them  under  the  ban  of  the  empire, 
he  had  exhorted  and  even  enjoined  all  the  neigh- 
boring states  to  take  arms  against  them,  as  rebels 
and  common  enemies.  Encouraged  by  his  exhorta- 
tions as  well  as  promises,  George  of  Mecklenburg,  a 

i7  Sleid.  516,  .V28      Thuan.  27G.  18  sieid.  329. 


38  KEIGN  OF  THE  •  [Book  X. 

younger  brothei  of  the  reigning  duke,  an  active  and 
ambitious  prince,  collected  a  considerable  number 
of  those  soldiers  of  fortune  who  had  accompanied 
Henry  of   Brunswick  in  all  his  wild  enterprises ; 
and,  though  a  zealous  Lutheran   himself,  invaded 
the  territories  of  the  Magdebarghers,  hoping  that, 
by  the  merit  of  this  service,  he  might  procure  some 
part  of  their  domains  to  be  allotted  to  him  as  an 
establishment.     The  citizens,  unaccustomed  as  yet 
to  endure  patiently  the  calamities  of  war,  could  not 
be  restrained  from   sallying  out,  in   order  to   save 
their  lands  from  being  laid  waste.     They  attacked 
the  duke    of   Mecklenburg  with   more   resolution 
than  conduct,  and  were  repulsed  with  great  slaugh- 
ter.    But  as  they  w^ere  animated  with  that  uncon- 
querable spirit  which  flows  from  zeal  for  reUgion, 
co-operating  with  the  love  of  civil  liberty,  far  from 
being  disheartened  by  their  misfortune,  they  pre- 
pared to  defend  themselves  with  vigor.     Many  of 
the  veteran  soldiers  who   had   served  in  the  long 
wars  between  the  emperor  and  the  king  of  France 
crowding  to  their  standards  under  able  and  expe- 
rienced officers,  the  citizens  acquii'ed  military  skill 
by  degrees,  and  added  all  the  advantages  of  that 
to    the  efforts  of  undaunted  courage.     'J'he  duke 
of  Mecklenburg,  notwithstanding  the  se\ere  blow 
A\hich  he  hud  given  the  Magdeburghers,  not  dar- 
mg  to  invest  a  town  strongly  fortified,  and  defended 
by  such  a  garrison,  continued  to  ravage  the  open 
country. 
As  the  hopes  of  booty  drew  many  adventurers  to 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  39 

the  camp  of  this  young  prince,  Maurice  of  Saxon}" 
began  to  be  jealous  of  the  power  which  he  possessed 
by  being  at  the  head  of  such  a  numerous  body,  and, 
marching  towards  Magdeburg  with  his  own  troops, 
assumed  the  supreme  command  of  the  whole  army ; 
an  honor  to  which  his  high  rank  and  great  abili 
ties,  as  well  as  the  nomination  of  the  diet,  gave 
him  an  indisputable  title.  With  this  united  force 
he  invested  the  town,  and  began  the  siege  in  form, 
claiming  great  merit  with  the  emperor  on  that  ac- 
count, as,  from  his  zeal  to  execute  the  imperial  de- 
cree, he  was  exposing  himself  once  more  to  the 
censures  and  maledictions  of  the  party  with  which 
he  agreed  in  religious  sentiments.  But  the  ap- 
proaches to  the  town  went  on  slowly ;  the  garrison 
interrupted  the  besiegers  by  frequent  sallies,  in  one 
of  which  George  of  Mecklenburg  was  taken  pris- 
oner, levelled  part  of  their  works,  and  cut  off  the 
soldiers  in  their  advanced  posts.  While  the  citizens 
of  Magdeburg,  animated  by  the  discourses  of  their 
pastors,  and  the  soldiers,  encouraged  by  the  exam- 
ple of  their  officers,  endured  all  the  hardships  of  a 
siege  without  murmuring,  and  defended  themselves 
with  the  same  ardor  which  they  had  at  first  dis- 
covered, the  troops  of  the  besiegers  acted  with  ex- 
treme remissness,  repining  at  everything  that  they 
suffered  in  a  service  they  disliked.  They  broke 
out,  more  than  once,  into  open  mutiny,  demanding 
the  arrears  of  their  pay,  which,  as  the  members 
of  the  Germanic  body  sent  in  their  contributions 
towards  defraying   the  expenses   of  the  war  spar- 


40  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

ino-ly  and  with  erreat  reluctance,  amounted  to  a 
considerable  sum.^^  Maurice,  too,  had  particular 
motives,  though  such  as  he  durst  not  avow  at  that 
juncture,  which  induced  him  not  to  push  the  siege 
with  vigor,  and  made  him  choose  rather  to  con- 
tinue at  the  head  of  an  army  exposed  to  all  the 
imputations  which  his  dilatory  proceedings  drew 
upon  him,  than  to  precipitate  a  conquest  that  might 
have  brought  him  some  accession  of  reputation,  but 
would  have  rendered  it  necessary  to  disband  his 
forces. 

At  last,  the  inhabitants  of  the  town  beginning  to 
suffer  distress  from  want  of  provisions,  and  Mau- 
rice, finding  it  impossible  to  protract  matters  any 
longer  without  filling  the  emperor  with  such  suspi- 
cions as  might  have  disconcerted  all  his  measures, 
he  concluded  a  treaty  of  capitulation  with  the  city 
upon  the  following  conditions :  That  the  Magde- 
burghers  should  humbly  implore  pardon  of  the 
emperor ;  that  they  should  not  for  the  future  take 
arms,  or  enter  into  any  alliance,  against  the  house 
of  Austria ;  that  they  should  submit  to  the  authori- 
ty of  the  imperial  chamber ;  that  they  should  con- 
form to  the  decree  of  the  diet  at  Augsburg  with 
respect  to  religion  ;  that  the  new  fortifications 
added  to  the  town  should  be  demolished ;  that 
they  should  pay  a  fine  of  fifty  thousand  crowns,  de- 
liver up  twelve  pieces  of  ordnance  to  the  emperor, 
and  set  the  duke  of  Mecklenburg,  together  with 
their  other  prisoners,  at  liberty,  without  ransom. 

19  Thuan.  277.     Sleid.  514. 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  41 

Next  day  their  garrison  marched  out,  and  Maurice 
took  possession  of  the  town  with  great  military 
pomp. 

Before  the  terms  of  capitulation  were  settled, 
Maurice  had  held  many  conferences  with  Albert, 
Count  Mansfeldt,  who  had  the  chief  command  in 
Magdeburg.  He  consulted  likewise  with  Count 
Heideck,  an  officer  who  had  served  with  great  rep- 
utation in  the  army  of  the  league  of  Smalkalde, 
whom  the  emperor  had  proscribed  on  account  of 
his  zeal  for  that  cause,  but  whom  Maurice  had, 
notwithstanding,  secretly  engaged  in  his  service, 
and  admitted  into  the  most  intimate  confidence. 
To  them  he  communicated  a  scheme,  which  he  had 
long  revolved  in  his  mind,  for  procuring  liberty  to 
his  father-in-law  the  landgrave,  for  vindicating  the 
privileges  of  the  Germanic  body,  and  setting  bounds 
to  the  dangerous  encroachments  of  the  imperial 
power.  Having  deliberated  with  them  concerning 
the  measures  which  might  be  necessary  for  secur- 
ing the  success  of  such  an  arduous  enterprise,  he 
gave  Mansfeldt  secret  assurances  that  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Magdeburg  should  not  be  destroyed,  and 
that  the  mhabitants  should  neither  be  disturbed  in 
the  exercise  of  their  religion,  nor  be  deprived  of 
any  of  their  ancient  immunities.  In  order  to  en- 
gage Maurice  more  thoroughly,  from  considerations 
of  interest,  to  fulfil  these  engagements,  the  senate 
of  Magdeburg  elected  him  their  burgrave,  a  dig- 
nity which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  electoral 
house  of  Saxony,  and  which  entitled  him  to  a  very 

VOL.  m.  6 


42  REIGN  OF  THE  jBooK  X 

ample  jurisdiction,  not  only  in  the  city  but  in  its 
dependencies.^ 

Thus  the  citizens  of  Magdeburg,  after  enduring 
a  siege  of  twelve  months,  and  struggling  for  their 
liberties,  religious  and  civil,  with  an  invincible  for- 
titude, worthy  of  the  cause  in  which  it  was  exerted, 
had  at  last  the  good  fortune  to  conclude  a  treaty, 
which  left  them  in  a  better  condition  than  the  rest 
of  their  countrymen,  whom  their  timidity,  or  want 
of  public  spirit,  had  betrayed  into  such  mean  sub- 
missions to  the  emperor.  But  while  a  great  part 
of  Germany  applauded  the  gallant  conduct  of  the 
Magdeburghers,  and  rejoiced  in  their  having  es- 
caped the  destruction  with  w^hich  they  had  been 
threatened,  all  admired  Maurice's  address  in  the 
conduct  of  his  negotiation  with  them,  as  w^ell  as 
the  dexterity  with  which  he  converted  every  event 
to  his  own  advantage.  They  saw  with  amazement, 
that,  after  having  afflicted  the  Magdeburghers  dur- 
ing many  months  with  all  the  calamities  of  war,  he 
was  at  last,  by  their  voluntary  election,  advanced  to 
the  station  of  highest  authority  in  that  city  which 
he  had  so  lately  besieged ;  that,  after  having  been  so 
long  the  object  of  their  satirical  invectives  as  an 
apostate,  and  an  enemy  to  the  religion  which  he 
professed,  they  seemed  now  to  place  unbounded 
confidence  in  his  zeal  and  good-will.^^  At  the  same 
time,  the  public  articles  in  the  treaty  of  capitula- 

20  Sleid.  528.     Thuan.  276.      Obsidionis  Magdeburgicae  Descriptio 
per  Sebast  Bessclmeierum,  ap.  Scard.  ii.  518. 
*  Amoldi  Vita  Maurit.  apud  Menken,  ii.  1227. 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  43 

tion  were  so  perfectly  conformable  to  those  which 
the  emperor  had  granted  to  the  other  Protestant 
cities,  and  Maurice  took  such  care  to  magnify  his 
merit  in  having  reduced  a  place  which  had  de- 
fended itself  with  so  much  obstinacy,  that  Charles, 
far  from  suspecting  anything  fraudulent  or  collu- 
sive in  the  terms  of  accommodation,  ratified  them 
without  hesitation,  and  absolved  the  Magdeburgh- 
ers  from  the  sentence  of  ban  which  had  been  de- 
nounced against  them. 

The  only  point  that  now  remained  to  embar- 
rass Maurice  was  how  to  keep  together  the  veteran 
troops  which  had  served  under  him,  as  well  as 
those  which  had  been  employed  in  the  defence  of 
the  town.  For  this,  too,  he  found  an  expedient 
with  singular  art  and  felicity.  His  schemes  against 
the  emperor  were  not  yet  so  fully  ripened  that  he 
durst  venture  to  disclose  them,  and  proceed  openly 
to  carry  them  into  execution.  The  winter  was  ap 
preaching,  which  made  it  impossible  to  take  the 
field  immediately.  He  was  afraid  that  it  would 
give  a  premature  alarm  to  the  emperor,  if  he  should 
retain  such  a  considerable  body  in  his  pay  until  the 
season  of  action  returned  in  the  spring.  As  soon, 
then,  as  Magdeburg  opened  its  gates,  he  sent  home 
his  Saxon  subjects,  whom  he  could  command  to 
take  arms  and  reassemble  on  the  shortest  warning ; 
and,  at  the  same  time,  paying  part  of  the  arrears 
due  to  the  mercenary  troops  who  had  followed  his 
standard,  as  well  as  to  the  soldiers  who  had  served 
in  the  garrison,  he  absolved  them  from  their  respeo 


44  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

tive  oaths  of  fidelity,  and  disbanded  them.  But  the 
moment  he  gave  them  their  discharge,  George  of 
Mecklenburg,  who  ^yas  now  set  at  liberty,  offered 
to  take  them  into  his  service,  and  to  become  surety 
for  the  payment  of  what  was  still  owing  to  them. 
As  such  adventurers  were  accustomed  often  to 
change  masters,  they  instantly  accepted  the  offer. 
Thus,  these  troops  were  kept  united,  and  ready  to 
march  wherever  Maurice  should  call  them  ;  -v^hile 
the  emperor,  deceived  by  this  artifice,  and  imagin- 
ing that  George  of  Mecklenburg  had  hired  them 
with  an  intention  to  assert  his  claim  to  a  part  of 
his  brother's  territories  by  force  of  arms,  suffered 
this  transaction  to  pass  without  observation,  as  if  it 
had  been  a  matter  of  no  consequence.^ 

Having  ventured  to  take  these  steps,  which  were 
of  so  much  consequence  towards  the  execution  of 
his  schemes,  Maurice,  that  he  might  divert  the  em- 
peror from  observing  their  tendency  too  narrowly, 
and  prevent  the  suspicions  which  that  must  have 
excited,  saw  the  necessity  of  employing  some  new 
artifice  in  order  to  engage  his  attention,  and  to  con- 
firm him  in  his  present  security.  As  he  knew  that 
the  chief  object  of  the  emperor's  solicitude  at  this 
juncture  was  how  he  might  prevail  with  the  Prot- 
estant states  of  Germany  to  recognize  the  author- 
ity of  the  council  of  Trent,  and  to  send  thither 
ambassadors  in  their  own  name,  as  well  as  deputies 
from  their  respective  churches,  he  took  hold  of  this 

23  Thuan.    278.     Struv.    Corp.    Hist    Germ.    1064.     Arnoldi   Vita 
Maiiritii,  apud  Menken,  il  1227. 


1551.1  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  45 

predominating  passion  in  order  to  amuse  and  to 
deceive  him.  He  affected  a  wonderful  zeal  to 
gratify  Charles  in  what  he  desired  with  regard  to 
this  matter;  he  nominated  ambassadors,  whom  fie 
empowered  to  attend  the  council ;  he  made  choice 
of  Melancthon  and  some  of  the  most  eminent 
among  his  brethren  to  prepare  a  confession  of  faith, 
and  to  lay  it  before  that  assembly.  After  his  ex- 
ample, and  probably  in  consequence  of  his  soli- 
citations, the  duke  of  Wurtemberg,  the  city  of 
Strasburg,  and  other  Protestant  states,  appointed 
ambassadors  and  divines  to  attend  the  council. 
They  all  applied  to  the  emperor  for  his  safe-con- 
duct, which  they  obtained  in  the  most  ample  form. 
This  was  deemed  sufficient  for  the  security  of  the 
ambassadors ;  and  they  proceeded  accordingly  on 
their  journey ;  but  a  separate  safe-conduct  from 
the  council  itself  was  demanded  for  the  Protes- 
tant divines.  The  fate  of  John  Huss  and  Jerome 
of  Prague,  whom  the  council  of  Constance,  in  the 
preceding  century,  had  condemned  to  the  flames 
without  regarding  the  imperial  safe-conduct  which 
had  been  granted  them,  rendered  this  precaution 
prudent  and  necessary.  But  as  the  pope  was  no 
less  unwilling  that  the  Protestants  should  be  ad- 
mitted to  a  hearing  in  the  council,  than  the  em- 
peror had  been  eager  in  bringing  them  to  demand 
it,  the  legate,  by  promises  and  threats,  prevailed  on 
the  fathers  of  the  council  to  decline  issuing  a  safe- 
conduct  in  the  same  form  with  that  which  the 
council  of  Basil  had  granted  to  the  followers  of 


40  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

Huss.  The  Protestants,  on  their  part,  insisted 
upon  the  counciFs  copying  the  precise  words  of 
that  instrument.  The  imperial  ambassadors  inter- 
posed, in  order  to  obtain  what  would  satisfy  them. 
Alterations  in  the  form  of  the  writ  were  proposed  ; 
expedients  were  suggested ;  protests  and  counter- 
protests  were  taken:  the  legate,  together  with  his 
associates,  labored  to  gain  their  point  hy  artifice 
and  chicane ;  the  Protestants  adhered  to  theirs  with 
firmness  and  obstinacy.  An  account  of  everything 
that  passed  in  Trent  was  transmitted  to  the  em- 
peror at  Inspruck,  who,  attempting,  from  an  excess 
of  zeal,  or  confidence  in  his  own  address,  to  recon- 
cile the  contending  parties,  was  involved  in  a  laby- 
rinth of  inextricable  negotiations.  By  means  of 
this,  however,  Maurice  gained  all  that  he  had  in 
view;  the  emperor's  time  was  wholly  engrossed, 
and  his  attention  diverted ;  while  he  himself  had 
leisure  to  mature  his  schemes,  to  carry  on  his 
intrigues,  and  to  finish  his  preparations,  before  he 
threw  ofi"  the  mask,  and  struck  the  blow  which  he 
had  so  long  meditated.^ 

But,  previous  to  entering  into  any  further  detail 
concerning  Maurice's  operations,  some  account  must 
be  given  of  a  new  revolution  in  Hungary,  which 
contributed  not  a  little  towards  their  producmg 
such  extraordinary  efi"ects.  AVhen  Solyman,  in  the 
year  1541,  by  a  stratagem,  which  suited  the  base 
and  insidious  policy  of  a  petty  usurper,  rather  than 
the  magnanimity  of  a  mighty  conqueror,  deprived 

«  Sleid.  526,  529.     F.  Paul.  323,  338.     Tbuan.  286. 


I551J  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  47 

the  young  king  of  Hungary  of  the  dominions 
which  his  father  had  left  him,  he  had  granted 
that  unfortunate  prince  the  country  of  Transylva^ 
nia,  a  province  of  his  paternal  kingdom.  The 
government  of  this,  together  with  the  care  of 
educating  the  young  king,  —  for  he  still  allowed 
him  to  retain  that  title,  though  he  had  rendered  it 
only  an  empty  name,  —  he  committed  to  the  queen 
and  Martinuzzi,  bishop  of  Waradin,  whom  the  late 
king  had  appointed  joint  guardians  of  his  son,  and 
regents  of  his  dominions,  at  a  time  when  these 
offices  were  of  greater  importance.  This  co-ordi- 
nate jurisdiction  occasioned  the  same  dissensions  in 
a  small  principality  as  it  would  have  excited  in  a 
great  kingdom  ;  an  ambitious  young  queen,  pos- 
sessed with  a  high  opinion  of  her  own  capacity 
for  governing,  and  a  high-spirited  prelate,  fond  of 
power,  contending  Avho  should  engross  the  greatest 
share  in  the  administration.  Each  had  their  parti- 
sans among  the  nobles ;  but  as  Martinuzzi,  by  his 
great  talents,  began  to  acquire  the  ascendant,  Isa- 
bella turned  his  own  arts  against  him,  and  courted 
the  protection  of  the  Turks. 

The  neighboring  bashas,  jealous  of  the  bishop's 
power  as  well  as  abilities,  readily  promised  her  the 
aid  which  she  demanded,  and  would  soon  have 
obliged  Martinuzzi  to  have  given  up  to  her  the 
sole  direction  of  affairs,  if  his  ambition,  fertile  in 
expedients,  had  not  suggested  to  him  a  new  meas- 
ure, and  one  that  tended,  not  only  to  preserve,  but  to 
enlarge  his  authority.     Having  concluded  an  agree- 

E2 


4:6  EEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

ment  with  the  queen,  by  the  mediation  of  some  of 
the  nobles  who  were  solicitous  to  save  their  coun- 
try from  the  calamities  of  a  civil  war,  he  secretly 
despatched  one  of  his  confidants  to  Vienna,  and 
entered  into  a  negotiation  with  Ferdinand.  As 
it  was  no  difficult  matter  to  persuade  Ferdinand, 
that  the  same  man  whose  enmity  and  intrigues 
had  driven  him  out  of  a  great  part  of  his  Hunga- 
rian dominions  might,  upon  a  reconciliation,  be- 
come equally  instrumental  in  recovering  them,  he 
listened  eagerly  to  the  first  overtures  of  a  union 
with  that  prelate.  Martinuzzi  allured  him  by  such 
prospects  of  advantage,  and  engaged,  with  so  much 
confidence,  that  he  Avould  prevail  on  the  most  pow- 
erful of  the  Hungarian  nobles  to  take  arms  in  his 
favor,  that  Ferdinand,  notwithstanding  his  truce 
w^ith  Solyman,  n  greed  to  invade  Transylvania. 
The  command  of  the  troops  destined  for  that  ser- 
vice, consisting  of  veteran  Spanish  and  German 
soldiers,  was  given  to  Castalda,  Marquis  de  Pia- 
dena,  an  officer  formed  by  the  famous  Marquis  de 
Pescara,  whom  he  strongly  resembled,  both  in  his 
enterprising  genius  for  civil  business,  and  in  his 
great  knowledge  in  the  art  of  war.  This  army, 
more  formidable  by  the  discipline  of  the  soldiers, 
and  the  abilities  of  the  general,  than  by  its  num- 
bers, was  powerfully  seconded  by  Martinuzzi  and 
his  faction  among  the  Hungarians.  As  the  Turk- 
ish bashas,  the  sultan  himself  being  at  the  head  of 
his  a^'my  on  the  frontiers  of  Persia,  could  not  afford 
the  queen  such  immediate  or  effectual  assistance  as 


1551.1  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  49 

the  exigency  of  her  affairs  required,  she  quickly 
lost  all  hopes  of  being  able  to  retain  any  longer 
the  authority  which  she  possessed  as  regent,  and 
oven  began  to  despair  of  her  son's  safety. 

Martinuzzi  did  not  suffer  this  favorable  oppor- 
tunity of  accomplishing  his  own  designs  to  pass 
unimproved,  and  ventured,  while  she  was  in  this 
state  of  dejection,  to  lay  before  her  a  proposal, 
which,  at  any  other  time,  she  would  have  rejected 
with  disdain.  He  represented  how  impossible  it 
was  for  her  to  resist  Ferdinand's  victorious  arms ; 
that,  even  if  the  Turks  should  enable  her  to  make 
head  against  them,  she  would  be  far  from  changing 
her  condition  to  the  better,  and  could  not  consider 
them  as  deliverers,  but  as  masters,  to  whose  com- 
mands she  must  submit ;  he  conjured  her,  there- 
fore, as  she  regarded  her  own  dignity,  the  safety 
of  her  son,  or  the  security  of  Christendom,  rather 
to  give  up  Transylvania  to  Ferdinand,  and  to  make 
over  to  him  her  son's  title  to  the  crown  of  Hun- 
gary, than  to  allow  both  to  be  usurped  by  the 
inveterate  enemy  of  the  Christian  faith.  At  the 
same  time  he  promised  her,  in  Ferdinand's  name, 
a  compensation  for  herself,  as  well  as  for  her  son, 
suitable  to  their  rank  and  proportional  to  the  vahie 
of  what  they  were  to  sacrifice.  Isabella,  deserted 
by  some  of  her  adherents,  distrusting  others,  des- 
titute of  friends,  and  surrounded  by  Castaldo's  and 
Martinuzzi's  troops,  subscribed  these  hard  condi- 
tions, though  with  a  reluctant  hand.  Upon  this, 
she  surrendered   such  places  of   strength  as   v\tjre 

VOL.  m.  7 


60  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

still  in  her  possession,  she  gave  up  all  the  ensigns 
of  royalty,  particularly  a  crown  of  gold,  which, 
as  the  Hungarians  believed,  had  descended  from 
heaven,  and  conferred  on  him  who  wore  it  an  un- 
doubted right  to  the  throne.  As  she  could  not 
bear  to  remain  a  private  person,  in  a  country  where 
she  had  once  enjoyed  sovereign  power,  she  instantly 
set  out  with  her  son  for  Silesia,  in  order  to  take 
possession  of  the  principalities  of  Oppelen  and  Ra- 
tibor,  the  investiture  of  which  Ferdinand  had  en- 
gaged to  grant  her  son,  and  likewise  to  bestow  one 
of  his  daughters  upon  him  in  marriage. 

Upon  the  resignation  of  the  young  king,  ^larti- 
nuzzi,  and,  after  his  example,  the  rest  of  the  Tran- 
sylvanian  grandees,  swore  allegiance  to  Ferdinand ; 
who,  in  order  to  testify  his  grateful  sense  of  the 
zeal  as  well  as  success  with  which  that  prelate  had 
served  him,  affected  to  distinguish  him  by  every 
possible  mark  of  favor  and  confidence.  He  ap- 
pointed him  governor  of  Transylvania,  with  almost 
unlimited  authority;  he  publicly  ordered  Castaldo 
to  pay  the  greatest  deference  to  his  opinion  and 
commands  ;  he  increased  his  revenues,  which  were 
already  very  great,  by  new  appointments  ;  he  nom- 
inated him  archbishop  of  Gran,  and  prevailed  on 
the  pope  to  raise  him  to  the  dignity  of  a  cardinal. 
All  this  ostentation  of  good-^^ill,  however,  was  void 
of  sincerity,  and  calculated  to  conceal  sentiments 
the  most  perfectly  its  reverse.  Ferdinand  dreaded 
Martinuzzi's  abilities  ;  distrusted  his  fidelity ;  and 
foresaw,  that,   as   his   extensive  authority  enabled 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  51 

him  to  clieck  any  attempt  towards  circumscribing 
or  abolishing  the  extensive  privileges  which  tlie 
Hungarian  nobility  possessed,  he  would  stand  forth, 
on  every  occasion,  the  guardian  of  the  liberties  of 
liis  country,  rather  than  act  the  part  of  a  viceroy 
devoted  to  the  will  of  his  sovereign. 

For  this  reason,  he  secretly  gave  it  in  charge  to 
Castaldo,  to  watch  his  motions,  to  guard  against 
his  designs,  and  to  thwart  his  measures.  But  Mar- 
tinuzzi,  either  because  he  did  not  perceive  that  Cas- 
taldo was  placed  as  a  spy  on  his  actions,  or  because 
he  despised  Ferdinand's  insidious  arts,  assumed  the 
direction  of  the  war  against  the  Turks  with  his 
usual  tone  of  authority,  and  conducted  it  vnth  great 
magnanimity,  and  no  less  success.  He  recovered 
some  places  of  which  the  infidels  had  taken  posses- 
sion ;  he  rendered  their  attempts  to  reduce  others 
abortive ;  and  established  Ferdinand's  authority,  not 
only  in  Transylvania,  but  in  the  Bannat  of  Temes- 
war,  and  several  of  the  countries  adjacent.  In  car- 
rying on  these  operations,  he  often  differed  in  senti- 
ments from  Castaldo  and  his  officers,  and  treated 
the  Turkish  prisoners  with  a  degree,  not  only  of 
humanity,  but  even  of  generosity,  which  Castaldo 
loudly  condemned.  This  was  represented  at  Vien- 
na as  an  artful  method  of  courting  the  friendship  of 
the  infidels,  that,  by  securing  their  protection,  he 
might  shake  off  all  dependence  upon  the  sovereign 
whom  he  now  acknowledged.  Though  Martinuzzi, 
\n  justification  of  his  own  conduct,  contended  that 
it  was  impolitic  by  unnecessary  severities  to  exas- 


52  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

perate  an  enemy  prone  to  revenge,  Castaldo's  accu- 
sations gained  credit  with  Ferdinand,  prepossessed 
already  against  Martinuzzi,  and  jealous  of  every- 
thing that  could  endanger  his  own  authority  in 
Hungary,  in  proportion  as  he  knew  it  to  be  preca- 
rious and  ill-established.  These  suspicions  Castal- 
do  confirmed  and  strengthened,  by  the  intelligence 
which  he  transmitted  continually  to  his  confidants 
at  Vienna.  By  misrepresenting  what  was  innocent, 
and  putting  the  worst  construction  on  what  seemed 
dubious  in  Martinuzzi's  conduct ;  by  imputing  to 
him  designs  which  he  never  formed,  and  charging 
him  with  actions  of  which  he  was  not  guilty,  he 
at  last  convinced  Ferdinand,  that,  in  order  to  pre- 
serve his  Hungarian  crown,  he  must  cut  ofi"  that 
ambitious  prelate.  But  Ferdinand,  foreseeing  that 
it  would  be  dangerous  to  proceed  in  the  regular 
course  of  law  against  a  subject  of  such  exorbitant 
power  as  might  enable  him  to  set  his  sovereign  at 
defiance,  determined  to  employ  violence,  in  order  to 
obtain  that  satisfaction  which  the  laws  were  too 
feeble  to  afford  him. 

He  issued  his  orders  accordingly  to  Castaldo,  who 
willingly  undertook  that  infamous  service.  Ha\ing 
communicated  the  design  to  some  Italian  and  Span- 
ish officers  whom  he  could  trust,  and  concerted  with 
them  the  plan  of  executing  it,  they  entered  Marti- 
nuzzi's apartment,  early  one  morning,  under  pre- 
tence of  presenting  to  him  some  despatches  which 
were  to  be  sent  off  immediately  to  Vienna ;  and 
while  he  perused  a  paper  with  attention^  one  ol 


I651.J  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  53 

their  number  struck  him  with  his  poniard  in  the 
throat.  The  blow  was  not  mortal.  Martinuzzi 
started  up  with  the  intrepidity  natural  to  him,  and, 
grappling  the  assassin,  threw  him  to  the  ground. 
But  the  other  conspirators  rushing  in,  an  old  man, 
unarmed  and  alone,  was  unable  long  to  sustain  such 
an  unequal  conflict,  and  sunk  under  the  wounds 
which  he  received  from  so  many  hands.  The  Tran- 
sylvanians  were  restrained,  by  dread  of  the  foreign 
troops  stationed  in  their  country,  from  rising  in 
arms,  in  order  to  take  vengeance  on  the  murderers 
of  a  prelate  who  had  long  been  the  object  of  their 
love  as  well  as  veneration.  They  spoke  of  the  deed, 
however,  with  horror  and  execration ;  and  exclaimed 
against  Ferdinand,  whom  neither  gratitude  for  re- 
cent and  important  services,  nor  reverence  for  a 
character  considered  as  sacred  and  inviolable  amonsr 
Christians,  could  restrain  from  shedding  the  blood 
of  a  man,  whose  only  crime  was  attachment  to  his 
native  country.  The  nobles,  detesting  the  jealous 
as  well  as  cruel  policy  of  a  court,  which,  upon  un- 
certain and  improbable  surmises,  had  given  up  a 
person,  no  less  conspicuous  for  his  merit  than  his 
rank,  to  be  butchered  by  assassins,  either  retired 
to  their  own  estates,  or,  if  they  continued  with 
the  Austrian  army,  grew  cold  to  the  service.  The 
Turks,  encouraged  by  the  death  of  an  enemy,  whose 
abilities  they  knew  and  dreaded,  prepared  to  renew 
Hostilities  early  in  the  spring ;  and,  instead  of  the 
security  which  Ferdinand  had  expected  from  the 
removal  of  Martinuzzi,  it  was  evident  that  his  terri- 


54  REIGN  OF  TITE  [Book  X. 

tories  in  Hungary  were  about  to  be  attacked  with 
greater  vigor,  and  defended  with  less  zeal,  than 
ever.^^ 

By  this  time,  Maurice,  having  almost  finished  his 
intrigues  and  preparations,  was  on  the  point  of  de- 
claring his  intentions  openly,  and  of  taking  the 
field  against  the  emperor.  His  first  care,  after  he 
came  to  this  resolution,  was  to  disclaim  that  nar- 
row and  bigoted  maxim  of  the  confederates  of  Smal- 
kalde,  which  had  led  them  to  shun  all  connection 
with  foreigners.  He  had  observed  how  fatal  this 
had  been  to  their  cause ;  and,  instructed  by  their 
error,  he  was  as  eager  to  court  the  protection  of 
Henry  II.  as  they  had  been  solicitous  to  prevent 
the  interposition  of  Francis  I.  Happily  for  him, 
he  found  Henry  in  a  disposition  to  listen  to  the 
first  overture  on  his  part,  and  in  a  situation  which 
enabled  him  to  bring  the  whole  force  of  the  French 
monarchy  into  action.  Henry  had  long  observed 
the  progress  of  the  emperor's  arms  with  jealousy, 
and  wished  to  distinguish  himself  by  entering  the 
lists  against  the  same  enemy,  whom  it  had  been  the 
glory  of  his  father's  reign  to  oppose.  He  had  laid 
hold  on  the  first  opportunity  in  his  power  of  thwart- 
ing the  emperor's  designs,  by  taking  the  duke  of 
Parma  under  his  protection  ;  and  hostilities  were 
already  begun,  not  only  in  that  duchy,  but  in  Pied- 
mont.    Having  terminated  the  war  with  England 

'^*  Sleid.  535.  Tliuan.  lib,  ix.  300,  &c.  Tstuanhaffii  Hist.  Regn. 
Hunfrarici,  lib.  xvi.  189,  &c.  Mem.  dw  Ribier,  ii.  871.  Natalis  Comi- 
lis  llistorla,  lib .  iv.  84,  &c. 


1551.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  55 

by  a  peace  no  less  advantageous  to  himself  than 
honorable  for  his  allies  the  Scots,  the  restless  and 
enterprising  courage  of  his  nobles  was  impatient  to 
display  itself  on  some  theatre  of  action  more  con- 
spicuous than  the  petty  operations  in  Parma  oi 
Piedmont  afforded  them. 

John  de  Fienne,  bishop  of  Bayonne,  whom  Henry 
had  sent  into  Germany,  under  pretence  of  hiring 
troops  to  be  employed  in  Italy,  was  empowered  to 
conclude  a  treaty  in  form  with  Maurice  and  his 
associates.  As  it  would  have  been  very  indecent  in 
a  king  of  France  to  have  undertaken  the  defence  of 
the  Protestant  Church,  the  interests  of  religion, 
how  much  soever  they  might  be  aifected  by  the 
treaty,  were  not  once  mentioned  in  any  of  the 
articles.  Keligious  concerns  they  pretended  to 
commit  entirely  to  the  disposition  of  Divine  Provi- 
dence ;  the  only  motives  assigned  for  their  present 
confederacy  against  Charles,  were  to  procure  the 
landgrave  liberty,  and  to  prevent  the  subversion  of 
the  ancient  constitution  and  laws  of  the  German 
empire.  In  order  to  accomplish  these  ends,  it  was 
agreed  that  all  the  contracting  parties  should,  at 
the  same  time,  declare  war  against  the  emperor; 
that  neither  peace  nor  truce  should  be  made  but  by 
common  consent,  nor  without  including  each  of  the 
confederates ;  that  in  order  to  guard  against  the 
inconveniences  of  anarchy,  or  of  pretensions  to  joint 
command,  Maurice  should  be  acknowledged  as  head 
of  the  German  confederates,  with  absolute  authority 
in  all  military  aftairs;  that  Maurice  and  his  asso- 
7  F 


66  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

dates  should  bring  into  the  field  seven  thousand 
horse,  with  a  proportional  number  of  infantry ;  that 
towards  the  subsistence  of  this  army,  during  the 
first  three  months  of  the  war,  Henry  should  con- 
tribute two  hundred  and  forty  thousand  crowns, 
and  afterwards  sixty  thousand  crowns  a  month,  as 
long  as  they  continued  in  arms  ;  that  Henry  should 
attack  the  emperor  on  the  side  of  Lorrain  with  a 
powerful  army ;  that  if  it  were  found  requisite  to 
elect  a  new  emperor,  such  a  person  shall  be  nomi- 
nated as  shall  be  agreeable  to  the  king  of  France.^ 
This  treaty  was  concluded  on  the  5  th  of  October, 
some  time  before  Magdeburg  surrendered,  and  the 
preparatory  negotiations  were  concluded  with  such 
profound  secrecy,  that,  of  all  the  princes  who  after- 
wards acceded  to  it,  Maurice  communicated  what 
he  was  carrying  on  to  two  only,  John  Albert,  the 
reigning  duke  of  Mecklenburg,  and  William  of 
Hesse,  the  landgrave's  eldest  son.  The  league 
itself  was  no  less  anxiously  concealed,  and  with 
such  fortunate  care  that  no  rumor  concerning  it 
reached  the  ears  of  the  emperor  or  his  ministers ; 
nor  do  they  seem  to  have  conceived  the  most  distant 
suspicion  of  such  a  transaction. 

At  the  same  time,  with  a  solicitude  which  was 
careful  to  draw  some  accession  of  strength  from 
every  quarter,  Maurice  applied  to  Edward  VI.  of 
England,  and  requested  a  subsidy  of  four  hundred 
thousand  crowns  for  the  support  of  a  confederacy 
formed  in  defence  of  the  Protestant  religion.     But 

85  Recueil  des  Trait^s,  torn.  ii.  258.     Thuan.  lib.  viii.  279 


1551.]  EMPEROH  CHARLES  THE  FIETH.  57 

the  factions  which  prevailed  in  the  English  court 
during  the  minority  of  that  prince,  and  which  de- 
prived both  the  councils  and  arms  of  the  nation  of 
their  wonted  vigor,  left  the  English  ministers  nei- 
ther time  nor  inclination  to  attend  to  foreign  affairs, 
and  prevented  Maurice's  obtaining  that  aid,  which 
their  zeal  for  the  Reformation  would  have  prompt- 
ed them  to  grant  him.^^ 

Maurice,  however,  having  secured  the  protection 
of  such  a  powerful  monarch  as  Henry  II.,  proceed- 
ed with  great  confidence,  but  with  equal  caution,  to 
execute  his  plan.  As  he  judged  it  necessary  to 
make  one  effort  more,  in  order  to  obtain  the  emper- 
or's consent  that  the  landgrave  should  be  set  at  lib- 
erty, he  sent  a  solemn  embassy,  in  his  own  name, 
and  in  that  of  the  elector  of  Brandenburg,  to  In- 
spruck.  After  resuming,  at  great  length,  all  the 
facts  and  arguments  upon  which  they  founded  their 
claim,  and  representing,  in  the  strongest  terms,  the 
peculiar  engagements  which  bound  them  to  be  so 
assiduous  in  their  solicitations,  they  renewed  the 
request  in  behalf  of  the  unfortunate  prisoner,  which 
they  had  so  often  preferred  in  vain.  The  elector 
palatine,  the  duke  of  Wurtemberg,  the  dukes  of 
Mecklenburg,  the  duke  of  Deuxponts,  the  marquis 
of  Brandenburg  Bareith,  and  the  marquis  of  Baden, 
by  their  ambassadors,  concurred  with  them  in  their 
suit.  Letters  were  likewise  delivered  to  the  same 
effect  from  the  king  of  Denmark,  the  duke  of  Ba- 
varia, and   the  dukes  of  Lunenburg.      Even   the 

26  Burnet's  Hist,  of  the  Reform,  vol.  ii.  Append.  37. 
voi.  III.  8 


68  REIGN  OF  THE  |Book  X. 

king  of  the  Romans  joined  in  this  application,  be- 
ing moved  with  compassion  towards  the  landgrave 
in  his  wretched  situation,  or  influenced,  perhaps,  by 
a  secret  jealousy  of  his  brother's  power  and  designs, 
which,  since  his  attempt  to  alter  the  order  of  suc- 
cession in  the  empire,  he  had  come  to  view  with 
other  eyes  than  formerly,  and  dreaded  to  a  great 
degree. 

But  Charles,  constant  to  his  own  system  with  re- 
gard to  the  landgrave,  eluded  a  demand  urged  by 
such  powerful  intercessors ;  and  having  declared 
that  he  would  communicate  his  resolution  concern- 
ing the  matter  to  Maurice  as  soon  as  he  arrived  at 
Inspruck,  where  he  was  every  day  expected,  he  did 
not  deign  to  descend  into  any  more  particular  expli- 
cation of  his  intentions.^'  This  application,  though 
of  no  benefit  to  the  landgrave,  was  of  great  advan- 
tage to  Maurice.  It  served  to  justify  his  subse- 
quent proceedings,  and  to  demonstrate  the  necessity 
of  employing  arms  in  order  to  extort  that  equitable 
concession,  which  his  mediation  or  entreaty  could 
not  obtain.  It  was  of  use,  too,  to  confirm  the  em- 
peror in  his  security,  as  both  the  solemnity  of  the 
application,  and  the  solicitude  with  which  so  many 
princes  were  drawn  in  to  enforce  it,  led  him  to  con- 
clude that  they  placed  all  their  hopes  of  restoring 
the  landgrave  to  liberty  in  gaining  his  consent  to 
dismiss  him. 

Maurice  employed  artifices  still  more  refined  tc 
conceal  his  machinations,  to  amuse  the  emperort 

27  Sleid.  in.     Thuau.  lib.  viii.  280. 


652.1  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  59 

and  to  gain  time.  He  affected  to  be  more  solicit* 
ous  than  ever  to  find  out  some  expedient  for  re- 
moving the  difficulties  with  regard  to  the  safe-con- 
duct for  the  Protestant  divines  appointed  to  attend 
the  council,  so  that  they  might  repair  thither  with- 
out any  apprehension  of  danger.  His  ambassadors 
at  Trent  had  frequent  conferences  concerning  this 
matter  with  the  imperial  ambassadors  in  that  city, 
and  laid  open  their  sentiments  to  them  with  the 
appearance  of  the  most  unreserved  confidence.  He 
was  willing  at  last  to  have  it  believed  that  he 
thought  all  differences  with  respect  to  this  prelimi- 
nary article  were  on  the  point  of  being  adjusted ; 
and,  in  order  to  give  credit  to  this  opinion,  he  com- 
manded Melancthon,  together  with  his  brethren,  to 
set  out  on  their  journey  to  Trent.  At  the  same 
time,  he  held  a  close  correspondence  with  the  im- 
perial court  at  Inspruck,  and  renewed,  on  every  oc- 
casion, his  professions,  not  only  of  fidelity,  but  of 
attache  ent  to  the  emperor.  He  talked  continually 
of  his  'ntention  of  going  to  Inspruck  in  person ;  he 
gave  o  'ders  to  hire  a  house  for  him  in  that  city, 
and  to  fit  it  up  with  the  greatest  despatch  for  his 
reception.^^ 

Bu';  profoundly  skilled  as  Maurice  was  in  the 
arts  of  deceit,  and  impenetrable  as  he  thought  the 
veil  to  be  under  which  he  concealed  his  designs, 
there  were  several  things  in  his  conduct  which 
alaimed  the  emperor  amidst  his  security,  and  tempt- 
ea  him  frequently  to  suspect  that  he  was  meditating 

38  Arnold!  Vita  Maurlt.  ap.  Menkin.  ii.  1229. 

F2 


GO  REIGN  OF   THE  jBooK  X. 

something  extraordinary.  As  these  suspicions  took 
their  rise  from  circumstances  inconsiderable  in 
themselves*  or  of  an  ambiguous  as  well  as  uncer- 
tain nature,  they  weve  more  than  counterbalanced 
by  Maurice's  address ;  and  the  emperor  would  not 
lightly  give  up  his  confidence  in  a  man  whom  he 
had  once  trusted  and  loaded  with  favors.  One  par- 
ticular alone  seemed  to  be  of  such  consequence, 
that  he  thought  it  necessary  to  demand  an  explana- 
tion with  regard  to  it.  The  troops,  which  George 
of  Mecklenburg  had  taken  into  pay  after  the  capit- 
ulation of  Magdeburg,  havmg  fixed  their  quarters 
in  Thuringia,  lived  at  discretion  on  the  lands  of 
the  rich  ecclesiastics  in  their  neighborhood.  Their 
license  and  rapaciousness  were  intolerable.  Such 
as  felt  or  dreaded  their  exactions  complained  loudly 
to  the  emperor,  and  represented  them  as  a  body  of 
men  kept  in  readiness  for  some  desperate  enterprise. 
But  Maurice,  partly  by  extenuating  the  enormities 
of  which  they  had  been  guilty,  partly  by  represent- 
ing the  impossibility  of  disbanding  these  troops,  or 
of  keeping  them  to  regular  discipline,  unless  the 
arrears  still  due  to  them  by  the  emperor  were  paid, 
either  removed  the  apprehensions  which  this  had 
occasioned,  or,  as  Charles  was  not  in  a  condition  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  these  soldiers,  obliged  him 
to  be  silent  with  regard  to  the  matter.^ 

The  time  of  action  was  now  approaching.  Mau- 
rice had  privately  despatched  Albert  of  Branden- 
burg to  Paris,  in  order  to  confirm  his  league  with 

^9  Sleid.  549.     Thuan.  339- 


1 552. J  EMPEROR  CmVRLES  THE  FIFTH.  61 

Henry,  and  to  hasten  the  march  of  the  French 
army.  He  had  taken  measures  to  brmg  his  own 
subjects  together  on  the  first  summons;  he  had  pro- 
vided for  the  security  of  Saxony  while  he  should 
be  absent  with  the  ai'my;  and  he  held  the  troops 
in  Thuringia,  on  which  he  chiefly  depended,  ready 
to  advance  on  a  moment's  warning.  All  these 
complicated  operations  were  carried  on  without  be- 
ing discovered  by  the  court  at  Inspruck,  and  the 
emperor  remained  there  in  perfect  tranquillity,  bus- 
ied entirely  in  counteracting  the  intrigues  of  the 
pope's  legate  at  Trent,  and  in  settling  the  condi 
tions  on  which  the  Protestant  divines  should  be 
admitted  into  the  council,  as  if  there  had  not  been 
any  transaction  of  greater  moment  in  agitation. 

This  credulous  security  in  a  prince,  Avho,  by  his 
sagacity  in  observing  the  conduct  of  all  around  him, 
was  commonly  led  to  an  excess  of  distrust,  may 
seem  unaccountable,  and  has  been  imputed  to  in- 
fatuation. But,  besides  the  exquisite  address  with 
which  Maurice  concealed  his  intentions,  two  cir- 
cumstances contributed  to  the  delusion.  The  gout 
had  returned  upon  Charles  soon  after  his  arrival  at 
Inspruck,  with  an  increase  of  violence  ;  and  his 
constitution  being  broken  by  such  frequent  attacks, 
he  was  seldom  able  to  exert  his  natural  visfor  of 
mind,  or  to  consider  affairs  with  his  usual  vigilance 
and  penetration ;  and  Granvelle,  bishop  of  Arras, 
his  prime  minister,  though  one  of  the  most  subtle 
statesmen  of  that  or  perhaps  of  any  age,  was  on 
this  occasion  the  dupe  of 'his  own  craft.     He  en- 


62  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

tertamed  such  a  high  opinion  of  his  own  abiHties, 
and  held  the  political  talents  of  the  Germans  in 
such  contempt,  that  he  despised  all  the  intimations 
given  him  concerning  Maurice's  secret  machina- 
tions, or  the  dangerous  designs  which  he  was  car- 
rying on.  When  the  duke  of  Alva,  whose  dark, 
suspicious  mind  harbored  many  doubts  concerning 
the  elector's  sincerity,  proposed  calling  him  imme- 
diately to  court  to  answer  for  his  conduct,  Gran- 
velle  replied,  with  great  scorn,  that  these  apprehen- 
sions were  groundless,  and  that  a  drunken  German 
head  was  too  gross  to  form  any  scheme  which  he 
could  not  easily  penetrate  and  baffle.  Nor  did 
he  assume  this  peremptory  tone  merely  from  con- 
fidence in  his  own  discernment :  he  had  bribed  two 
of  Maurice's  ministers,  and  received  from  them  fre- 
quent and  minute  information  concerning  all  their 
master's  motions.  But  through  this  very  channel, 
by  which  he  expected  to  gain  access  to  all  Mau- 
rice's counsels,  and  even  to  his  thoughts,  such  in- 
telligence was  conveyed  to  him  as  completed  his 
deception.  Maurice  fortunately  discovered  the  cor- 
respondence of  the  two  traitors  with  Granville,  but, 
instead  of  punishing  them  for  their  crime,  he  dex- 
terously availed  himself  of  their  fraud,  and  turned 
his  own  arts  against  the  bishop.  He  affected  to 
treat  these  ministers  with  greater  confidence  than 
ever ;  he  admitted  them  to  his  consultations  ;  he 
seemed  to  lay  open  his  heart  to  them  ;  and  taking 
care  all  the  while  to  let  them  be  acquainted  with 
nothing  but  what  it  was  his  interest  should    be 


•552.]  EMPEROll  CHARLES    THE  FIFTH.  63 

known,  they  transmitted  to  Inspruck  such  accounts 
as  possessed  Granvelle  with  a  *iirin  belief  of  his 
sincerity  as  well  as  good  intentions.^^  The  em- 
peror himself,  in  the  fulness  of  security,  was  so 
little  moved  by  a  memorial,  in  the  name  of  the 
ecclesiastical  electors,  admonishing  him  to  be  on 
his  guard  against  Maurice,  that  he  made  light  of 
this  intelligence ;  and  his  answer  to  them  abounds 
with  declarations  of  his  entire  and  confident  reli- 
ance on  the  fidelity  as  well  as  attachment  of  that 
prince.^^ 

At  last  Maurice's  preparations  were  completed, 
and  he  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  that  his  in- 
trigues and  designs  were  still  unknown.  But, 
though  now  ready  to  take  the  field,  he  did  not 
lay  aside  the  arts  which  he  had  hitherto  employed ; 
and  by  one  piece  of  craft  more,  he  deceived  his  ene- 
mies a  few  days  longer.  He  gave  out,  that  he  was 
about  to  begin  that  journey  to  Inspruck  of  which 
he  hstd  so  often  talked,  and  he  took  one  of  the 
ministers  whom  Granvelle  had  bribed,  to  attend 
him  thither.  After  travelling  post  a  few  stages,  he 
pretended  to  be  indisposed  by  the  fatigue  of  the 
journey,  and,  despatching  the  suspected  minister  to 
make  his  apology  to  the  emperor  for  this  delay, 
and  to  assure  him  that  he  would  be  at  Inspruck 
within  a  few  days,  he  mounted  on  horseback,  as 
soon  as  this  spy  on  his  actions  was  gone,  rode 
full  speed  towards  Thuringia,  joined  his  army, 
which    amounted    to    twenty    thousand    foot    and 

30  Melvil's  Memoirs,  fol.  edit.  p.  12.  3i  sieid.  6S5 


64  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

five   thousand   horse,   and   put   it  immediately  in 
motion.^ 

At  the  same  time  he  published  a  manifesto,  con- 
taining his  reasons  for  taking  arms.  These  were 
three  in  number :  that  he  might  secure  the  Prot- 
estant religion,  which  was  threatened  with  imme- 
diate destruction ;  that  he  might  maintain  the  con- 
stitution and  laws  of  the  empire,  and  save  Ger- 
many from  being  subjected  to  the  dominion  of  an 
absolute  monarch  ;  that  he  might  deliver  the  land- 
grave of  Hesse  from  the  miseries  of  a  long  and 
unjust  imprisonment.  By  the  first,  he  roused  all 
the  favorers  of  the  Reformation,  a  party  formidable 
by  their  zeal  as  well  as  numbers,  and  rendered  des- 
perate by  oppression.  By  the  second,  he  interested 
all  the  friends  of  liberty.  Catholics  no  less  than 
Protestants,  and  made  it  their  interest  to  unite  with 
him  in  asserting  the  rights  and  privileges  common 
to  both.  The  third,  besides  the  glory  which  he 
acquired  by  his  zeal  to  fulfil  his  engagements  to 
the  unhappy  prisoner,  was  become  a  cause  of  gen- 
eral concern,  not  only  from  the  compassion  which 
the  landgrave's  sufterings  excited,  but  from  indig- 
nation at  the  injustice  and  rigor  of  the  emperor's 
proceedings  against  him.  Together  with  Maurice's 
manifesto,  another  appeared  in  the  name  of  Albert, 
marquis  of  Brandenburg  Culmbach,  who  had  joined 

32  Melv.  Mem.  p.  13.  These  circumstances  concerning  the  Saxon 
ministers  whom  Granvelle  had  bribed,  are  not  mentioned  by  the 
German  historians ;  but  as  Sir  James  Melvil  received  his  information 
from  the  elector  palatine,  and  as  they  are  perfectly  agreeable  to  the  rest 
of  Maurice's  conduct,  they  may  be  considered  as  authentic. 


1552.J  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  65 

him  with  a  body  of  adventurers  whom  he  had 
drawn  together.  The  same  grievances  which  Mau- 
rice had  pointed  out  are  mentioned  in  it,  but  with 
an  excess  of  virulence  and  animosity  suitable  to 
the  character  of  the  prince  in  whose  name  it  was 
published. 

The  king  of  France  added  to  these  a  manifesto 
in  his  own  name ;  in  which,  after  taking  notice 
of  the  ancient  alliance  between  the  French  and 
German  nations,  both  descended  from  the  same 
ancestors,  and  after  mentioning  the  applications 
which,  in  consequence  of  this,  some  of  the  most 
illustrious  among  the  German  princes  had  made  to 
him  for  his  protection,  he  declared  that  he  now 
took  arms  to  re-establish  the  ancient  constitution 
of  the  empire,  to  deliver  some  of  its  princes  from 
captivity,  and  to  secure  the  privileges  and  indepen- 
dence of  all  the  members  of  the  Germanic  body. 
In  this  manifesto,  Henry  assumed  the  extraordinary 
title  of  protector  of  the  liberties  of  Germany^  and 
of  its  captive  princes  ;  and  there  was  engraved  on 
it  a  cap,  the  ancient  symbol  of  freedom,  placed  be- 
tween two  daggers,  in  order  to  intimate  to  the  Ger- 
mans, that  this  blessing  was  to  be  acquired  and 
secured  by  force  of  arms.^ 

Maurice  had  now  to  act  a  part  entirely  new,  but 
his  flexible  genius  was  capable  of  accommodating 
itself  to  every  situation.  The  moment  he  took 
arms,  he  was  as  bold  and  enterprising  in  the  field 
as  he  had  been  cautious  and  crafty  in  the  cabinet 

33  Sleid   549.     Thuan.  lib.  x.  339.     Mem.  de  Ribier,  ii.  371. 

VOL.    III.  9 


f^3  REIGN  OF  TIIE  [Book  X 

He  advanced  by  rapid  marches  towards  Upper-  Ger- 
many. All  the  towns  in  his  way  opened  their  gates 
to  him.  He  reinstated  the  magistrates  whom  the 
emperor  had  deposed,  and  gave  possession  of  the 
churches  to  the  Protestant  ministers  whom  he  had 
ejected.  He  directed  his  march  to  Augsburg,  and 
as  the  imperial  garrison,  which  was  too  inconsider- 
able to  think  of  defending  it,  retired  immediately, 
he  took  possession  of  that  great  city,  and  made  the 
same  changes  there  as  in  the  towns  through  which 
he  had  passed.^ 

No  w^ords  can  express  the  emperor's  astonish- 
ment and  consternation  at  events  so  unexpected. 
He  saw  a  great  number  of  the  German  princes  in 
arms  against  him,  and  the  rest  either  ready  to  join 
them  or  wishing  success  to  their  enterprise.  He 
beheld  a  pow^eiful  monarch  united  with  them  in 
close  league,  seconding  their  operations  in  person, 
at  the  head  of  a  formidable  army,  while  he,  through 
negligence  and  credulity,  which  exposed  him  no 
less  to  scorn  than  to  danger,  had  neither  made, 
nor  was  in  condition  to  make,  any  effectual  pro- 
vision, either  for  crushing  his  rebellious  subjects,  or 
resisting  the  invasion  of  the  foreign  enemy.  Part 
of  his  Spanish  troops  had  been  ordered  into  H  m- 
gary  against  the  Turks ;  the  rest  had  marched 
back  to  Italy,  upon  occasion  of  the  w^ar  in  the 
duchy  of  Parma.  The  bands  of  veteran  Germans 
had  been  dismissed,  because  he  was  not  able  to 
pay    them,   or  had  entered  into  Maurice's  service 

3*  Sleid.  555.     Thuaa.  342. 


1552.^  EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  67 

after  the  siege  of  Magdeburg ;  and  he  remained  at 
Iiispruck  with  a  body  of  soldiers  hardly  strong 
enough  to  guard  his  own  person.  His  treasury 
was  as  much  exhausted  as  his  army  was  reduced 
He  had  received  no  remittances  for  some  time  from 
tlie  New  World.  He  had  forfeited  all  credit  with 
the  merchants  of  Genoa  and  Venice,  who  refused 
to  lend  him  money,  though  tempted  by  the  offer 
of  exorbitant  interest.  Thus  Charles,  though 
undoubtedly  the  most  considerable  potentate  in 
Christendom,  and  capable  of  exerting  the  greatest 
strength,  his  power,  notwithstanding  the  violent 
attack  made  upon  it,  being  still  unimpaired,  found 
himself  in  a  situation  which  rendered  him  unable 
to  make  such  a  sudden  and  vigorous  effort  as  the 
juncture  required,  and  was  necessary  to  have  saved 
him  from  the  present  danger. 

In  this  situation,  the  emperor  placed  all  his 
hopes  on  negotiating;  the  only  resource  of  such 
as  are  conscious  of  their  own  weakness.  But 
thinking  it  inconsistent  with  his  dignity  to  make 
the  first  advances  to  subjects  who  were  in  arms 
against  him,  he  avoided  that  indecorum  by  em- 
ploying the  mediation  of  his  brother  Ferdinand. 
Maurice,  confiding  in  his  own  talents  to  conduct 
any  negotiation  in  such  a  manner  as  to  derive 
advantage  from  it,  and  hoping  that,  by  the  appear- 
ance of  facility  in  hearkening  to  the  first  overture 
of  accommodation,  he  might  amuse  the  emperor, 
and  tempt  him  to  slacken  the  activity  with  which 
he  was  now  preparing  to   defend  himself,  readily 


f>S  KEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

agreed  to  an  interview  with  Ferdinand,  iii  the 
to^Mi  of  Lmtz  in  Austria;  and,  having  left  his 
army  to  proceed  on  its  march  under  the  command 
of  the  duke  of  Mecklenburg,  he  repaired  thither. 

Meanwhile,  the  king  of  France  punctually  ful- 
filled his  engagements  to  his  allies.  He  took  the 
field  early,  with  a  numerous  and  well-appointed 
army,  and,  marching  directly  into  Lorrain,  Toul 
and  Yerdun  opened  their  gates  at  his  approach. 
His  forces  appeared  next  before  Metz,  and  that 
city,  by  a  fraudulent  stratagem  of  the  Constable 
Montmorency,  who,  having  obtained  permission  to 
pass  through  it  with  a  small  guard,  introduced  as 
many  troops  as  were  sufficient  to  overpower  the 
garrison,  w^as  likewise  seized  without  bloodshed. 
Henry  made  his  entry  into  all  these  towns  with 
great  pomp ;  he  obliged  the  inhabitants  to  swear 
allegiance  to  him,  and  annexed  those  important 
conquests  to  the  French  monarchy.  He  left  a 
strong  garrison  in  Metz.  From  thence  he  ad- 
vanced towards  Alsace,  in  order  to  attempt  new 
conquests,  to  which  the  success  that  had  hitherto 
attended  his  arms  invited  him.^ 

The  conference  at  Lintz  did  not  produce  any  ac- 
commodation. Maurice,  when  he  consented  to  it, 
seems  to  have  had  nothing  in  view  but  to  amuse 
the  emperor;  for  he  made  such  demands,  both  in 
behalf  of  his  confederates  and  their  ally,  the 
French  king,  as  he  knew  would  not  be  accepted 
by  a  prince    too  haughty    to    submit,  at  once,  to 

»  Thuan.  349. 


1552.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  69 

conditions  dictated  by  an  enemy.  But,  however 
firmly  Maurice  adhered  during  the  negotiation  to 
the  interests  of  his  associates,  or  how  steadily  so- 
ever he  kept  in  view  the  objects  which  had  in- 
duced him  to  take  arms,  he  often  professed  a  strong 
inclination  to  terminate  the  differences  with  the 
emperor  in. an  amicable  manner.  Encouraged  by 
this  appearance  of  a  pacific  disposition,  Ferdinand 
proposed  a  second  interview  at  Passau  on  the 
26th  of  May,  and  that  a  truce  should  commence 
on  that  day,  and  continue  to  the  10th  of  June,  in 
order  to  give  them  leisure  for  adjusting  all  the 
points  in  dispute. 

Upon  this,  Maurice  rejoined  his  army  on  the 
9th  of  May,  which  had  noAv  advanced  to  Gundel- 
fingen.  He  put  his  troops  in  motion  next  morn- 
ing; and  as  sixteen  days  yet  remained  for  action 
before  the  commencement  of  the  truce,  he  resolved, 
during  that  period,  to  venture  upon  an  enterprise, 
the  success  of  which  would  be  so  decisive  as  to 
render  the  negotiations  at  Passau  extremely  short, 
and  entitle  him  to  treat  upon  his  own  terms. 
He  foresaw  that  the  prospect  of  a  cessation  of 
arms,  which  was  to  take  place  so  soon,  together 
with  the  opinion  of  his  earnestness  to  re-establish 
peace,  with  which  he  had  artfully  amused  Ferdi- 
nand, could  hardly  fail  of  inspiring  the  emperoi 
with  such  false  hopes,  that  he  would  naturally 
become  remiss,  and  relapse  into  some  degree  of 
that  security  which  had  already  been  so  fatal  to 
him.     Eelying  on  this  conjecture,  he  marched  di- 


70  HEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

rectly  at  the  head  of  his  army  towards  Inspruck, 
and  advanced  with  the  most  rapid  motion  that 
could  be  given  to  so  great  a  body  of  troops. 
On  the  18th  he  arrived  at  Fiessen,  a  post  of 
great  consequence,  at  the  entrance  into  the  Ty- 
rolese.  There  he  found  a  body  of  eight  hundred 
men,  whom  the  emperor  had  assembled,  strongly 
intrenched,  in  order  to  oppose  his  progress.  He 
attacked  them  instantly,  with  such  violence  and 
impetuosity,  that  they  abandoned  their  lines  pre- 
cipitately, and,  falling  back  on  a  second  body  posted 
near  Ruten,  communicated  the  panic  terror  with 
which  they  themselves  had  been  seized,  to  those 
troops ;  so  that  they  likewise  took  to  flight,  after 
a  feeble  resistance. 

Elated  with  this  success,  which  exceeded  his 
most  sanguine  hopes,  Maurice  pressed  forward  to 
Ehrenberg,  a  castle  situated  on  a  high  and  steep 
precipice,  which  commanded  the  only  pass  through 
the  mountains.  As  this  fort  had  been  surrendered 
to  the  Protestants  at  the  beginning  of  the  Smal- 
kaldic  war,  because  the  garrison  was  then  too 
weak  to  defend  it,  the  emperor,  sensible  of  its 
importance,  had  taken  care,  at  this  juncture,  to 
throw  into  it  a  body  of  troops  sufficient  to  maintain 
it  against  the  greatest  army.  But  a  shepherd,  in 
pursuing  a  goat  which  had  strayed  from  his  flock, 
having  discovered  an  unknown  path  by  which  it 
was  possible  to  ascend  to  the  top  of  the  rock,  came 
with  this  seasonable  piece  of  intelligence  to  Mau- 
rice.    A  small  band  of  chosen  soldiers,  under  the 


1552.:  EMPEROE  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  11 

command  of  George  of  Mecklenburg,  was  instanily 
ordered  to  follow  this  guide.  They  set  out  in  the 
evening,  and,  clambering  up  the  rugged  track  with 
infinite  fatigue  as  well  as  danger,  they  reached 
the  summit  unperceived;  and  at  an  hour  which 
had  been  agreed  on,  when  Maurice  began  the 
assault  on  the  one  side  of  the  castle,  they  ap- 
peared on  the  other,  ready  to  scale  the  walls, 
which  were  feeble  in  that  place,  because  it  had 
been  hitherto  deemed  inaccessible.  The  garrison, 
struck  with  terror  at  the  sight  of  an  enemy  on 
a  quarter  where  they  had  thought  themselves  per- 
fectly secure,  immediately  threw  down  their  arms. 
Maurice,  almost  without  bloodshed,  and,  which 
was  of  greater  consequence  to  him,  without  loss 
of  time,  took  possession  of  a  place,  the  reduction 
of  which  might  have  retarded  him  long,  and  have 
required  the  utmost  efforts  of  his  valor  and  skill.^^ 

Maurice  was  now  only  two  days'  march  from  In- 
spruck ;  and,  without  losing  a  moment,  he  or 
dered  his  infantry  to  advance  thither,  having  left 
his  cavalry,  which  was  unserviceable  in  that  moun- 
tainous country,  at  Fiessen,  to  guard  the  mouth 
of  the  pass.  He  proposed  to  advance  with  such 
rapidity  as  to  anticipate  any  accounts  of  the  loss 
of  Ehrenberg,  and  to  surprise  the  emperor,  together 
with  his  attendants,  in  an  open  town  incapable  of 
defence.  But  just  as  his  troops  began  to  move, 
a  battalion  of  mercenaries  mutinied,  declaring  that 
they  would   not   stir  until   they  had  received  the 

36  Arnold!  Vita  Maurit.  123. 

G2 


72  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

gratuity,  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  that 
age,  they  claimed  as  the  recompense  due  to  them 
for  havmg  taken  a  place  by  assault.  It  was  with 
great  difficulty,  as  w^ell  as  danger,  and  not  w^ith- 
out  some  considerable  loss  of  time,  that  Maurice 
quieted  this  insurrection,  and  prevailed  on  the 
soldiers  to  follow  him  to  a  place  where  he  prom- 
ised them  such  rich  booty  as  would  be  an  ample 
reward  for  all  their  services. 

To  the  delay  occasioned  by  this  unforeseen  ac- 
cident, the  emperor  owed  his  safety.  He  was 
informed  of  the  approaching  danger  late  in  the 
evening,  and,  knowing  that  nothing  could  save  him 
but  a  speedy  flight,  he  instantly  left  Inspruck, 
without  regarding  the  darkness  of  the  night,  or 
the  violence  of  the  rain  which  happened  to  fall 
at  that  time ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  debility 
occasioned  by  the  gout,  which  rendered  him  unable 
to  bear  any  motion  but  that  of  a  litter,  he  travelled 
by  the  light  of  torches,  taking  his  way  over  the 
Alps  by  roads  almost  impassable.  His  courtiers 
and  attendants  followed  him  with  equal  precipita- 
tion, some  of  them  on  such  horses  as  they  could 
hastily  procure,  many  of  them  on  foot,  and  all  in 
the  utmost  confusion.  In  this  miserable  plight, 
very  unlike  the  pomp  with  which  Chailes  had 
appeared  during  the  five  preceding  years  as  the 
conqueror  of  Germany,  he  arrived  at  length  with 
his  dejected  train  at  Villach  in  Carinthia,  and 
scarcely  thought  himself  secure  even  in  that  re- 
mote, inaccessible  corner. 


1652.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE    FIFTH.  73 

Maurice  entered  Inspruck  a  few  hours  after  the 
emperor  and  his  attendants  had  left  it ;  and  enraged 
that  the  prey  should  escape  out  of  his  hands  when 
he  was  just  ready  to  seize  it,  he  pursued  them  some 
miles ;  but  finding  it  impossible  to  overtake  persons 
to  whom  their  fear  gave  speed,  he  returned  to  the 
town,  and  abandoned  all  the  emperor's  baggage,  to- 
gether with  that  of  his  ministers,  to  be  plundered  by 
the  soldiers  ;  while  he  preserved  untouched  every- 
thing belonging  to  the  king  of  the  Romans,  either 
because  he  had  formed  some  friendly  connection 
with  that  prince,  or  because  he  wished  to  have  it 
helieved  that  such  a  connection  subsisted  between 
them.  As  there  now  remained  only  three  days  to 
the  commencement  of  the  truce,  (with  such  nicety 
had  Maurice  calculated  his  operations,)  he  set  out 
for  Passau,  that  he  might  meet  Ferdinand  on  the 
day  appointed. 

Before  Charles  left  Inspruck,  he  Avithdrew  the 
guards  placed  on  the  degraded  elector  of  Saxony, 
whom,  during  five  years,  he  had  carried  about  with 
him  as  a  prisoner ;  and  set  him  entirely  at  liberty, 
either  with  an  intention  to  embarrass  Maurice  by 
letting  loose  a  rival  who  might  dispute  his  title  to 
his  dominions  and  dignity,  or  from  a  sense  of  the 
indecency  of  detaining  him  a  prisoner,  while  he 
himself  ran  the  risk  of  being  deprived  of  his  own 
liberty.  But  that  prince,  seeing  no  other  way  of 
escaping  than  that  which  the  emperor  took,  and 
abhorring  the  thoughts  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
a  kinsman  whom  he  justly  considered  as  the  author 

VOL.  m.  10 


74  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  X. 

of  all  his  misfortunes,  chose  rather  to  accompany 
Charles  in.  his  flight,  and  to  expect  the  final  de- 
cision of  his  fate  from  the  treaty  which  was  now 
approaching. 

These  were  not  the  only  effects  which  Maurice's 
operations  produced.  It  was  no  sooner  known  at 
Trent  that  he  had  taken  arms,  than  a  general  con- 
sternation seized  the  fathers  of  the  council.  The 
German  prelates  immediately  returned  home,  that 
they  might  provide  for  the  safety  of  their  respective 
territories.  The  rest  were  extremely  impatient  to 
be  gone ;  and  the  legate,  who  had  hitherto  disap- 
pointed all  the  endeavors  of  the  imperial  ambassa- 
dors to  procure  an  audience  in  the  council  for  the 
Protestant  divines,  laid  hold  with  joy  on  such  a 
plausible  pretext  for  dismissing  an  assembly  which 
he  had  found  it  so  difficult  to  govern.  In  a  con- 
gregation held  on  the  28th  of  April,  a  decree  was 
issued  proroguing  the  council  during  two  years, 
and  appointing  it  to  meet  at  the  expiration  of  that 
time,  if  peace  were  then  re-established  in  Europe.^^ 
This  prorogation,  however,  continued  no  less  than 
ten  years ;  and  the  proceedings  of  the  council,  when 
reassembled  in  the  year  1562,  fall  not  within  the 
period  prescribed  to  this  history. 

The  convocation  of  this  assembly  had  been  pas- 
sionately desired  by  all  the  states  and  princes  in 
Christendom,  who,  from  the  wisdom  as  well  as 
piety  of  prelates  representing  the  whole  body  of 
the  faithful,  expected  some   charitable  and  effica- 

37  F.  Paul,  353. 


1552.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  75 

cious  endeavors  towards  composing  the  dissensions 
which  unhappily  had  arisen  in  the  Church.  Bur 
the  several  popes  by  whose  authority  it  was  called 
had  other  objects  in  view.  They  exerted  all  their 
power  or  policy  to  attain  these ;  and  by  the  abili- 
ties as  well  as  address  of  their  legates,  by  the  igno- 
rance of  many  of  the  prelates,  and  by  the  servility  of 
the  indigent  Italian  bishops,  acquired  such  influ- 
ence in  the  council,  that  they  dictated  all  its  de- 
crees, and  framed  them,  not  with  an  intention  to 
restore  unity  and  concord  to  the  Church,  but  to 
establish  their  own  dominion,  or  to  confirm  those 
tenets  upon  which  they  imagined  that  dominion  to 
be  founded.  Doctrines,  which  had  hitherto  been 
admitted  upon  the  credit  of  tradition  alone,  and  re- 
ceived with  some  latitude  of  interpretation,  were 
defined  with  a  scrupulous  nicety,  and  confirmed  by 
the  sanction  of  authority.  Elites,  which  had  for- 
merly been  observed  only  in  deference  to  custom 
supposed  to  be  ancient,  were  established  by  the 
decrees  of  the  Church,  and  declared  to  be  essentiell 
parts  of  its  worship.  The  breach,  instead  of  be- 
ing closed,  was  widened,  and  made  irreparable.  In 
place  of  any  attempt  to  reconcile  the  contending 
parties,  a  line  was  drawn  with  such  studied  accu- 
racy as  ascertained  and  marked  out  the  distinction 
between  them.  This  still  serves  to  keep  them  at  a 
distance,  and,  without  some  signal  interposition  of 
Divine  Providence,  must  render  the  separation  per- 
petual. 

Our  knowledge  of  the  proceedings  of  this  assem 


76  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

61y  is  derived  from  three  different  authors.  Father 
Paul,  of  Venice,  wrote  his  history  of  the  Council  of 
Trent  while  the  memory  of  what  had  passed  there 
was  recent,  and  some  who  had  been  members  of  it 
were  still  alive.  He  has  exposed  the  intrigues  and 
artifices  by  which  it  was  conducted  with  a  freedom 
and  severity  which  have  given  a  deep  wound  to  the 
credit  of  the  council.  He  has  described  its  delib- 
erations and  explained  its  decrees  with  such  per- 
spicuity and  depth  of  thought,  with  such  various 
erudition,  and  such  force  of  reason,  as  have  justly 
entitled  his  work  to  be  placed  among  the  most  ad- 
mired historical  compositions.  About  half  a  cen- 
tury thereafter,  the  Jesuit  Pallavicini  published  his 
history  of  the  council,  in  opposition  to  that  of 
Father  Paul,  and,  by  employing  all  the  force  of  an 
acute  and  refining  genius  to  invalidate  the  credit 
or  to  confute  the  reasonings  of  his  antagonist,  he 
labors  to  prove,  by  artful  apologies  for  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  council,  and  subtile  interpretations  of 
its  decrees,  that  it  deliberated  with  impartiality, 
and  decided  with  judgment  as  well  as  candor. 
Vargas,  a  Spanish  doctor  of  laws,  who  was  ap- 
pointed to  attend  the  imperial  ambassadors  at 
Trent,  sent  the  bishop  of  Arras  a  regular  account 
of  the  transactions  there,  explainhig  all  the  arts 
which  the  legate  employed  to  influence  or  overawe 
the  council.  His  letters  have  been  published,  in 
which  he  inveighs  against  the  papal  court  with 
that  asperity  of  censure  which  was  natural  to  a 
man  whose  situation  enabled  him    to    observe  its 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  77 

intrigues  thoroughly,  and  who  was  obliged  to  exert 
all  his  attention  and  talents  in  order  to  disappoint 
them.  But  whichsoever  of  these  authors  an  intelli- 
gent person  takes  for  his  guide,  in  forming  a  judg- 
ment concerning  the  spirit  of  the  council,  he  mast 
discover  so  much  ambition  as  well  as  artifice  among 
some  of  the  members,  so  much  ignorance  and  cor- 
ruption among  others ;  he  must  observe  such  a 
large  infusion  of  human  policy  and  passions,  min- 
gled with  such  a  scanty  portion  of  that  simplicity 
of  heart,  sanctity  of  manners,  and  love  of  truth, 
which  alone  qualify  men  to  determine  what  doc- 
trines are  worthy  of  God,  and  what  worship  is 
acceptable  to  him ;  that  he  will  find  it  no  easy 
matter  to  believe  that  any  extraordinary  influence 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  hovered  over  this  assembly,  and 
dictated  its  decrees. 

While  Maurice  was  employed  in  negotiating 
with  the  king  of  the  Romans  at  Lintz,  or  in 
making  war  on  the  emperor  in  the  Tyrol,  the 
French  king  had  advanced  into  Alsace  as  far  as 
Strasburg ;  and  having  demanded  leave  of  the 
senate  to  march  through  the  city,  he  hoped  that, 
by  repeating  the  same  fraud  which  he  had  prac- 
tised at  Metz,  he  might  render  himself  mastei  of 
the  place,  and  by  that  means  secure  a  passage  over 
the  Hhine  into  the  heart  of  Germany.  But  tbe 
Strasburghers,  instructed  and  put  on  their  guard 
by  the  credulity  and  misfortune  of  their  neighbors, 
shut  their  gates ;  and,  having  assembled  a  garrison 
of  five  thousand  soldiers,  repaired   their  fortifica- 


«jf3  REIGN  OF  TIIE  [Book  X 

tions,  razed  the  houses  in  their  suburbs,  and  deter- 
mined to  defend  themselves  to  the  utmost.  At  the 
same  time  they  sent  a  deputation  of  their  most 
respectable  citizens  to  the  king,  in  order  to  divert 
him  from  making  any  hostile  attempt  upon  them. 
The  electors  of  Treves  and  Cologne,  the  duke  of 
Cleves,  and  other  princes  in  the  neighborhood, 
interposed  in  their  behalf;  beseeching  Henry  that 
he  would  not  forget  so  soon  the  title  which  he  had 
generously  assumed ;  and,  instead  of  being  the  de- 
liverer of  Germany,  become  its  oppressor.  The 
Swiss  cantons  seconded  them  with  zeal,  soliciting 
Henry  to  spare  a  city  which  had  long  been  connect- 
ed with  their  community  in  friendship  and  alliance. 
Powerful  as  this  united  intercession  was,  it  would 
not  have  prevailed  on  Henry  to  forego  a  prize  of  so 
much  value,  if  he  had  been  in  a  condition  to  have 
seized  it.  But,  in  that  age,  the  method  of  subsist- 
ing numerous  armies  at  a  distance  from  the  frontiers 
of  their  own  country,  was  imperfectly  understood, 
and  neither  the  revenues  of  princes,  nor  their  ex- 
perience in  the  art  of  war,  were  equal  to  the  great 
and  complicated  efforts  which  such  an  undertaking 
required.  The  French,  though  not  far  removed 
from  their  own  frontier,  began  already  to  suffer 
from  scarcity  of  provisions,  and  had  no  sufficient 
magazines  collected  to  support  them  during  a  siege 
which  must  necessarily  have  been  of  great  length.^ 
At  the  same  time,  the  queen  of  Hungary,  governess 
of  the  Low  Countries,  had  assembled  a  considerable 

33  Thuan.  351,  352. 


i552.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  7S 

body  of  troops,  which,  under  the  command  of  Mar 
tin  de  Rossem,  laid  waste  Champagne,  and  threat- 
ened the  adjacent  provinces  of  France.  These 
concurring  circumstances  obliged  the  king,  though 
with  reluctance,  to  abandon  the  enterprise.  But 
being  willing  to  acquire  some  merit  with  his  allies 
by  this  retreat,  which  he  could  not  avoid,  he  pretend- 
ed to  the  Swiss  that  he  had  taken  the  resolution 
merely  in  compliance  with  their  request ;  ^^  and 
then,  after  giving  orders  that  all  the  horses  in  his 
army  should  be  led  to  drink  in  the  Rhine,  as  a 
proof  of  his  having  pushed  his  conquest  so  far,  he 
marched  back  towards  Champagne. 

While  the  French  king  and  the  main  army  of 
the  confederates  were  thus  employed,  Albert  of 
Brandenburg  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of 
a  separate  body  of  eight  thousand  men,  consisting 
chiefly  of  mercenaries  who  had  resorted  to  his 
standard,  rather  from  the  hope  of  plunder  than 
the  expectation  of  regular  pay.  That  prince,  seeing 
himself  at  the  head  of  such  a  number  of  desperate 
adventurers,  ready  to  follow  wherever  he  should 
lead  them,  soon  began  to  disdain  a  state  of  subor- 
dination, and  to  form  such  extravagant  schemes  of 
aggrandizing  himself  as  seldom  occur,  even  to  am- 
bitious minds,  unless  when  civil  war  or  violent  fac- 
tions roused  them  to  bold  exertions,  by  alluring 
them  with  immediate  hopes  of  success.  Full  of 
these  aspiring  thoughts,  Albert  made  war  in  a  man- 
ner very  different  from  the  other  confederates.     He 

39  Sleid  557.     Brantome,  torn.  vii.  39. 


80  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

endeavored  to  spread  the  terror  of  his  arms  hy  the 
rapidity  of  his  motions,  as  well  as  the  extent  and 
rigor  of  his  devastations ;  he  exacted  contributions 
wherever  he  came,  in  order  to  amass  such  a  sum  of 
money  as  would  put  it  in  his  power  to  keep  his 
army  together;  he  labored  to  get  possession  of 
Nuremburg,  Ulm,  or  some  other  of  the  free  cities 
in  Upper  Germany,  in  which,  as  a  capital,  he  might 
^x  the  seat  of  his  power.  But  finding  these  cities 
on  their  guard,  and  in  a  condition  to  resist  his 
attacks,  he  turned  all  his  rage  against  the  popish 
ecclesiastics,  whose  territories  he  plundered  with 
such  wanton  and  merciless  barbarity,  as  gave  them 
a  very  unfavorable  impression  of  the  spirit  of  that 
reformation  in  religion,  with  zeal  for  which  he  pre- 
tended to  be  animated.  The  bishops  of  Bamberg 
and  Wurzburg,  by  their  situation,  lay  particularly 
exposed  to  his  ravages:  he  obliged  the  former  to 
transfer  to  him,  in  perpetuity,  almost  one  half  of 
his  extensive  diocese ;  and  compelled  the  latter  to 
advance  a  great  sum  of  money,  in  order  to  save  his 
territories  from  ruin  and  desolation.  During  all 
those  wild  sallies,  Albert  paid  no  regard  either  to 
Maurice's  orders,  whose  commands  as  generalissimo 
of  the  league  he  had  engaged  to  obey,  or  to  the 
remonstrances  of  the  other  confederates  ;  and  man- 
ifestly discovered  that  he  attended  only  to  his  own 
private  emolument,  without  any  solicitude  about 
the  common  cause,  or  the  general  objects  which 
had  induced  them  to  take  arms.^ 

^  Sleld.  561.     Thuan.  357.  i 


1652]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  gl 

Maurice  having  ordered  his  army  to  march  back 
into  Bavaria,  and  having  published  a  proclamation 
enjoining  the  Lutheran  clergy  and  instructors  of 
youth  to  resume  the  exercise  of  their  functions  in 
all  the  cities,  schools,  and  universities  from  which 
they  had  been  ejected,  met  Ferdinand  at  Passau  on 
the  26th  day  of  May.  As  matters  of  the  greatest 
consequence  to  the  future  peace  and  independence 
of  the  empire  were  to  be  settled  in  this  congress, 
the  eyes  of  all  Germany  were  fixed  upon  it.  Be- 
sides Ferdinand  and  the  imperial  ambassadors,  the 
duke  of  Bavaria,  the  bishops  of  Saltzburg  and 
Aichstadt,  the  ministers  of  all  the  electors,  together 
with  deputies  from  most  of  the  considerable  princes 
and  free  cities,  resorted  to  Passau.  Maurice,  in  the 
name  of  his  associates,  and  the  king  of  the  Romans 
as  the  emperor  s  representative,  opened  the  negotia- 
tion. The  princes  who  were  present,  together  with 
the  deputies  of  such  as  were  absent,  acted  as  inter- 
cessors or  mediators  between  them. 

Maurice,  in  a  long  discourse,  explained  the  mo- 
tives of  his  own  conduct.  After  having  enumerated 
all  the  unconstitutional  and  oppressive  acts  of  the 
emperor's  administration,  he,  agreeably  to  the  mani- 
festo which  he  had  published  Avhen  he  took  arms 
against  him,  limited  his  demands  to  three  articles: 
that  the  landgrave  of  Hesse  should  be  immediately 
set  at  liberty ;  that  the  grievances  in  the  civil  gov- 
ernment of  the  empire  should  be  redressed  ;  and 
that  the  Protestants  should  be  allowed  the  public 
exercise  of  their  religion  without  molestation.     Fer- 

VOL.  III.  11 


QJ  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

dinand  and  the  imperial  ambassadors  discovering 
their  unwillingness  to  gratify  him  with  regard  to 
all  these  points,  the  mediators  wrote  a  joint  letter 
to  the  emperor,  beseeching  him  to  deliver  Germany 
from  the  calamities  of  a  civil  war,  by  giving  such 
satisfaction  to  Maurice  and  his  party  as  might  in- 
duce them  to  lay  down  their  arms;  and,  at  the 
same  time,  they  prevailed  upon  Maurice  to  grant  a 
prolongation  of  the  truce  for  a  short  time,  during 
which  they  undertook  to  procure  the  emperor's 
final  answer  to  his  demands.  This  request  was 
presented  to  the  emperor  in  the  name  of  all  the 
princes  of  the  empire.  Popish  as  well  as  Protestant, 
in  the  name  of  such  as  had  lent  a  helping  hand  to 
forward  his  ambitious  schemes,  as  well  as  of  those 
who  had  viewed  the  progress  of  his  power  with 
jealousy  and  dread.  The  uncommon  and  cordial 
unanimity  with  which  they  concurred  at  this  junc- 
ture in  enforcing  Maurice's  demands,  and  in  recom- 
mending peace,  flowed  from  different  causes.  Such 
as  were  most  attached  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  could  not  help  observing  that  the  Protes- 
tant confedemtes  were  at  the  head  of  a  numerous 
army,  while  the  emperor  w^as  but  just  beginning 
to  provide  for  his  o^^n  defence.  They  foresaw  that 
great  efforts  would  be  required  of  them,  and  would 
be  necessary  on  their  part,  in  order  to  cope  with  en- 
emies who  had  been  allowed  to  get  the  start  so  far, 
and  to  attain  such  formidable  power.  Experience 
had  taught  them,  that  the  fruit  of  all  these  efforts 
would  be  reaped  by  the  emperor  alone,  and  the 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  83 

more  complete  any  victory  proved  which  thev 
should  gain,  the  faster  would  they  bind  their 
own  fetters,  and  render  them  the  more  intolerable. 
These  reflections  made  them  cautious  how  they 
contributed  a  second  time,  by  their  indiscreet  zeal, 
to  put  the  emperor  in  possession  of  power  which 
would  be  fatal  to  the  liberties  of  their  country. 
Notwithstanding  the  intolerant  spirit  of  bigotry 
in  that  age,  they  chose  rather  that  the  Protestants 
should  acquire  that  security  for  their  religion 
which  they  demanded,  than,  by  assisting  Charles 
to  oppress  them,  to  give  such  additional  force  to 
the  imperial  prerogative  as  would  overturn  the 
constitution  of  the  empire.  To  all  these  consid- 
erations, the  dread  of  seeing  Germany  laid  waste 
by  a  civil  war  added  new  force.  Many  states  of 
the  empire  already  felt  the  destructive  rage  of  Al- 
bert's arms  ;  others  dreaded  it,  and  all  wished  for 
an  accommodation  between  the  emperor  and  Mau- 
rice, which  they  hoped  would  save  them  from  that 
cruel  scourge. 

Such  were  the  reasons  that  induced  so  many 
princes,  notwithstanding  the  variety  of  their  politi- 
cal interests,  and  the  opposition  in  their  religious 
sentiments,  to  unite  in  recommending  to  the  em- 
peror an  accommodation  with  Maurice,  not  only  as 
a  salutary,  but  as  a  necessary  measure.  The  mo- 
tives which  prompted  Charles  to  desire  it  were  not 
fewer  or  of  less  weight.  He  was  perfectly  sensible 
of  the  superiority  which  the  confederates  had  ac- 
quired through  his  own  negligence;  and  he  now 

H2 


84  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X 

felt  the  insufficiency  of  his  own  resources  to  oppose 
them.  His  Spanish  subjects,  disgusted  at  his  long 
absence,  and  weary  of  endless  wars  which  Avere  of 
little  benefit  to  their  country,  refused  to  furnish 
him  any  considerable  supply  either  of  men  or 
money;  and  although  by  his  address  or  importu- 
nity he  might  have  hoped  to  draw  from  them  at 
last  more  effectual  aid,  that,  he  knew,  was  too  dis- 
tant to  be  of  any  service  in  the  present  exigency  of 
his  affairs.  His  treasury  was  drained ;  his  veteran 
forces  were  dispersed  or  disbanded,  and  he  could 
not  depend  much  either  on  the  fidelity  or  courage 
of  the  new-levied  soldiers  whom  he  was  collecting. 
There  was  no  hope  of  repeating  with  success  the 
same  artifices  which  had  Aveakened  and  ruined  the 
Smalkaldic  league.  As  the  end  at  which  he  aimed 
was  now  known,  he  could  no  longer  employ  the 
specious  pretexts  which  had  formerly  concealed  his 
ambitious  designs.  Every  prince  in  Germany  w^as 
alarmed  and  on  his  guard  ;  and  it  was  vain  to  think 
of  binding  them  a  second  time  to  such  a  degree,  as 
to  make  one  part  of  them  instruments  to  enslave 
the  other.  The  spirit  of  a  confederacy  whereof 
Maurice  was  the  head,  experience  had  taught 
him  to  be  very. different  from  that  of  the  league 
of  Smalkalde ;  and  from  what  he  had  already  felt, 
he  had  no  reason  to  flatter  himself  that  its  coun- 
sels would  be  as  irresolute,  or  its  efforts  as  timid 
and  feeble.  If  he  should  resolve  on  continuing 
the  war,  he  might  be  assured  that  the  most  con- 
siderable states  in  Germany  would  take  part  against 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  gg 

lum ;  and  a  dubious  neutrality  was  the  utmost  lie 
could  expect  from  the  rest.  While  the  confed- 
erates found  full  employment  for  his  arms  in  one 
quarter,  the  king  of  France  would  seize  the  favor- 
able opportunity,  and  push  on  his  operations  in 
another,  with  almost  certain  success.  That  mon- 
arch had  already  made  conquests  in  the  empire, 
which  Charles  was  no  less  eager  to  recover,  than 
impatient  to  be  revenged  on  him  for  aiding  his 
malecontent  subjects.  Though  Henry  had  now 
retired  from  the  banks  of  the  Rhine,  he  had  only 
varied  the  scene  of  hostilities,  having  invaded  the 
Low  Countries  with  all  his  forces.  The  Turks, 
roused  by  the  solicitations  of  the  French  king,  as 
well  as  stimulated  by  resentment  against  Ferdi- 
nand for  having  violated  the  truce  in  Hungary, 
had  prepared  a  powerful  fleet  to  ravage  the  coasts 
of  Naples  and  Sicily,  which  he  had  left  almost  de- 
fenceless, by  calling  thence  the  greatest  part  of  the 
regular  troops  to  join  the  army  which  he  was  now 
assembling. 

Ferdinand,  who  w^ent  in  person  to  Villach,  in 
order  to  lay  before  the  emperor  the  result  of  the 
conferences  at  Passau,  had  likewise  reasons  pe- 
culiar to  himself  for  desiring  an  accommodation. 
These  prompted  him  to  second,  with  the  greatest 
earnestness,  the  arguments  which  the  princes  as- 
sembled there  had  employed  in  recommending  it. 
He  had  observed,  not  without  secret  satisfaction, 
the  fatal  blow  that  had  been  given  to  the  des- 
potic power  which  his  brother  had  usurped  in  the 


86  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X- 

empire.  He  was  extremely  solicitous  to  prevent 
('haiies  from  recovering  his  former  superiority, 
as  he  foresaw  that  ambitious  prince  Avould  imme- 
diately resume,  with  increased  eagerness,  and  with 
a  better  chance  of  success,  his  favorite  scheme  of 
transmitting  that  powder  to  his  son,  by  excluding 
his  brother  from  the  right  of  succession  to  the 
imperial  throne.  On  this  account  he  was  willing 
to  contribute  towards  circumscribing  the  imperial 
authority,  in  order  to  render  his  own  possession  of 
it  certain.  Besides,  Solyman,  exasperated  at  the 
loss  of  Transylvania,  and  still  more  at  the  fraud- 
ulent arts  by  which  it  had  been  seized,  had  or- 
dered into  the  field  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand 
men,  which,  baving  defeated  a  great  body  of  Fer- 
dinand's troops,  and  taken  several  places  of  impor- 
tance, threatened,  not  only  to  complete  the  conquest 
of  the  province,  but  to  drive  them  out  of  that  part 
of  Hungary  w^hich  was  still  subject  to  his  jurisdic- 
tion. He  was  unable  to  resist  such  a  mighty  en- 
emy; the  emperor,  while  engaged  in  a  domestic 
w^ar,  could  afford  him  no  aid ;  and  he  could  not 
even  hope  to  draw  from  Germany  the  contingent, 
either  of  troops  or  money,  usually  furnished  to 
repel  the  invasions  of  the  infidels.  Maurice,  hav- 
ing observed  Ferdinand's  perplexity  with  regard 
to  this  last  point,  had  offered,  if  peace  were  re- 
established on  a  secure  foundation,  that  he  would 
march  in  person  with  his  troops  into  Hungary 
against  the  Turks.  Such  was  the  effect  of  this 
well-timed    proposal,  that   Ferdinand,  destitute  of 


1552.]  E:MPER0R   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  87 

every  other  prospect  of  relief,  became  the  met  zeal- 
ous advocate  whom  the  confederates  could  have 
employed  to  urge  their  claims,  and  there  was  hard- 
ly anything  that  they  could  have  demanded  which 
he  would  not  have  chosen  to  grant,  rather  than 
have  retarded  a  pacification,  to  which  he  trusted 
as  the  only  means  of  saving  his  Hungarian  crown. 

When  so  many  causes  conspired  in  rendering 
an  accommodation  eligible,  it  might  have  been 
expected  that  it  would  have  taken  place  imme- 
diately. But  the  inflexibility  of  the  emperor  s  tem- 
per, together  with  his  unwillingness  at  once  to  re- 
linquish objects  which  he  had  long  pursued  with 
such  earnestness  and  assiduity,  counterbalanced, 
for  some  time,  the  force  of  all  the  motives  which 
disposed  him  to  peace,  and  not  only  put  that  event 
at  a  distance,  but  seemed  to  render  it  uncertain. 
When  Maurice's  demands,  together  with  the  letter 
of  the  mediators  at  Passau,  were  presented  to  him, 
he  peremptorily  refused  to  redress  the  grievances 
which  were  pointed  out,  nor  would  he  agree  to 
any  stipulation  for  the  immediate  security  of  the 
Protestant  religion,  but  proposed  referring  both 
these  to  the  determination  of  a  future  diet.  On 
his  part,  he  required  that  instant  reparation  should 
be  made  to  all  who,  during  the  present  war,  had 
suff'ered  either  by  the  licentiousness  of  the  confeder- 
ate troops,  or  the  exactions  of  their  leaders. 

Maurice,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the  em 
peror's  arts,  immediately    concluded    that   he   had 
nothing  in   view  by  these  overtures  but  to  amuse 


88  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X, 

and  deceive ;  and  therefore,  without  listening  to 
Ferdinand's  entreaties,  he  left  Passau  abruptly,  and 
joining  his  troops,  which  were  encamped  at  Mer- 
gentheim,  a  city  in  Franconia,  belonging  to  the 
knights  of  the  Teutonic  order,  he  put  them  in  mo- 
tion, and  renewed  hostilities.  As  three  thousand 
men  in  the  emperor's  pay  had  thrown  themselves 
into  Frankfort  on  the  Maine,  and  might  from 
thence  invest  the  neighboring  country  of  Hesse, 
he  marched  towards  that  city,  and  laid  siege  to  it 
in  form.  The  briskness  of  this  enterprise,  and  the 
vigor  with  which  Maurice  carried  on  his  approaches 
against  the  town,  gave  such  an  alarm  to  the  emper- 
or, as  disposed  him  to  lend  a  more  favorable  ear 
to  Ferdinand's  arguments  in  behalf  of  an  accom- 
modation. Fii*m  and  haughty  as  his  nature  was, 
he  found  it  necessary  to  bend,  and  signified  his  will- 
ingness to  make  concessions  on  his  part,  if  Mau- 
rice, in  return,  would  abate  somewhat  of  the  rigor 
of  his  demands.  Ferdinand,  as  soon  as  he  per- 
ceived that  his  brother  began  to  yield,  did  not 
desist  from  his  importunities,  until  he  prevailed 
upon  him  to  declare  what  was  the  utmost  that 
he  would  grant  for  the  security  of  the  confeder- 
ates. Having  gained  this  difficult  point,  he  in- 
stantly despatched  a  messenger  to  Maurice's  camp, 
and,  imparting  to  him  the  emperor's  final  resolu- 
tion, conjured  him  not  to  frustrate  his  endeavors 
for  the  re-establishment  of  peace  ;  or,  by  an  un- 
seasonable obstinacy  on  his  side,  to  disappoint  the 
wishes  of  all  Germany  for  that  salutary  event. 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIETH.  S9 

Maurice,  notwithstanding  the  prosperous  situa- 
tion of  his  affairs,  was  strongly  inclined  to  listen 
to  this  advice.  The  emperor,  though  overreachi^d 
and  surprised,  had  now  begun  to  assemble  troops, 
and,  however  slow  his  motions  might  be  while  the 
first  effects  of  his  consternation  remained,  he  was 
sensible  that  Charles  must  at  last  act  with  vigor 
proportional  to  the  extent  of  his  power  and  terri- 
tories, and  lead  into  Germany  an  army  formidable 
by  its  numbers,  and  still  more  by  the  terror  of  his 
name,  as  well  as  the  remembrance  of  his  past  vic- 
tories. He  could  scarcely  hope  that  a  confederacy 
composed  of  so  many  members  would  continue  to 
operate  with  union  and  perseverance  sufficient  to 
resist  the  consistent  and  well-directed  efforts  of  an 
army  at  the  absolute  disposal  of  a  leader  accus- 
tomed to  command  and  to  conquer.  He  felt  al- 
ready, although  he  had  not  hitherto  experienced 
the  shock  of  any  adverse  event,  that  he  himself 
was  the  head  of  a  disjointed  body.  He  saw,  from 
the  example  of  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  how  diffi- 
cult it  would  be,  with  all  his  address  and  credit, 
to  prevent  any  particular  member  from  detaching 
himself  from  the  whole,  and  how  impossible  to 
recall  him  to  his  proper  rank  and  subordination. 
This  filled  him  with  apprehensions  for  the  common 
cause.  Another  consideration  gave  him  no  less  dis- 
quiet with  regard  to  his  own  particular  interests. 
By  setting  at  liberty  the  degraded  elector,  and  by 
repealing  the  act  by  which  that  prince  was  deprived 
of  his  hereditary  honors  and  dominions,  the  emper- 

VOL.    III.  12 


90  KEIGN   OF  THE  [Book  X 

or  had  it  in  his  power  to  wound  him  in  the  most 
tender  part.  The  efforts  of  a  prince  beloved  of  his 
ancient  subjects,  and  revered  by  all  the  Protestant 
party,  in  order  to  recover  what  had  been  unjustly 
taken  from  him,  could  hardly  have  failed  of  excit- 
ing commotions  in  Saxony,  which  would  endanger 
all  that  he  had  acquired  at  the  expense  of  so  much 
dissimulation  and  artifice.  It  was  no  less  in  the 
emperor's  power  to  render  vain  all  the  solicita- 
tions of  the  confederates  in  behalf  of  the  land- 
grave. He  had  only  to  add  one  act  of  violence 
more  to  the  injustice  and  rigor  with  which  he 
had  already  treated  him  ;  and  he  had  accordingly 
threatened  the  sons  of  that  unfortunate  prince, 
that,  if  they  persisted  in  their  present  enterprise, 
instead  of  seeing  their  father  restored  to  liberty, 
they  should  hear  of  his  having  suffered  the  pun- 
ishment which  his  rebellion  had  merited.*^ 

Having  deliberated  upon  all  these  points  wdth 
his  associates,  Maurice  thought  it  more  prudent 
to  accept  of  the  conditions  offered,  though  less 
advantageous  than  those  which  he  had  proposed, 
than  again  to  commit  all  to  the  doubtful  issue 
of  war.*^  He  repaired  forthwith  to  Passau,  and 
signed  the  treaty  of  peace ;  of  which  the  chief 
articles  were,  that,  before  the  12th  day  of  Au- 
gust, the  confederates  shall  lay  down  tUeir  arms, 
and  disband  their  forces;  that,  on  or  before  that 
day,  the  landgrave  shall  be  set  at  liberty,  and  con- 
veyed in  safety  to  his  castle  of  Eheinfels  ;  that  a 

41  Sleid.  571.  42  sieid.  Ilist.  563,  &c.     Thuan.  lib.  x.  359,  &o 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES    IHE  EIFTH.  91 

diet  shall  be  held  within  six  months,  in  order  to 
deliberate  concerning  the  most  proper  and  eiFectual 
method  of  preventing  for  the  future  all  disputes 
and  dissensions  about  religion ;  that,  in  the  mean 
time,  neither  the  emperor  nor  any  other  princo 
shall,  upon  any  pretext  whatever,  offer  any  injury 
or  violence  to  such  as  adhered  to  the  Confession 
of  Augsburg,  but  allow  them  to  enjoy  the  free  and 
imdisturbed  exercise  of  their  religion  ;  that,  in  re- 
turn, the  Protestants  shall  not  molest  the  Cath- 
olics, either  in  the  exercise  of  the  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  or  in  performing  their  religious  cere- 
monies ;  that  the  imperial  chamber  shall  admin- 
ister justice  impartially  to  persons  of  both  parties, 
and  Protestants  to  be  admitted  indiscriminately 
with  the  Catholics  to  sit  as  judges  in  that  court ; 
that  if  the  next  diet  should  not  be  able  to  termi- 
nate the  disputes  with  regard  to  religion,  the  stipu- 
lations in  the  present  treaty  in  behalf  of  the  Prot- 
estants shall  continue  for  ever  in  full  force  and 
vigor ;  that  none  of  the  confederates  shall  be  liable 
to  any  action  on  account  of  what  had  happened 
during  the  course  of  the  war ;  that  the  consider- 
ation of  those  encroachments  which  had  been  made, 
as  Maurice  pretended,  upon  the  constitution  and 
liberties  of  the  empire,  shall  be  remitted  to  the 
approaching  diet ;  that  Albert  of  Brandenburg 
shall  be  comprehended  in  the  treaty,  provided  he 
shall  accede  to  it,  and  disband  his  forces  before 
the  12th  of  August.'^ 

<3  Recueil  des  Traites,  ii.  261. 


92  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  X. 

Such  was  the  memorable  treaty  of  Passau,  that 
overturned  the  vast  fabric,  in  erecting  which  Charles 
had  employed  so  many  years,  and  had  exerted  the 
utmost  efforts  of  his  power  and  policy ;  that  an- 
nulled all  his  regulations  with  regard  to  religion, 
defeated  all  his  hopes  of  rendering  the  imperial 
authority  absolute  and  hereditary  in  his  family, 
and  established  the  Protestant  Church,  which  had 
hitherto  subsisted  precariously  in  Germany,  through 
connivance,  or  by  expedients,  upon  a  firm  and  se- 
cure basis.  Maurice  reaped  all  the  glory  of  having 
concerted  and  completed  this  unexpected  revolution. 
It  is  a  singular  circumstance,  that  the  Peformation 
should  be  indebted,  for  its  security  and  full  estab- 
lishment in  Germany,  to  the  same  hand  which  had 
brought  it  to  the  brink  of  destruction,  and  that 
both  events  should  have  been  accomplished  by  the 
same  arts  of  dissimulation.  The  ends,  however, 
which  Maurice  had  in  view  at  those  difierent  junc- 
tures, seem  to  have  been  more  attended  to  than  the 
means  by  which  he  attained  them  ;  and  he  was 
now  as  universally  extolled  for  his  zeal  and  public 
spirit,  as  he  had  lately  been  condemned  for  his  in- 
difibrence  and  interested  policy.  It  is  no  less  wor- 
thy of  observation,  that  the  French  king,  a  monarch 
zealous  for  the  Catholic  faith,  should  employ  his 
power  in  order  to  protect  and  maintain  the  Eefor- 
mation  in  the  empire,  at  the  very  time  when  he 
was  persecuting  his  own  Protestant  subjects  with 
all  the  fierceness  of  bigotry,  and  that  the  league 
for  this  purpose,  which  proved  so  fatal  to  the  Eom- 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTn.  93 

ish  Church,  should  be  negotiated  and  signed  by  a 
Roman  Catholic  bishop.  So  wonderfully  doth  the 
wisdom  of  God  superintend  and  regulate  the  ca- 
price of  human  passions,  and  render  them  subser- 
vient towards  the  accomplishment  of  his  own  pur- 
poses. 

Little  attention  was  paid  to  the  interests  of  the 
French  king  during  the  negotiations  at  Passau. 
Maurice  and  his  associates,  having  gained  what 
they  had  in  view,  discovered  no  great  solicitude 
about  an  ally,  whom,  perhaps,  they  reckoned  to 
be  overpaid  for  the  assistance  which  he  had  given 
them,  by  his  acquisitions  in  Lorrain.  A  short 
clause  which  they  procured  to  be  inserted  in  the 
treaty,  importing  that  the  king  of  France  might 
communicate  to  the  confederates  his  particular  pre- 
tensions or  causes  of  hostility,  which  they  would 
lay  before  the  emperor,  was  the  only  sign  that  they 
gave  of  their  remembering  how  much  they  had 
been  indebted  to  him  for  their  success.  Henry  ex- 
perienced the  same  treatment  which  every  prince 
who  lends  his  aid  to  the  authors  of  a  civil  war  may 
expect.  As  soon  as  the  rage  of  faction  began  to 
subside,  and  any  prospect  of  accommodation  to 
open,  his  services  were  forgotten,  and  his  asso- 
ciates made  a  merit  with  their  sovereign  of  the 
ingratitude  with  which  they  abandoned  their  pro- 
tector. But  how  much  soever  Henry  might  be 
enraged  at  the  perfidy  of  his  allies,  or  at  the  im- 
patience with  which  they  hastened  to  make  their 
peace  with  the  emperor,  at  his  expense,  he  was 


94  REIGN  OF  THE  EMrEKOR  CHARLES  V.      [Rook    X. 

perfectly  sensible  that  it  was  more  his  interest  to 
keep  well  with  the  Germanic  body,  than  to  resent 
the  indignities  offered  him  by  any  particular  mem- 
bers of  it.  For  that  reason  he  dismissed  the  host- 
ages which  he  had  received  from  Maurice  and  his 
associates,  and  affected  to  talk  in  the  same  strain 
as  formerly,  concerning  his  zeal  for  maintaining 
the  ancient  constitution  and  liberties  of  the  empire. 


BOOK    XI. 


Maurice  marches  against  the  Turks.  —  The  Lanrlirrave  and  the  EleetCM 
recover  their  Liberty.  —  The  Emperor  makes  War  upon  France.  — 
The  Siege  of  Metz.  —  Losses  of  the  Emperor  in  Italy.  —  Descent  of 
the  Turks  upon  the  Kingdom  of  Naples. —  Confederacy  under  the 
Lead  of  Maurice  against  Albert  of  Brandenburg.  —  Maurice  is  slain 
in  Battle,  but  Albert  is  defeated,  and  afterwards  driven  out  of  Ger- 
many.—  Success  of  the  Emperor  In  the  Netherlands.  —  His  Losses  in 
Hungary  and  Italy.  —  The  Family  Troubles  of  Solyraan.  —  The  Am- 
bition of  his  Mistress  Roxalana,  and  the  Fate  of  his  Son  Mustapha.  — 
Marriage  of  Philip  with  Mary  of  England.  —  Efforts  of  Mary  to 
overthrow  Protestantism.  —  Henry  conducts  a  vigorous  Campaign 
against  the  Emperor.  —  Cosmo  de'  Medici's  Schemes.  —  The  French 
under  Strozzi  defeated.  —  Siege  of  Siena.  —  Retreat  of  the  Duke  of 
Alva  from  Piedmont.  —  Conspiracy  to  betray  Metz  discovered.  — 
Diet  at  Augsburg.  —  Death  of  Pope  Julius.  —  Charles  endeavors 
anew  to  acquire  the  Imperial  Crown  for  his  Son  Philip. —  The  Peace 
of  Religion  established.  —  Pope  Marcellus  II.  —  Pope  Paul  IV.,  and 
the  ambitious  Schemes  of  his  Nephews.  —  The  Emperor  abdicates  In 
favor  of  his  Son  Philip.  —  Peace  between  France  and  Spain.  —  The 
Pope  attempts  to  rekindle  War.  —  The  Duke  of  Alva  takes  the  Field 
against  him.  —  A  Truce  between  the  Pope  and  Philip. 

As  soon  as  the  treaty  of  Passau  was  signed, 
Maurice,  in  consequence  of  his  engagements  with 
Ferdinand,  marched  into  Hungary  at  the  head  of 
twenty  thousand  men.     But  the  great  superiority 

12 


96  REIGN  OF  THE  |BookXI 

of  the  Turkish  armies,  the  frequent  mutinies  both 
of  the  Spanish  and  German  soldiers,  occasioned  by 
their  want  of  pay,  together  with  the  dissensions  be- 
tween Maurice  and  Castaldo,  who  was  piqued  at 
being  obliged  to  resign  the  chief  command  to  him, 
prevented  his  performing  anything  in  that  country 
suitable  to  his  former  fame,  or  of  great  benefit  to 
the  king  of  the  Romans.^ 

When  Maurice  set  out  for  Hungary,  the  prince 
of  Hesse  parted  from  him  with  the  forces  under 
his  command,  and  marched  back  into  his  own 
country,  that  he  might  be  ready  to  receive  his 
father  upon  his  return,  and  give  up  to  him  the 
reins  of  government  which  he  had  held  during  his 
absence.  But  fortune  was  not  yet  weary  of  perse- 
cuting the  landgrave.  A  battalion  of  mercenary 
troops,  w^hich  had  been  in  the  pay  of  Hesse,  being 
seduced  by  Eeifenberg,  their  colonel,  a  soldier  of 
fortune,  ready  to  engage  in  any  enterprise,  secretly 
withdrew  from  the  young  prince  as  he  was  march- 
ing homewards,  and  joined  Albert  of  Brandenburg, 
who  still  continued  in  arms  against  the  emperor, 
refusing  to  be  included  in  the  treaty  of  Passau. 
Unhappily  for  the  landgrave,  an  account  of  this 
reached  the  Netherlands  just  as  he  was  dismissed 
from  the  citadel  of  Mechlin,  where  he  had  been 
confined,  but  before  he  had  got  beyond  the  fron- 
tiers of  that  country.  The  queen  of  Hungary,  who 
governed  there  in  her  brother  s  name,  incensed  at 
such  an  open  violation  of  the  treaty  to  which  he 

1  Istuanhaffii  Hist  Hungar.  288.     Thuan.  li^.  x.  371 


156S.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  97 

owed  his  liberty,  issued  orders  to  arrest  him,  and 
committed  him  again  into  the  custody  of  the  same 
Spanish  captain  who  had  guarded  him  for  five  years 
with  the  most  severe  vigilance.  Philip  beheld  all 
the  horrors  of  his  imprisonment  renewed;  and  his 
spirits  subsiding  in  the  same  proportion  as  they 
had  risen  during  the  short  interval  in  which  he 
had  enjoyed  liberty,  he  sunk  into  despair,  and  be- 
lieved himself  to  be  doomed  to  perpetual  captivity. 
But  the  matter  being  so  explained  to  the  emperor, 
as  fully  satisfied  him  that  the  revolt  of  Reifenberg's 
mercenaries  could  be  imputed  neither  to  the  land- 
grave nor  to  his  son,  he  gave  orders  for  his  release ; 
and  Philip  at  last  obtained  the  liberty  for  which  he 
had  so  long  languished.^  But  though  he  recov- 
ered his  freedom,  and  was  reinstated  in  his  domin- 
ions, his  sufferings  seem  to  have  broken  the  vigor, 
and  to  have  extinguished  the  activity,  of  his  mind. 
From  being  the  boldest  as  well  as  most  enterpris- 
ing prince  in  the  empire,  he  became  the  most  timid 
and  cautious,  and  passed  the  remainder  of  his  days 
in  a  pacific  indolence. 

The  degraded  elector  of  Saxony  likewise  procured 
his  liberty  in  consequence  of  the  treaty  of  Passau. 
The  emperor,  having  been  obliged  to  relinquish  all 
his  schemes  for  extirpating  the  Protestant  religion, 
had  no  longer  any  motive  for  detaining  him  a  pris- 
oner; and  being  extremely  solicitous  at  that  junc- 
ture to  recover  the  confidence  and  good-will  of  the 
Germans,  whose  assistance  was  essential  to  the  suc- 

''i  Sleid.  573.     Belcarii  Comment.  834. 
VOL     III.  13 


98  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

cess  of  the  enterprise  which  he  meditated  against 
the  king  of  France,  he,  among  other  expedients 
for  that  purpose,  thought  of  releasing  from  im- 
prisonment a  prince  whose  merit  entitled  him  no 
less  to  esteem,  than  his  sufferings  rendered  him 
the  object  of  compassion.  John  Frederick  took 
possession,  accordingly,  of  that  part  of  his  terri- 
tories which  had  been  reserved  for  him  when 
Maurice  was  invested  with  the  electoral  dignity. 
As  in  this  situation  he  continued  to  display  the 
same  virtuous  magnanimity  for  which  he  had  been 
conspicuous  in  a  more  prosperous  and  splendid 
state,  and  which  he  had  retained  amidst  all  his 
sufferings,  he  maintained  during  the  remainder 
of  his  life  that  high  reputation  to  which  he  had 
so  just  a  title. 

The  loss  of  Metz,  Toul,  and  Verdun  had  made 
a  deep  impression  on  the  emperor.  Accustomed 
to  terminate  all  his  operations  against  France  with 
advantage  to  himself,  he  thought  that  it  nearly 
concerned  his  honor  not  to  allow  Henry  the  supe- 
riority in  this  war,  or  to  suffer  his  o\^ti  admin- 
istration to  be  stained  with  the  infamy  of  having 
permitted  territories  of  such  consequence  to  be 
dismembered  from  the  empire.  This  was  no  less 
a  point  of  interest  than  of  honor.  As  the  fron- 
tier of  Champagne  was  more  naked,  and  lay  more 
exposed,  than  that  of  any  province  in  France, 
Charles  had  frequently,  during  his  wars  with  that 
kingdom,  made  inroads  upon  that  quarter  with 
great   success  and  effect;   but  if  Henry   T\en    al- 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  FIETH.  99 

lowed  to  retain  his  late  conquests,  France  would 
gain  such  a  formidable  barrier  on  that  side,  as  to 
be  altogether  secure,  where  formerly  she  had  been 
weakest.  On  the  other  hand,  the  emperor  had 
now  lost  as  much,  in  point  of  security,  as  France 
had  acquired ;  and,  being  stripped  of  the  defence 
which  those  cities  afforded  it,  lay  open  to  be  in- 
vaded on  a  quarter,  where  all  the  towns,  having 
been  hitherto  considered  as  interior,  and  remote 
from  an  enemy,  were  but  slightly  fortified.  These 
considerations  determined  Charles  to  attempt  re- 
covering the  three  towns  of  which  Henry  had 
made  himself  master;  and  the  preparations  which 
he  had  made  against  Maurice  and  his  associates 
enabled  him  to  carry  his  resolution  into  immediate 
execution. 

As  soon,  then,  as  the  peace  was  concluded  at 
Passau,  he  left  his  inglorious  retreat  at  Villach,  and 
advanced  to  Augsburg,  at  the  head  of  a  consider- 
able body  of  Germans  which  he  had  levied,  to- 
gether with  all  the  troops  which  he  had  drawn 
out  of  Italy  and  Spain.  To  these  he  added  several 
battalions,  which,  having  been  in  the  pay  of  the 
confederates,  entered  into  his  service  when  dis- 
missed by  them ;  and  he  prevailed  likewise  on 
some  princes  of  the  empire  to  join  him  with  their 
vassals.  In  order  to  conceal  the  destination  of 
this  formidable  army,  and  to  guard  against  alarm- 
ing the  French  king,  so  as  to  put  him  on  pre- 
paring for  the  defence  of  his  late  conquests,  he 
gave   out   that   he   was   to  march   forthwith   into 


100  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

Hupgary,  in  order  to  second  Maurice  in  his  operas 
tions  against  the  infidels.  When  he  began  to  ad- 
vance towards  the  Rhine,  and  could  no  longer 
employ  that  pretext,  he  tried  a  new  artifice,  and 
spread  a  report,  that  he  took  this  route  in  order 
to  chastise  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  whose  cruel 
exactions  in  that  part  of  the  empire  called  loudly 
for  his  interposition  to  check  them. 

But  the  French  having  grown  acquainted,  at 
last,  with  arts  by  which  they  had  been  so  often 
deceived,  viewed  all  Charles's  motions  with  dis- 
trust. Henry  immediately  discerned  the  true  ob- 
ject of  his  vast  preparations,  and  resolved  to  defend 
the  important  conquests  which  he  had  gained  with 
vigor  equal  to  that  with  which  they  were  about 
to  be  attacked.  As  he  foresaw  that  the  whole 
weight  of  the  war  would  be  turned  against  Metz, 
by  whose  fate  that  of  Toul  and  Verdun  would 
be  determined,  he  nominated  Francis  of  Lorrain, 
duke  of  Guise,  to  take  the  command  in  that  city 
during  the  siege,  the  issue  of  which  would  equally 
affect  the  honor  and  interest  of  his  country.  His 
choice  could  not  have  fallen  upon  any  person 
more  worthy  of  that  trust.  The  duke  of  Guise 
possessed,  in  a  high  degree,  all  the  talents  of  cour- 
age, sagacity,  and  presence  of  mind,  which  render 
men  eminent  in  military  command.  He  was  largely 
endowed  with  that  magnanimity  of  soul  which  de- 
lights in  bold  enterprises,  and  aspires  to  fam*^  by 
splendid  and  extraordinary  actions.  He  repaired 
with  joy  to  the    dangerous  station  assigned  him, 


1552.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  IQI 

as  to  a  theatre  on  which  he  might  display  his  great 
qualities  under  the  immediate  eye  of  his  country- 
men, all  ready  to  applaud  him.  The  martial  gen 
ius  of  the  French  nobility  in  that  age,  which 
considered  it  as  the  greatest  reproach  to  remain 
inactive  when  there  was  any  opportunity  of  signal- 
izing their  courage,  prompted  great  numbers  to 
follow  a  leader  who  was  the  darling  as  well  as 
the  pattern  of  every  one  that  courted  military 
fame.  Several  princes  of  the  blood,  many  noble- 
men of  the  highest  rank,  and  all  the  young  officers 
who  could  obtain  the  king's  permission,  entered 
Metz  as  volunteers.  By  their  presence  they  added 
spirit  to  the  garrison,  and  enabled  the  duke  of 
Guise  to  employ,  on  every  emergency,  persons 
eager  to  distinguish  themselves,  and  fit  to  con- 
duct any  service. 

But  with  whatever  alacrity  the  duke  of  Guise 
undertook  the  defence  of  Metz,  he  found  every- 
thing, upon  his  arrival  there,  in  such  a  situation 
as  might  have  induced  any  person  of  less  intrepid 
courage  to  despair  of  defending  it  with  success 
The  city  was  of  great  extent,  with  large  suburbs ; 
the  walls  were  in  many  places  feeble  and  with- 
out ramparts ;  the  ditch  narrow ;  and  the  old 
towers,  which  projected  instead  of  bastions,  were 
at  too  great  distance  from  each  other  to  defend 
the  space  between  them.  For  all  these  defects 
he  endeavored  to  provide  the  best  remedy  which 
the  time  would  permit.  He  ordered  the  suburbs, 
Irithout  sparing  the  monasteries  or  churches,  not 


102  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

even  that  of  St.  Arnulph,  in  which  several  kings 
of  France  had  been  buried,  to  be  levelled  with 
the  ground;  but,  in  order  to  guard  against  the 
imputation  of  impiety,  to  which  such  a  violation 
of  so  many  sacred  edifices,  as  well  as  of  the  ashes 
of  the  dead,  might  expose  him,  he  executed  this 
"vvith  much  religious  ceremony.  Having  ordered 
all  the  holy  vestments  and  utensils,  together  with 
the  bones  of  the  kings,  and  other  persons  depos- 
ited in  these  churches,  to  be  removed,  they  were 
carried  in  solemn  procession  to  a  church  within 
the  walls,  he  himself  walking  before  them  bare- 
headed, with  a  torch  in  his  hand.  He  then  pidled 
down  such  houses  as  stood  near  the  walls,  cleared 
and  enlarged  the  ditch,  repaired  the  ruinous  fortifi- 
cations, and  erected  new  ones.  As  it  was  neces- 
sary that  all  these  works  should  be  finished  with 
the  utmost  expedition,  he  labored  at  them  with 
his  own  hands ;  the  officers  and  volunteers  imi- 
tated his  example ;  and  the  soldiers  submitted  with 
cheerfulness  to  the  most  severe  and  fatiguing  ser- 
vice, when  they  saw  that  their  superiors  did  not 
decline  to  bear  a  part  in  it.  At  the  same  time, 
he  compelled  all  useless  persons  to  leave  the  place ; 
he  filled  the  magazines  with  provisions  and  mili- 
tary stores;  he  burnt  the  mills,  and  destroyed 
the  com  and  forage  for  several  miles  round  the 
town.  Such  w^ere  his  popular  talents,  as  well  as 
his  arts  of  acquiring  an  ascendant  over  the  minds 
of  men,  that  the  citizens  seconded  him  with  no 
less  ardor  than  the  soldiers ;  and  every  other  pas- 


•     I 


1552.1  EMPEROll   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  I(j3 

Bion  being  swallowed  up  in  the  zeal  to  repulse  the 
enemy  with  which  he  inspired  them,  they  beheld 
the  ruin  of  their  estates,  together  with  the  havoc 
which  he  made  among  their  public  and  private 
buildings,  without  any  emotion  of  resentment.^ 

Meantime,  the  emperor,  having  collected  all  his 
forces,  continued  his  march  towards  Metz.  As  he 
passed  through  the  cities  on  the  Rhine,  he  saw  the 
dismal  effects  of  that  licentious  and  wasteful  war 
which  Albert  had  carried  on  in  these  parts.  Upon 
his  approach,  that  prince,  though  at  the  head  ot 
twenty  thousand  men,  withdrew  into  Lorrain,  as  if 
he  had  intended  to  join  the  French  king,  whose 
arms  he  had  quartered  with  his  own  in  all  his 
standards  and  ensigns.  Albert  was  not  in  a  con- 
dition to  cope  with  the  imperial  troops,*  which 
amounted,  at  least,  to  sixty  thousand  men,  forming 
one  of  the  most  numerous  and  best-appointed 
armies  which  had  been  brought  into  the  field  dur- 
ing that  age,  in  any  of  the  wars  among  Christian 
princes. 

The  chief  command,  under  the  emperor,  was 
committed  to  the  duke  of  Alva,  assisted  by  the 
Marquis  de  Marignano,  together  with  the  most  ex- 
perienced of  the  Italian  and  Spanish  generals.  As 
it  was  now  towards  the  end  of  October,  these  intel- 
ligent officers  represented  the  great  danger  of  begin- 
ning, at  such  an  advanced  season,  a  siege  which 
could  not  fail  to  prove  very  tedious.  But  Charles 
adhered  to   his   own   opinion   with   his    usual   ob- 

3  Thuan.  xi.  387.  4  Natal.  Comitis  Hist  127. 

K 


104  KEIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XL 

Btinacy,  and,  being  confident  that  he  had  made  such 
preparations  and  taken  such  precautions  as  would 
insure  success,  he  ordered  the  city  to  be  invested. 
As  soon  as  the  duke  of  Alva  appeared,  a  large  body 
of  the  French  sallied  out  and  attacked  his  vanguard 
with  great  vigor,  put  it  in  confusion,  and  killed  or 
took  prisoners  a  considerable  number  of  men.  By 
this  early  specimen  w^hich  they  gave  of  the  conduct 
of  their  officers,  as  well  as  the  valor  of  their  troops, 
they  showed  the  imperialists  what  an  enemy  they 
had  to  encounter,  and  how  dear  every  advantage 
must  cost  them.  The  place,  however,  was  com- 
pletely invested,  the  trenches  were  opened,  and  the 
other  works  begun. 

The  attention  both  of  the  besiegers  and  besieged 
was  turned  for  some  time  towards  Albert  of  Bran- 
denburg, and  they  strove  with  emulation  which 
should  gain  that  prince,  who  still  hovered  in  the 
neighborhood,  fluctuating  in  all  the  uncertainty  of 
irresolution,  natural  to  a  man  who,  being  swayed 
by  no  principle,  was  allured  different  ways  by  con- 
trary views  of  interest.  The  French  tempted  him 
with  offers  extremely  beneficial;  the  imperialists 
scrupled  at  no  promise  which  they  thought  might 
allure  him.  After  much  hesitation,  he  was  gained 
by  the  emperor,  from  whom  he  expected  to  receive 
advantages  which  were  both  more  immediate  and 
more  permanent.  As  the  French  king,  who  began 
to  suspect  his  intentions,  had  appointed  a  body  of 
troops,  under  the  duke  of  Aumale,  brother  to  the 
duke  of  Guise,  to  watch  his  motions,  Albert  fell 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  105 

upon  them  unexpectedly  with  such  vigor,  that  he 
routed  them  entirely,  killed  many  of  the  officers, 
wounded  Aumale  himself,  and  took  him  prisoner. 
Immediately  after  this  victory,  he  marched  in  tri- 
umph to  Metz,  and  joined  his  army  to  that  of  the 
emperor.  Charles,  in  reward  for  this  service,  and 
the  great  accession  of  strength  which  he  brought 
him,  granted  Albert  a  formal  pardon  of  all  past 
offences,  and  confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  the 
territories  which  he  had  violently  usurped  during 
the  war.^ 

The  duke  of  Guise,  though  deeply  affected  with 
his  brother's  misfortune,  did  not  remit  in  any  de- 
gree the  vigor  with  which  he  defended  the  town. 
He  harassed  the  besiegers  by  frequent  sallies,  in 
which  his  officers  were  so  eager  to  distinguish 
themselves,  that,  his  authority  being  hardly  suffi- 
cient to  restrain  the  impetuosity  of  their  courage, 
he  was  obliged  at  different  times  to  shut  the  gates, 
and  to  conceal  the  keys,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
princes  of  the  blood,  and  noblemen  of  the  first 
rank,  from  exposing  themselves  to  danger  in  every 
sally.  He  repaired  in  the  night  what  the  enemy's 
artillery  had  beat  down  during  the  day,  or  erected 
behind  the  ruined  works  new  fortifications  of  al- 
most equal  strength.  The  imperialists,  on  their 
part,  pushed  on  the  attack  with  great  spirit,  and 
carried  forward  at  once  approaches  against  different 
parts  of  the  town.  But  the  art  of  attacking  forti- 
fied places  was  not  then  arrived  at  that  degree  of 

s  Sleid.  575.     Thuan.  lib.  xi.  389.  3.9^ 
VOL.   IIT.  14 


106  EEIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XL 

peifection  to  which  it  was  carried  towards  the  close 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  during  the  long  war  in 
the  Netherlands.  The  besiegers,  after  the  unwea- 
ried labor  of  many  weeks,  found  that  they  had  made 
but  little  progress  ;  and  although  their  batteries 
had  made  breaches  in  different  places,  they  saw,  to 
their  astonishment,  works  suddenly  appear,  in  de- 
molishing which  their  fatigues  and  dangers  would 
be  renewed.  The  emperor,  enraged  at  the  obstinate 
resistance  w^hich  his  army  met  with,  left  Thionville, 
where  he  had  been  confined  by  a  violent  fit  of  the 
gout ;  and  though  still  so  infirm  that  he  was  obliged 
to  be  carried  in  a  litter,  he  repaired  to  the  camp, 
that,  by  his  presence,  he  might  animate  the  sol- 
diers, and  urge  on  the  attack  with  greater  spirit. 
Upon  his  arrival,  new  batteries  were  erected,  and 
new  efforts  were  made  with  redoubled  ardor. 

But,  by  this  time,  winter  had  set  in  with  great 
rigor;  the  camp  was  alternately  deluged  with  rain 
or  covered  with  snow  ;  at  the  same  time  provisions 
were  become  extremely  scarce,  as  a  body  of  French 
cavalry,  which  hovered  in  the  neighborhood,  often 
interrupted  the  convoys,  or  rendered  their  arrival 
difficult  and  uncertain.  Diseases  began  to  spread 
among  the  soldiers,  especially  among  the  Italians 
and  Spaniards,  unaccustomed  to  such  inclement 
weather;  great  numbers  were  disabled  from  serv- 
ing, and  many  died.  At  length,  such  breaches 
were  made  as  seemed  practicable,  and  Charles  re- 
solved to  hazard  a  general  assault,  in  spite  of  all 
the  remonstrances  of  his  generals  ajijainst  the  im 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  107 

prudence  of  attacking  a  numerous  garrison,  con- 
ducted and  animated  by  the  most  gallant  of  the 
French  nobility,  with  an  army  weakened  by  diseases, 
and  disheartened  with  ill  success.  The  duke  of 
Guise,  suspecting  the  emperor's  intentions  from  the 
extraordinary  movements  which  he  observed  in  the 
enemy's  camp,  ordered  all  his  troops  to  their  re- 
spective posts.  They  appeared  immediately  on  the 
walls,  and  behind  the  breaches,  with  such  a  deter- 
mined countenance,  so  eager  for  the  combat,  and  so 
well  prepared  to  give  the  assailants  a  warm  recep- 
tion, that  the  imperialists,  instead  of  advancing  to 
the  charge  when  the  word  of  command  w^as  given, 
stood  motionless  in  a  timid,  dejected  silence.  The 
emperor,  perceiving  that  he  could  not  trust  troops 
whose  spirits  were  so  much  broken,  retired  abrupt- 
ly to  his  quarters,  complaining  that  he  was  now 
deserted  by  his  soldiers,  who  deserved  no  longer 
the  name  of  men.^ 

Deeply  as  this  behavior  of  his  troops  mortified 
and  affected  Charles,  he  would  not  hear  of  abandon- 
ing the  siege,  though  he  saw  the  necessity  of  chan- 
ging the  method  of  attack.  He  suspended  the  fury 
of  his  batteries,  and  proposed  to  proceed  by  the 
more  secure  but  tedious  method  of  sapping.  But 
as  it  still  continued  to  rain  or  to  snow  almost  inces- 
santly, such  as  were  employed  in  this  service  en- 
dured incredible  hardships ;  and  the  duke  of  Guise, 
whose  industry  was  not  inferior  to  his  valor,  dis- 
covering all  their  mines,  counterworked  them,  and 

6  Thuan.  397. 

K2 


108  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

prevented  their  effect.  At  last,  Charles  finding  it 
impossible  to  contend  any  longer  with  the  severity 
of  the  season,  and  with  enemies  whom  he  conld 
neither  overpower  by  force  nor  subdue  by  art, 
w^hile  at  the  same  time  a  contagious  distemper 
raged  among  his  troops,  and  cut  off  daily  great 
numbers  of  the  officers  as  well  as  soldiers,  yielded 
to  the  solicitations  of  his  generals,  who  conjured 
him  to  save  the  remains  of  his  army  by  a  timely 
retreat.  "  Fortune,"  says  he,  "  I  now  perceive,  re- 
sembles other  females,  and  chooses  to  confer  her 
favors  on  young  men,  while  she  turns  her  back  on 
those  who  are  advanced  in  years." 

Upon  this,  he  gave  orders  immediately  to  raise 
the  siege,  and  submitted  to  the  disgrace  of  aban- 
doning the  enterprise,  after  having  continued  fifty- 
six  days  before  the  town,  during  which  time  he 
had  lost  upwards  of  thirty  thousand  men,  w^ho 
died  of  diseases  or  were  killed  by  the  enemy. 
The  duke  of  Guise,  as  soon  as  he  perceived  the 
mtention  of  the  imperialists,  sent  out  several 
bodies,  both  of  cavalry  and  mfantry,  to  infest  their 
rear,  to  pick  up  stragglers,  and  to  seize  every 
opportunity  of  attacking  them  with  advantage. 
Such  was  the  confusion  with  which  they  made 
their  retreat,  that  the  French  might  have  har- 
assed them  in  the  most  cruel  manner.  But  when 
they  sallied  out,  a  spectacle  presented  itself  to 
their  view  which  extinguished  at  once  all  hostile 
rage,  and  melted  them  into  tenderness  and  com- 
passion.    The  imperial   camp  was  filled  with  tW 


1552.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  109 

sick  and  wounded,  with  the  dead  and  the  dying. 
In  all  the  different  roads  by  which  the  army  re- 
tired, numbers  were  found,  who,  having  made  an 
effort  to  escape  beyond  their  strength,  Avere  left, 
when  tbey  could  go  no  further,  to  perish  without 
assistance.  This  they  received  from  their  enemies, 
and  were  indebted  to  them  for  all  the  kind  offices 
which  their  friends  had  not  the  power  to  perform. 
The  duke  of  Guise  immediately  ordered  proper 
refreshments  for  such  as  were  dying  of  hunger; 
he  appointed  surgeons  to  attend  the  sick  and 
wounded;  he  removed  such  as  could  bear  it  into 
the  adjacent  villages  ;  and  those  who  would  have 
suffered  by  being  carried  so  far,  he  admitted  into 
the  hospitals  which  he  had  fitted  up  in  the  cily  for 
his  own  soldiers.  As  soon  as  they  recovered,  he 
sent  them  home  under  an  escort  of  soldiers,  and 
with  money  to  bear  their  charges.  By  these  acts 
of  humanity,  which  Avere  uncommon  in  that  age, 
when  war  was  carried  on  with  greater  rancor  and 
ferocity  than  at  present,  the  duke  of  Guise  com- 
pleted the  fame  which  he  had  acquired  by  his  gal- 
lant and  successful  defence  of  Metz,  and  engaged 
those  whom  he  had  vanquished  to  vie  with  his  own 
countrymen  in  extolling  his  name.^ 

To    these    calamities    in    Germany  were    added 
such  unfortunate  events  in  Italy,  as  rendered  .his 

''  Sleid.  575.  Thuan.  lib.  xi.  389,  &c.  Pere  Daniel,  Hist,  de 
France,  torn.  iii.  392.  Pere  Daniel's  account  of  this  siege  is  taken 
from  the  journal  of  the  Sieur  de  Salignac,  who  was  present.  NataL 
Comit.  Hist.  129. 


110  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

the  most  disastrous  year  in  the  emperor's  life. 
During  his  residence  at  Villach,  Charles  had  ap- 
plied to  Cosmo  de'  Medici  for  the  loan  of  two 
hundred  thousand  crowns.  But  his  credit  at  that 
time  was  so  low,  that,  in  order  to  obtain  this  incon- 
siderable sum,  he  w^as  obliged  to  put  him  in  pos- 
session of  the  principality  of  Piombino,  and,  by 
giving  up  that,  he  lost  the  footing  which  he  had 
hitherto  maintained  in  Tuscany,  and  enabled  Cos- 
mo to  assume,  for  the  future,  the  tone  and  deport- 
ment of  a  prince  altogether  independent.  Much 
about  the  time  that  his  indigence  constrained  him 
to  part  with  this  valuable  territory,  he  lost  Siena, 
which  w^as  of  still  greater  consequence,  through 
the  ill  conduct  of  Don  Diego  de  Mendoza.^    • 

Siena,  like  most  of  the  great  cities  in  Italy,  had 
long  enjoyed  a  republican  government,  under  the 
protection  of  the  empire ;  but,  being  torn  in  pieces 
by  the  dissensions  between  the  nobility  and  the 
people,  which  divided  all  the  Italian  common- 
wealths, the  faction  of  the  people,  which  gained 
the  ascendant,  besought  the  emperor  to  become 
the  guardian  of  the  administration  which  they 
had  established,  and  admitted  into  their  city  a 
small  body  of  Spanish  soldiers,  whom  he  had 
sent  to  countenance  the  execution  of  the  laws, 
and  to  preserve  tranquillity  among  them.  The 
command  of  these  troops  w^as  given  to  Mendoza, 
at  that  time  ambassador  for  the  emperor  at  Rome, 
who  persuaded  the  credulous  multitude,  that  it  was 

8  Thuan.  lib.  xi.  376. 


1562.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIETH.  HI 

necessary,  for  their  security  against  any  future  at- 
tempt of  the  nobles,  to  allow  him  to  build  a  cita- 
del in  Siena ;  and  as  he  flattered  himself  that,  by 
means  of  this  fortress,  he  might  render  the  em- 
peror master  of  the  city,  he  pushed  on  the  works 
with  all  possible  despatch.  But  he  threw  off  the 
mask  too  soon.  Before  the  fortifications  were  com- 
pleted, he  began  to  indulge  his  natural  haughtiness 
and  severity  of  temper,  and  to  treat  the  citizens 
with  great  insolence.  At  the  same  time  the  sol- 
diers in  garrison,  being  paid  as  irregularly  as  the 
emperor's  troops  usually  were,  lived  almost  at  dis- 
cretion upon  the  inhabitants,  and  were  guilty  of 
many  acts  of  license  and  oppression. 

These  injuries  awakened  the  Sienese  to  a  sense 
of  their  danger.  As  they  saw  the  necessity  of  ex- 
erting themselves,  while  the  unfinished  fortifica- 
tions of  the  citadel  left  them  any  hopes  of  success, 
they  applied  to  the  French  ambassador  at  Rome, 
who  readily  promised  them  his  master's  protection 
and  assistance.  At  the  same  time,  forgetting  their 
domestic  animosities  when  such  a  mortal  blow  was 
aimed  at  the  liberty  and  existence  of  the  republic, 
they  sent  agents  to  the  exiled  nobles,  and  invited 
them  to  concur  with  them  in  saving  their  country 
from  the  servitude  with  which  it  was  threatened. 
As  there  was  not  a  moment  to  lose,  measures  were 
concerted  speedily,  but  with  great  prudence ;  and 
were  executed  with  equal  vigor.  The  citizens  rose 
suddenly  in  arms  ;  the  exiles  flocked  into  the  town 
from  different  parts  with  all  their  partisans,  and 


112  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

what  troops  they  could  draw  together  ;  and  several 
bodies  of  mercenaries  in  the  pay  of  France  ap- 
peared to  support  them.  The  Spaniards,  though 
surprised  and  much  inferior  in  number,  defended 
themselves  with  great  courage ;  but  seeing  no  pros- 
pect of  relief,  and  having  no  hopes  of  maintaining 
their  station  long  in  a  half-finished  fortress,  they 
soon  gave  it  up.  The  Sienese,  with  the  utmost 
alacrity,  levelled  it  with  the  ground,  that  no  monu- 
ment might  remain  of  that  odious  structure  which 
had  been  raised  in  order  to  enslave  them.  At  the 
same  time,  renouncing  all  connection  with  the  em- 
peror, they  sent  ambassadors  to  thank  the  king  of 
France  as  the  restorer  of  their  liberty,  and  to  en- 
treat that  he  would  secure  to  them  the  perpetual 
enjoyment  of  that  blessing,  by  continuing  his  pro- 
tection to  their  republic.^ 

To  these  misfortunes,  one  still  more  fatal  had 
almost  succeeded.  The  severe  administration  of 
Don  Pedro  de  Toledo,  viceroy  of  Naples,  having 
filled  that  kingdom  with  murmuring  and  disaifec- 
tion,  the  prince  of  Salerno,  the  head  of  the  male- 
contents,  had  iled  to  the  court  of  France,  where  all 
who  bore  ill-will  to  the  emperor  or  his  ministers 
were  sure  of  finding  protection  and  assistance. 
That  nobl-eman,  in  the  usual  style  of  exiles,  boast- 
ing much  of  the  number  and  power  of  his  parti- 
sans, and  of  his  great  influence  with  them,  pre- 
vailed  on   Henry  to    think    of    invading   Naples, 

9  Pecci,  Memoire  de  Siena,  vol.  iii.  pp.  230,  261.     Thuan.  375,  S7i', 
fcc     Paruta,  Hist.  Venet.  267.     Mem.  de  Kibier,  424,  &c. 


1552.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  113 

from  an  expectation   of  being  joined  by  all  those 
with  whom  the  prince  of  Salerno  held  correspond- 
ence, or  who  were  dissatisfied  with  Toledo's  gov- 
ernment.    But  though  the  first  hint  of  this  enter- 
prise was  suggested  by  the  prince  of  Salerno,  Henry 
did  not  choose  that  its  success  should  entirely  de- 
pend upon  his   being  able   to  fulfil  the  promises 
which  he  had  made.     He  applied  for  aid  to  Soly- 
man,  whom  he  courted,  after  his  father's  example, 
as  his  most  vigorous  auxiliary  against  the  emper- 
or, and  solicited  him  to  second  his  operations,  by 
sending  a  powerful  fleet  into   the  Mediterranean. 
It  was  not  difficult  to  obtain  what  he  requested  of 
the  sultan,  who,  at  this  time,  was  highly  incensed 
against  the  house  of  Austria,  on   account  of  the 
proceedings  in  Hungary.     He  ordered  a  hundred 
and  fifty  ships   to   be  equipped,  that   they  might 
sail  towards  the  coast  of  Naples,  at  whatever  time 
Henry  should  name,  and  might  co-operate  with  the 
French  troops  in  their  attempts  upon  that  king- 
dom.    The  command  of  this  fleet  was  given  to  the 
corsair  Dragut,  an  officer  trained  up  under  Barba- 
rossa,  and  scarcely  inferior  to  his  master  in  courage, 
in  talents,  or  in  good  fortune.    He  appeared  on  the 
coast  of  Calabria  at  a  time  which  had  been  agreed 
on,  landed  at  several  places,  plundered  and  burnt 
sevei*al  villages  ;  and,  at  last,  casting  anchor  in  the 
Bay  of  Naples,  filled   that  city  with  consternation. 
But  as  the  French  fleet,  detained  by  some  accident, 
which   the   contemporary  historians   have  not   ex- 
plained, did  not  join  the  Turks  according  to  con- 

\0L.  III.  15 


114  REIGN  OF   TUB  JBook   XT. 

cert,  ihej,  after  waiting  twenty  <iays,  without  hear- 
ing any  tidings  of  it,  set  sail  for  Constantinople, 
and  thus  delivered  the  viceroy  of  Naples  from  the 
terror  of  an  invasion  which  he  was  not  in  a  con- 
dition to  have  resisted.-^^ 

As  the  French  had  never  given  so  severe  a  check 
to  the  emperor  in  any  former  campaign,  they  ex- 
pressed immoderate  joy  at  the  success  of  their  arms. 
Charles  himself,  accustomed  to  a  long  series  of  pros- 
perity, felt  the  calamity  most  sensibly,  and  retired 
from  Metz  into  the  Low^  Countries,  much  dejected 
with  the  cruel  reverse  of  fortune  which  affected 
him  in  his  declining  age,  when  the  violence  of  the 
gout  had  increased  to  such  a  pitch  as  entirely  broke 
the  vigor  of  his  constitution,  and  rendered  him 
peevish,  difhcult  of  access,  and  often  incapable  of 
applying  to  business.  But  whenever  he  enjoyed 
any  interval  of  ease,  all  his  thoughts  were  bent  on 
revenge  ;  and  he  deliberated,  with  the  greatest  soli- 
citude, concerning  the  most  proper  means  of  annoy- 
ing France,  and  of  effacing  the  stain  which  had  ob- 
scured the  reputation  and  glory  of  his  arms.  All 
the  schemes  concerning  Germany,  which  had  en- 
grossed him  so  long,  being  disconcerted  by  the 
peace  of  Passau,  the  affairs  of  the  empire  became 
only  secondary  objects  of  attention ;  and  enmity  to 
France  was  the  predominant  passion  which  chiefly 
occupied  his  mind. 

The  turbulent  ambition  of  Albert  of  Branden- 
burg excited  violent  commotions,  which  disturbed 

10  Thuan.  375,  880.     Mdm.  de  Kibler,  ii.  '10.^.     Giannore 


1553.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  115 

the  empire  during  this  year.  That  prince's  troops, 
having  shared  in  the  calamities  of  the  siege  of  Metz, 
were  greatly  reduced  in  number.  But  the  emperor, 
prompted  by  gratitude  for  his  distinguished  services 
on  that  occasion,  or  perhaps  with  a  secret  view  of 
fomenting  divisions  among  the  princes  of  the  em- 
pire, having  paid  up  all  the  money  due  to  him,  he 
was  enabled  with  that  sum  to  hire  so  many  of  the 
soldiers  dismissed  from  the  imperial  army,  that  he 
was  soon  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  men  as  numerous 
as  ever.  The  bishops  of  Bamberg  and  Wurzburg 
having  solicited  the  imperial  chamber  to  annul,  by 
its  authority,  the  iniquitous  conditions  which  Al- 
bert had  compelled  them  to  sign,  that  court  unan- 
imously found  all  their  engagements  with  him  to 
be  void  in  their  own  nature,  because  they  had  been 
extorted  by  force ;  enjoined  Albert  to  renounce  all 
claim  to  the  performance  of  them ;  and,  if  he  should 
persist  in  such  an  unjust  demand,  exhorted  all  the 
princes  of  the  empire  to  take  arms  against  him  as  a 
disturber  of  the  public  tranquillity.  To  this  decis- 
ion, Albert  opposed  the  confirmation  of  his  transac- 
tions with  the  two  prelates,  which  the  emperor  had 
granted  him  as  the  reward  of  his  having  joined  the 
imperial  army  at  Metz ;  and  in  order  to  intimidate 
his  antagonists,  as  well  as  to  convince  them  of  his 
resolution  not  to  relinquish  his  pretensions,  he  put 
his  troops  in  motion,  that  he  might  secure  the  ter- 
ritory in  question.  Various  endeavors  were  em- 
ployed, and  many  expedients  proposed,  in  order  to 
prevent  the  kindling  of  a  new  war  in  Germany 

7  L 


116  REIGN  OF  THE  I  Book  XI 

But  the  same  warmth  of  temper  which  rendered 
Albert  turbulent  and  enterprising,  inspiring  him 
with  the  most  sanguine  hopes  of  success,  even  in 
his  wildest  undertakings,  he  disdainfully  rejected 
all  reasonable  overtures  of  accommodation. 

Upon  this  the  imperial  chamber  issued  its  decree 
against  him,  and  required  the  elector  of  Saxony, 
together  with  several  other  princes  mentioned  by 
name,  to  take  arms  in  order  to  carry  it  into  execu- 
tion. Maurice,  and  those  associated  with  himi  were 
not  unwilling  to  undertake  this  service.  They  were 
extremely  solicitous  to  maintain  public  order  by 
supporting  the  authority  of  the  imperial  chamber, 
and  saw  the  necessity  of  giving  a  timely  check  to 
the  usurpations  of  an  ambitious  prince,  who  had  no 
principle  of  action  but  regard  to  his  own  interest, 
and  no  motive  to  direct  him  but  the  impulse  of  un- 
governable passions.  They  had  good  reason  to  sus- 
pect that  the  emperor  encouraged  Albert  in  his 
extravagant  and  irregular  proceedings,  and  secretly 
afforded  him  assistance,  that,  by  raising  him  up  to 
rival  Maurice  in  power,  he  might,  in  any  future 
broil,  make  use  of  his  assistance  to  counterbalance 
and  control  the  authority  which  the  other  had  ac- 
quired in  the  empire.-^^ 

These  considerations  united  the  most  powerful 
princes  in  Germany  in  a  league  against  Albert,  of 
which  Maurice  was  declared  generalissimo.  This 
formidable  confederacy,  however,  wrought  no  change 

"  Sleid.  585.  Mem.  de  Ribier,  ii.  412.  Arnoldi  Vita  flaunt  up* 
Menken,  ii.  1242. 


1553,1  EMrEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  117 

in  Albert's  sentiments  ;  but  as  he  knew  that  he 
could  not  resist  so  many  princes,  if  he  should  allow 
them  time  to  assemble  their  forces,  he  endeavored, 
by  his  activity,  to  deprive  them  of  all  the  advan- 
tages which  they  might  derive  from  their  united 
power  and  numbers  ;  and,  for  that  reason,  marched 
directly  against  Maurice,  the  enemy  whom  he 
dreaded  most.  It  was  happy  for  the  allies  that 
the  conduct  of  their  affairs  was  committed  to  a 
prince  of  such  abilities.  He,  by  his  authority  and 
example,  had  inspired  them  with  vigor ;  and  hav- 
ing carried  on  their  preparations  with  a  degree  of 
rapidity  of  which  confederate  bodies  are  seldom  ca- 
pable, he  was  in  a  condition  to  face  Albert  before 
he  could  make  any  considerable  progress. 

Their  armies,  which  were  nearly  equal  in  num- 
ber, each  consisting  of  twenty-four  thousand  men, 
met  at  Sieverhausen,  in  the  duchy  of  Lunenburg ; 
and  the  violent  animosity  against  each  other  which 
possessed  the  two  leaders  did  not  suffer  them  to 
continue  long  inactive.  The  troops,  inflamed  with 
the  same  hostile  rage,  marched  fiercely  to  the  com- 
bat ;  they  fought  with  the  greatest  obstinacy ;  and 
as  both  generals  were  capable  of  availing  them- 
selves of  every  favorable  occurrence,  the  battle  re- 
mained long  doubtful,  each  gaining  ground  upon 
the  other  alternately.  At  last  victory  declared  for 
Maurice,  who  was  superior  in  cavalry,  and  Albert's 
army  fled  in  confusion,  leaving  four  thousand  dead 
on  the  field,  and  their  camp,  baggage,  and  artillery 
u)  the  hands  of  the  conquerors.     The  allies  bought 


118  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

their  victory  dear ;  their  best  troops  suffered  greatly  ; 
two  sons  of  the  duke  of  Brunswick,  a  duke  of  Lu- 
nenburg, and  many  other  persons  of  distinction, 
were  among  the  number  of  the  slain.^  But  all 
these  were  soon  forgotten  ;  for  Maurice  himself,  as 
he  led  up  to  a  second  charge  a  body  of  horse  which 
had  been  broken,  received  a  wound  with  a  pistol- 
bullet  in  the  belly,  of  which  he  died  two  days  after 
the  battle,  in  the  thirty-second  year  of  his  age,  and 
in  the  sixth  after  his  attaining  the  electoral  dignity. 
Of  all  the  personages  who  have  appeared  in  the 
history  of  this  active  age,  when  great  occurrences 
and  sudden  revolutions  called  forth  extraordinary 
talents  to  view,  and  afforded  them  full  opportunity 
to  display  themselves,  Maurice  may  justly  be  con- 
sidered as  the  most  remarkable.  If  his  exorbi- 
tant ambition,  his  profound  dissimulation,  and  his 
unwarrantable  usurpation  of  his  kinsman's  honors 
and  dominions,  exclude  him  from  being  praised  as 
a  virtuous  man  ;  his  prudence  in  concerting  his 
measures,  his  vigor  in  executing  them,  and  the 
uniform  success  with  which  they  were  attended, 
entitle  him  to  the  appellation  of  a  great  prince. 
At  an  age  when  impetuosity  of  spirit  commonly 
predominates  over  political  wisdom,  when  the  high- 
est effort  even  of  a  genius  of  the  first  order  is  to  iix 
on  a  bold  scheme,  and  to  execute  it  with  prompti- 
tude and  courage,  he   formed    and   conducted  an 

12  Historia  Pugnae  infelicis  inter  Maurit.  et  Albert  Thom.  Wintzero 
auctore,  apud  Scard.  ii.  559.  Sleid.  583.  Riiscelli.  Epistres  aox 
Princes,  154.     Arnoldi  Vita  Maurit.  1245. 


1558.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  119 

intricate  plan  of  policy,  which  deceived  the  most 
artful  monarch  in  Europe.  At  the  very  juncture 
when  the  emperor  had  attained  to  almost  unlimit- 
ed despotism,  Maurice,  with  power  seemingly  in- 
adequate to  such  an  undertaking,  compelled  him 
to  relinquish  all  his  usurpations,  and  established 
not  only  the  religious  but  civil  liberties  of  Ger- 
many on  such  foundations  as  have  hitherto  re- 
mained unshaken.  Although,  at  one  period  of 
his  life,  his  conduct  excited  the  jealousy  of  the 
Protestants,  and  at  another  drew  on  him  the  re- 
sentment of  the  Roman  Catholics,  such  was  his 
masterly  address,  that  he  was  the  only  prince  of 
the  age  who  in  any  degree  possessed  the  confi- 
dence of  both,  and  whom  both  lamented  as  the 
most  able  as  well  as  faithful  guardian  of  the  con 
stitution  and  laws  of  his  country. 

The  consternation  which  Maurice's  death  occa 
sioned  among  his  troops  prevented  them  from 
making  the  proper  improvement  of  the  victory 
which  they  had  gained.  Albert,  whose  active  cour- 
age and  profuse  liberality  rendered  him  the  dar- 
ling of  such  military  adventurers  as  were  little 
solicitous  about  the  justice  of  his  cause,  soon  re- 
assembled his  broken  forces,  and  made  fresh  levies 
with  such  success,  that  he  was  quickly  at  the  head 
of  fifteen  thousand  men,  and  renewed  his  depreda- 
tions with  additional  fury.  But  Henry  of  Bruns- 
wick, having  taken  the  command  of  the  allied 
troops,  defeated  him  in  a  second  battle,  scarcely 
less  bloody  than  the  former.     Even  then  his  cour- 

L2 


120  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

age  did  not  sink,  nor  were  his  resources  exhausted. 
He  made  several  efforts,  and  some  of  them  very 
vigorous,  to  retrieve  his  affairs;  but  being  laid 
under  the  ban  of  the  empire  by  the  imperial  cham- 
ber, being  driven  by  degrees  out  of  all  his  hered- 
itarv  territories,  as  well  as  those  which  he  had 
usurped,  being  forsaken  by  many  of  his  officers, 
and  overpowered  by  the  number  of  his  enemies, 
he  fled  for  refuge  into  France.  After  having  been, 
for  a  considerable  time,  the  terror  and  scourge  of 
Germany,  he  lingered  out  some  years  in  an  indi- 
gent and  dependent  state  of  exile,  the  miseries  of 
which  his  restless  and  arrogant  spirit  endured  with 
the  most  indignant  impatience.  Upon  his  death 
without  issue,  his  territories,  which  had  been  seized 
by  the  princes  who  took  arms  against  him,  were 
restored,  by  a  decree  of  the  emperor,  to  his  collat- 
eral heirs  of  the  house  of  Brandenburg.^^     [1557.] 

Maurice  having  left  only  one  daughter,  who  was 
afterwards  married  to  William,  prince  of  Orange, 
by  whom  she  had  a  sOn  who  bore  his  grandfather  s 
name,  and  inherited  the  great  talents  for  which  he 
was  conspicuous,  a  violent  dispute  arose  concern- 
ing the  succession  to  his  honors  and  territories. 
John  Frederick,  the  degraded  elector,  claimed  the 
electoral  dignity,  and  that  part  of  his  patrimonial 
estate  of  which  he  had  been  violently  stripped  after 
the  Smalkaldic  war.  Augustus,  Maurice's  only 
brother,  pleaded  his  right,  not  only  to  the  hered- 
itary possessions  of  their  family,  but  to   the   elec* 

W  Sleid.  592,  594,  599.     Struv.  Corp.  Hist.  Germ.  1075. 


15M.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FU'TH.  121 

toral  dignity,  and  to  the  territories  which  Maurice 
had  acquired.  As  Augustus  was  a  prince  of  con- 
siderable abilities,  as  well  as  of  great  candor  and 
gentleness  of  manners,  the  states  of  Saxony,  for- 
getting the  merits  and  sufferings  of  their  former 
master,  declared  warmly  in  his  favor.  His  preten- 
sions were  powerfully  supported  by  the  king  of 
Denmark,  whose  daughter  he  had  married,  and 
zealously  espoused  by  the  king  of  the  Romans,  out 
of  regard  to  Maurice's  memory.  The  degraded  elec- 
tor, though  secretly  favored  by  his  ancient  enemy, 
the  emperor,  was  at  last  obliged  to  relinquish  his 
claim,  upon  obtaining  a  small  addition  to  the  ter- 
ritories which  had  been  allotted  to  him,  together 
with  a  stipulation  securing  to  his  family  the  event- 
ual succession,  upon  a  failure  of  male  heirs  in 
the  Albertine  line.  That  unfortunate,  but  mag- 
nanimous prince,  died  next  year,  soon  after  rat- 
ifying this  treaty  of  agreement;  and  the  electoral 
dignity  is  still  possessed  by  the  descendants  of  Au- 
gustus.-^* 

During  these  transactions  in  Germany,  war  was 
carried  on  in  the  Low  Countries  with  considerable 
vigor.  The  emperor,  impatient  to  efface  the  stain 
which  his  ignominious  repulse  at  Metz  left  upon 
his  military  reputation,  had  an  army  early  on  the 
field,  and  laid  siege  to  Terouenne.  Though  the 
town  was  of  such  importance  that  Francis  used  to 
call  it  one  of  the  two  pillars  on  which  a  king  of 
France  might  sleep  with  security,  the  fortifications 

^*  Sleid.  587.     Thuan.  409.     Struv.  Corp.  Hist.  Germ.     . 

TOL.  III.  1 6  * 


1 22  REIGN  OF  THE  [Boon  XL 

were  in  bad  repair.  Henry,  trusting  to  what  had 
happened  at  Metz,  thought  nothing  more  was  ne- 
cessary to  render  all  the  efforts  of  the  enemy  abor- 
tive, than  to  reinforce  the  garrison  with  a  consider- 
able number  of  the  young  nobility.  But  D'Esse,  a 
veteran  officer  who  commanded  them,  being  killed, 
and  the  imperialists  pushing  the  siege  with  great 
vigor  and  perseverance,  the  place  was  taken  by 
assault.  That  it  might  not  fall  again  into  the 
hands  of  the  French,  Charles  ordered  not  only  the 
fortifications  but  the  town  itself  to  be  razed,  and 
the  inhabitants  to  be  dispersed  in  the  adjacent 
cities.  Elated  with  this  success,  the  imperialists 
immediately  invested  Hesden,  which,  though  de- 
fended with  great  bravery,  was  likewise  taken  by 
assault,  and  such  of  the  garrison  as  escaped  the 
sword  were  taken  prisoners.  The  emperor  intrust- 
ed the  conduct  of  the  siege  to  Emanuel  Philibert 
of  Savoy,  prince  of  Piedmont,  w^ho,  on  that  occa- 
sion, gave  the  first  display  of  those  great  talents 
of  military  command  which  soon  entitled  him  to 
be  ranked  among  the  first  generals  of  the  age,  and 
facilitated  his  re-establishment  in  his  hereditary 
dominions,  the  greater  part  of  which,  having  been 
overrun  by  Francis  in  his  expeditions  into  Italy, 
were  still  retained  by  Henry.^ 

The  loss  of  these  tow^ns,  together  with  so  many 
persons  of  distinction,  either  killed  or  taken  by  the 
enemy,  was  no  inconsiderable  calamity  to  France, 
and  Henry  felt  it  very  sensibly;  but  he  was  still 

15  Thuan.  411.     Haraei  Annales  Brabant.  66a. 


1553.J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  J  23 

more  mortified  at  the  emperor's  having  recovered 
his  wonted  superiority  in  the  field  so  soon  after  the 
blow  at  Metz,  which  the  French  had  represented 
as  fatal  to  his  power.  He  was  ashamed,  too,  of  his 
own  remissness  and  excessive  security  at  the  open- 
ing of  the  campaign ;  and  in  order  to  repair  that 
error,  he  assembled  a  numerous  army,  and  led  it 
into  the  Low  Countries. 

E-oused  at  the  approach  of  such  a  formidable 
enemy,  Charles  left  Brussels,  where  he  had  been 
shut  up  so  closely  during  seven  months,  that  it 
came  to  be  believed  in  many  parts  of  Europe  that 
he  was  dead ;  and  though  he  was  so  much  debili- 
tated by  the  gout  that  he  could  hardly  bear  the 
motion  of  a  litter,  he  hastened  to  join  his  army. 
The  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  turned  with  expecta- 
tion towards  those  mighty  and  exasperated  rivals, 
between  whom  a  decisive  battle  was  now  thought 
unavoidable.  But  Charles  having  prudently  de- 
clined to  hazard  a  general  engagement,  and  the 
violence  of  the  autumnal  rains  rendering  it  impos- 
sible for  the  French  to  undertake  any  siege,  they 
retired,  without  having  performed  anything  suitable 
to  the  great  preparations  which  they  had  made.^^ 

The  imperial  arms  were  not  attended  with  the 
same  success  in  Italy.  The  narrowness  of  the  em- 
peror s  finances  seldom  allowed  him  to  act  with 
vigor  in  two  different  places  at  the  same  time;  and 
having  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  in  order  to 
make  a  great  effort  in  the  Low  Countries,  his  oper* 

16  Harseus,  672.     Thuan.  414. 


124  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

ations  on  the  other  side  of  the  Alps  were  propor- 
tionably  feeble.  The  viceroy  of  Naples,  in  con 
junction  with  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  w^ho  was  greatly 
alarmed  at  the  introduction  of  French  troops  into 
Siena,  endeavored  to  become  master  of  that  city. 
But,  instead  of  reducing  the  Sienese,  the  imperial- 
ists were  obliged  to  retire  abruptly,  in  order  to  de- 
fend their  own  country,  upon  the  appearance  of  the 
Turkish  fleet,  which  threatened  the  coast  of  Naples ; 
and  the  French  not  only  established  themselves 
more  firmly  in  Tuscany,  but,  by  the  assistance  of 
the  Turks,  conquered  a  great  part  of  the  island  of 
Corsica,  subject  at  that  time  to  the  Genoese.-^" 

The  afi'airs  of  the  house  of  Austria  declined  no 
less  in  Hungary  durmg  the  course  of  this  year. 
As  the  troops  which  Ferdinand  kept  in  Transyl- 
vania received  their  pay  very  irregularly,  they  lived 
almost  at  discretion  upon  the  inhabitants;  and  their 
insolence  and  rapaciousness  greatly  disgusted  all 
ranks  of  men,  and  alienated  them  from  their  new 
sovereign,  who,  instead  of  protecting,  plundered 
his  subjects.  Their  indignation  at  this,-  added  to 
their  desire  of  revenging  Martinuzzi's  death, 
wrought  so  much  upon  a  turbulent  nobility,  im- 
patient of  injury,  and  upon  a  fierce  people,  prone 
to  change,  that  they  were  ripe  for  a  revolt.  At 
that  very  juncture,  their  late  queen,  Isabella,  to- 
gether with  her  son,  appeared  in  Transyhania. 
Her  ambitious  mind  could  not  bear  the  solitude 
Bnd  inactivity    of  a    private   life  ;    and  repenting 

17  Thuan.  4J  7. 


155S.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  EIETH.  125 

quickly  of  the  cession  which  she  had  made  of  the 
crown  in  the  year  1551,  she  left  the  place  of  her 
retreat,  hoping  that  the  dissatisfaction  of  the 
Hungarians  with  the  Austrian  government  would 
prompt  them  once  more  to  recognize  her  son's 
right  to  the  crown.  Some  noblemen  of  great  em- 
inence declared  immediately  in  his  favor.  The 
basha  of  Belgrade,  by  Solyman's  order,  espoused 
his  cause,  in  opposition  to  Ferdinand ;  the  Spanish 
and  German  soldiers,  instead  of  advancing  against 
the  enemy,  mutinied  for  want  of  pay,  declaring  that 
they  would  march  back  to  Vienna ;  so  that  Castal- 
do,  their  general,  was  obliged  to  abandon  Transyl 
vania  to  Isabella  and  the  Turks,  and  to  place  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  mutineers,  that,  by  his 
authority,  he  might  restrain  them  from  plunder- 
ing the  Austrian  territories  through  which  they 
passed.'^ 

Ferdinand's  attention  was  turned  so  entirely  to- 
wards the  affairs  of  Germany,  and  his  treasures  so 
much  exhausted  by  his  late  efforts  in  Hungary, 
that  he  made  no  attempt  to  recover  this  valuable 
province,  although  a  favorable  opportunity  for  that 
purpose  presented  itself,  as  Solyman  was  then  en- 
gaged in  a  war  with  Persia,  and  involved  besides 
in  domestic  calamities  which  engrossed  and  dis- 
tuioed  his  mind.  Solyman,  though  distinguished 
by  many  accomplishments  from  the  other  Ottoman 
princes,  had  all  the  passions  peculiar  to  that  violent 
and  haughty  race.     He  was  jealous  of  his  authority, 

18  Thuan.  430. 


126  REIGN   or   THE  [Book  XI 

sudden  as  ^ngII  as  furious  in  his  anger,  and  suscep- 
tible of  all  that  rage  and  love  which  reigns  in  the 
East,  and  often  produces  the  wildest  and  most  tra- 
gical effects.  His  favorite  mistress  was  a  Circassian 
slave  of  exquisite  beauty,  who  bore  him  a  son  called 
Mustapha,  whom,  both  on  account  of  his  birthright 
and  his  merit,  he  destined  to  be  the  heir  of  his 
crown.  E^oxalana,  a  Russian  captive,  soon  sup- 
planted the  Circassian,  and  gained  the  sultan's 
heart.  Having  the  address  to  regain  the  conquest 
which  she  had  made,  she  kept  possession  of  his 
love  without  any  rival  for  many  years,  during 
which  she  brought  him  several  sons  and  one 
daughter.  All  the  happiness,  however,  which  she 
derived  from  the  unbounded  SAvay  that  she  had 
acquired  over  a  monarch  whom  one  half  of  the 
world  revered  or  dreaded,  was  embittered  by  per- 
petual reflections  on  Mustapha's  accession  to  the 
throne,  and  the  certain  death  of  her  sons,  who,  she 
foresaw,  would  be  immediately  sacrificed,  according 
to  the  barbarous  jealousy  of  Turkish  policy,  to  the 
safety  of  the  new  emperor.  By  dwelling  continu- 
ally on  this  melancholy  idea,  she  came  gradually  to 
view  Mustapha  as  the  enemy  of  her  children,  and 
to  hate  him  Avith  more  than  a  step-mother's  ill-will. 
This  prompted  her  to  wish  his  destruction,  in  order 
to  secure  for  one  of  her  own  sons  the  throne  which 
was  destined  for  him.  Nor  did  she  want  either 
ambition  to  attempt  such  a  high  enterprise,  or  the 
arts  requisite  for  carrying  it  into  execution.  Hav- 
ing prevailed  on  the  sultan  to  give  her  only  daugh- 


I 


1553  1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  127 

tcr  in  marriage  to  Rustan,  the  grand  vizier^  ^he 
disclosed  her  scheme  to  that  crafty  minister,  who, 
j>€rceiving  that  it  was  his  own  interest  to  co-operate 
with  her,  readily  promised  his  assistance  towards 
aggrandizing  that  branch  of  the  royal  line  to  which 
he  was  now  so  nearly  allied. 

As  soon  as  Roxalana  had  concerted  her  measures 
with  this  able  confidant,  she  began  to  affect  a  won- 
derful zeal  for  the  Mahometan  religion,  to  which 
Solyman  was  superstitiously  attached,  and  proposed 
to  found  and  endow  a  royal  mosque,  a  work  of 
great  expense,  but  deemed  by  the  Turks  meritori- 
ous in  the  highest  degree.  The  mufti,  whom  she 
consulted,  approved  much  of  her  pious  intention  ; 
but,  having  been  gained  and  instructed  by  Eustan, 
told  her,  that  she,  being  a  slave,  could  derive  no 
benefit  herself  from  that  holy  deed,  for  all  the 
merit  of  it  would  accrue  to  Solyman,  the  master, 
whose  property  she  was.  Upon  this  she  seemed  to 
be  overwhelmed  with  sorrow,  and  to  sink  into  the 
deepest  melancholy,  as  if  she  had  been  disgusted 
with  life  and  all  its  enjoyments.  Solyman,  who 
was  absent  with  the  army,  being  informed  of  this 
dejection  of  mind,  and  of  the  cause  from  which  it 
proceeded,  discovered  all  the  solicitude  of  a  lover  to 
remove  it,  and,  by  a  writing  under  his  hand,  de- 
clared her  a  free  woman.  Roxalana,  having  gained 
this  point,  proceeded  to  build  the  mosque,  and  re- 
assumed  her  usual  gayety  of  spirit.  But  when 
Solyman,  on  his  return  to  Constantinople,  sent  a 
eunuch,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  seraglio,  tc 

7  M 


1 28  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI, 

bring  her  to  partake  of  his  bed,  she,  seemingly  with 
deep  regret,  but  in  the  most  peremptory  manner, 
decHned  to  follow  the  eunuch,  declaring  that  what 
had  been  an  honor  to  her  while  a  slave  became  a 
crime  as  she  was  now  a  free  Avoman,  and  that  she 
would  not  involve  either  the  sultan  or  herself  in 
the  guilt  that  must  be  contracted  by  such  an  open 
violation  of  the  law  of  their  prophet.  Solyman, 
whose  passion  this  difficulty,  as  well  as  the  affected 
delicacy  which  gave  rise  to  it,  heightened  and  in- 
flamed, had  recourse  immediately  to  the  mufti  for 
his  direction.  He  replied,  agreeably  to  the  Koran, 
that  Koxalana's  scruples  were  well  founded ;  but 
added  artfully,  in  words  which  E-ustan  had  taught 
him  to  use,  that  it  w^as  in  the  sultan's  power  to  re- 
move these  difficulties,  by  esj)ousing  her  as  his  law- 
ful wife.  The  amorous  monarch  closed  eagerly 
with  the  proposal,  and  solemnly  married  her, 
according  to  the  form  of  the  Mahometan  ritual; 
though,  by  so  doing,  he  disregarded  a  maxim  of 
policy  which  the  pride  of  the  Ottoman  blood  had 
taught  all  the  sultans  since  Bajazet  I.  to  consider  as 
inviolable.  From  his  time  none  of  the  Turkish 
monarchs  had  married,  because,  when  he  was  van- 
quished and  taken  prisoner  by  Tamerlane,  his  wife 
had  been  abused  with  barbarous  insolence  by  the 
Tartars.  That  no  similar  calamity  might  again 
subject  the  Ottoman  family  to  the  same  disgrace, 
the  sultans  admitted  none  to  their  beds  but  slaves, 
whose  dishonor  could  not  bring  any  such  staiii  up- 
on their  house. 


1558.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  129 

But  the  more  uncommon  the  step  was,  the  more 
it  convinced  Roxalana  of  the  unbounded  influence 
which  she  had  acquired  over  the  sultan's  heart ; 
and  emboldened  her  to  prosecute,  with  greater 
hope  of  success,  the  scheme  that  she  had  formed 
in  order  to  destroy  Mustapha.  This  young  prince, 
having  been  intrusted  by  his  father,  according  to 
the  practice  of  the  sultans  in  that  age,  with  the 
government  of  several  different  provinces,  was  at 
that  time  invested  with  the  administration  in  Diar- 
bequir,  the  ancient  Mesopotamia,  which  Solyman 
had  wrested  from  the  Persians,  and  added  to  his 
empire.  In  all  these  different  commands,  Musta- 
pha had  conducted  himself  with  such  cautious  pru- 
dence as  could  give  no  offence  to  his  father,  though, 
at  the  same  time,  he  governed  with  so  much  moder- 
ation as  well  as  justice,  and  displayed  such  valor 
and  generosity,  as  rendered  him  equally  the  favor- 
ite of  the  people  and  the  darling  of  the  soldiery. 

There  was  no  room  to  lay  any  folly  or  vice  to  his 
charge,  that  could  impair  the  high  opinion  which 
his  father  entertained  of  him.  E-oxalana's  malevo- 
lence was  more  refined ;  she  turned  his  virtues 
against  him,  and  made  use  of  these  as  engines  for 
his  destruction.  She  often  mentioned,  in  Solyman's 
presence,  the  splendid  qualities  of  his  son  ;  she 
celebrated  his  courage,  his  liberality,  his  popular 
arts,  with  malicious  and  exaggerated  praise.  As 
soon  as  she  perceived  that  the  sultan  heard  these 
encomiums,  which  w^ere  often  repeated,  with  un- 
easiness ;  that  suspicion  of  his  son  began  to  mingle 

VOL.    III.  17 


130  REIGN  OF  THE  IBook  XL 

itself  with  his  former  esteem  ;  and  that  by  degrees 
he  came  to  view  him  with  jealousy  and  fear ;  she  in- 
troduced, as  by  accident,  some  discourse  concerning 
the  rebellion  of  his  father,  Selim,  against  Bajazet, 
his  grandfather :  she  took  notice  of  the  bravery  of 
the  veteran  troops  under  Mustapha's  command,  and 
of  the  neighborhood  of  Diarbequir  to  the  terri- 
tories of  the  Persian  sophi,  Solyman's  mortal  ene- 
my. By  these  arts,  whatever  remained  of  paternal 
tenderness  was  gradually  extinguished,  and  such 
passions  were  kindled  in  the  breast  of  the  sultan 
as  gave  all  Roxalana's  malignant  suggestions  the 
color  not  only  of  probability  but  of  truth.  His- 
suspicions  and  fear  of  Mustapha  settled  into  deep- 
rooted  hatred.  He  appointed  spies  to  observe  and 
report  all  his  words  and  actions ;  he  watched  and 
stood  on  his  guard  against  him,  as  his  most  danger- 
ous enemy. 

Having  thus  alienated  the  sultan's  heart  from 
Mustapha,  Roxalana  ventured  upon  another  step. 
She  entreated  Solyman  to  allow  her  own  sons 
the  liberty  of  appearing  at  court,  hoping  that,  by 
gaining  access  to  their  father,  they  might,  by  their 
good  qualities  and  dutiful  deportment,  insinuate 
themselves  into  that  place  in  his  affections  which 
Mustapha  had  formerly  held;  and  though  what 
she  demanded  was  contrary  to  the  practice  of  the 
Ottoman  family  in  that  age,  the  uxorious  monarch 
granted  her  request.  To  all  these  female  intrigues, 
Rustan  added  an  artifice  still  more  subtle,  which 
completed  the  sultan's  delusion,  and  heightened  hisi 


1553.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  1^1 

jealousy  and  fear.  He  wrote  to  the  bashas  of  the 
provmces  adjacent  to  Diarbequir,  instructing  them 
to  send  him  regular  intelligence  of  Mustapha's 
proceedings  in  his  government,  and  to  each  of 
them  he  gave  a  private  hint,  flowing  in  appear- 
ance from  his  zeal  for  their  interest,  that  nothhi^ 
would  be  more  acceptable  to  the  sultan  than  to  re- 
ceive favorable  accounts  of  a  son  whom  he  destined 
to  sustain  the  glory  of  the  Ottoman  name.  The 
bashas,  ignorant  of  his  fraudulent  intention,  and 
eager  to  pay  court  to  their  sovereign  at  such  an 
easy  price,  filled  their  letters  with  studied  but 
fatal  panegyrics  of  Mustapha,  representing  him 
as  a  prince  worthy  to  succeed  such  an  illustrious 
father,  and  as  endowed  with  talents  which  mio^ht 
enable  him  to  emulate,  perhaps  to  equal,  his  fame. 
These  letters  were  industriously  shown  to  Solyman, 
at  the  seasons  when  it  was  known  that  they  would 
make  the  deepest  impression.  Every  expression  in 
recommendation  of  his  son  wounded  him  to  the 
heart;  he  suspected  his  principal  officers  of  being 
ready  to  favor  the  most  desperate  attempts  of  a 
prince  whom  they  were  so  fond  of  praising ;  and 
fancying  that  he  saw  them  already  assaulting  his 
throne  with  rebellious  arms,  he  determined,  while 
it  was  yet  in  his  power,  to  anticipate  the  blow,  and 
to  secure  his  own  safety  by  his  son's  death. 

For  this  purpose,  though  under  pretence  of  re- 
newing the  war  against  Persia,  he  ordered  K-ustan 
:o  march  towards  Diarbequir  at  the  head  of  a  nu- 
merous army,  and  to  rid  him  of  a  son  whose  life 

M2 


132  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XL 

he  deemed  inconsistent  with  his  own  safety.  But 
that  crafty  minister  did  not  choose  to  be  loaded 
with  the  odium  of  having  executed  this  cruel 
order.  As  soon  as  he  arrived  in  Syria  he  wrote 
to  Solyman,  that  the  danger  was  so  imminent  as 
called  for  his  immediate  presence;  that  the  camp 
was  full  of  Mustapha's  emissaries ;  that  many  of 
the  soldiers  were  corrupted ;  that  the  affections  of 
all  leaned  towards  him ;  that  he  had  discovered  a 
negotiation  which  had  been  carried  on  with  the 
sophi  of  Persia,  in  order  to  marry  Mustapha  with 
one  of  his  daughters ;  that  he  already  felt  his  own 
talents  as  well  as  authority  to  be  inadequate  to  the 
exigencies  of  such  an  arduous  conjuncture;  that 
the  sultan  alone  had  sagacity  to  discern  what  reso- 
lution should  be  taken  in  those  circumstances,  and 
power  to  carry  that  resolution  into  execution. 

This  charge  of  courting  the  friendship  of  the 
sophi,  Roxalana  and  E,ustan  had  reserved  as  the 
last  and  most  envenomed  of  all  their  calumnies. 
It  operated  with  the  violence  which  they  expected 
from  Solyman's  inveterate  abhorrence  of  the  Per- 
sians, and  threw  him  into  the  wildest  transports 
of  rage.  He  set  out  instantly  for  Syria,  and 
hastened  thither  with  all  the  precipitation  and 
impatience  of  fear  and  revenge.  As  soon  as  he 
joined  his  army  near  Aleppo,  and  had  concerted 
measures  with  Rustan,  he  sent  a  chiaus,  or  mes- 
senger of  the  court,  to  his  son,  requiring  him  to 
repair  immediately  to  his  presence.  Mustapha, 
though  no  stranger  to  his  step-mother's  machiii^- 


•553.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  133 

tions,    or   to    Rustan's    malice,    or   to   his   father's 
violent  temper,  yet,  relying  on  his  own  innocence, 
and    hoping    to    discredit    the    accusations   of  his 
enemies    by    the    promptitude    of   his    obedience, 
followed  the  messengers  without  delay  to  Aleppo. 
The  moment  he   arrived  in  the  camp,  he  was  in- 
troduced  into    the    sultan's   tent.     As   he   entered 
it,  he  observed  nothing  that  could  give  him  any 
alarm ;  no  additional  crowd  of  attendants,  no  body 
of  armed  guards,  but  the  same  order  and  silence 
which    always    reign    in    the    sultan's    apartments. 
In  a  few  minutes,  however,  several  mutes  appeared, 
at  the   sight  of  whom  Mustapha,   knowing   what 
was  his  doom,  cried  with  a  loud  voice,  "  Lo,  my 
death ! "  and  attempted  to  ily.     The  mutes  rushed 
forward   to   seize  him ;  he  resisted  and  struggled, 
demanding  with  the  utmost  earnestness  to  see  the 
sultan ;    and    despair,    together   with   the    hope    of 
finding  protection   from   the   soldiers,   if  he  could 
escape  out  of  the  tent,  animated   him    with  such 
extraordinary    strength,    that,    for    some    time,    he 
baffled  all  the  efforts  of  the  executioners.      Soly- 
man  was  within  hearing  of  his  son's  cries,  as  well 
as    of  the    noise    which   the    struggle    occasioned. 
Impatient  of  this  delay  of  his  revenge,  and  struck 
with  terror  at  the  thoughts  of  Mustapha's  escaping, 
he  drew  aside  the  curtain  which  divided  the  tent, 
and,    thrusting  in   his   head,  darted   a  fierce   look 
towards  the  mutes,  and,  with  wild  and  threatening 
gestures,  seemed  to  condemn  their  sloth  and  timid- 
ity     At    sight  of  his   father's   furious    and    unre- 


134  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

lentiiig  countenance,  Mustapha's  strength  failed, 
and  his  courage  forsook  him;  the  mutes  fastened 
the  bowstring  about  his  neck,  and  in  a  moment 
put  an  end  to  his  life. 

The  dead  body  was  exposed  before  the  sultan's 
tent.  The  soldiers  gathered  round  it,  and,  con- 
templating that  mournfrl  object  with  astonish- 
ment, and  sorrow,  and  indignation,  were  ready, 
if  a  leader  had  not  been  wanting,  to  have  broke 
out  into  the  wildest  excesses  of  rage.  After  giving 
vent  to  the  first  expressions  of  their  grief,  they  re- 
tired each  man  to  his  tent,  and,  shutting  them- 
selves up,  bewailed  in  secret  the  cruel  fate  of  their 
favorite;  nor  was  there  one  of  them  who  tasted 
food,  or  even  water,  during  the  remainder  of  that 
day.  Next  morning  the  same  solitude  and  silence 
reigned  in  the  camp ;  and  Solyman,  being  afraid 
that  some  dreadful  storm  would  follow  this  sullen 
calm,  in  order  to  appease  the  enraged  soldiers,  de- 
prived Rustan  of  the  seals,  ordered  him  to  leave 
the  camp,  and  raised  Achmet,  a  gallant  officer, 
much  beloved  in  the  army,  to  the  dignity  of  vizier. 
This  change,  however,  was  made  in  concert  with 
Rustan  himself;  that  crafty  minister  suggesting  it 
as  the  only  expedient  which  could  save  himself 
or  his  master.  But  within  a  few  months,  when 
the  resentment  of  the  soldiers  began  to  subside, 
and  the  name  of  Musts  pha  to  be  forgotten,  Achmet 
was  strangled  by  the  sultan's  command,  and  Eus- 
tan  reinstated  in  the  office  of  vizier.  Together 
with    his    former    power,   he    reassumed    the    plan 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FH^^TH.  135 

for  exterminating  the  race  of  Mustapha  n^hich  he 
had  concerted  with  Roxalana ;  and  as  they  wert 
afraid  that  an  only  son  whom  Mustapha  had  left 
might  grow  up  to  avenge  his  death,  they  re- 
doubled their  activity,  and,  by  employing  the  same 
arts  against  him  which  they  had  practised  against 
his  father,  they  inspired  Solyman  with  the  same 
fears,  and  prevailed  on  him  to  issue  orders  for 
putting  to  death  that  young,  innocent  prince. 
These  orders  w^ere  executed  with  barbarous  zeal 
by  a  eunuch,  who  was  despatched  to  Burso,  the 
place  where  the  prince  resided ;  and  no  rival  was 
left  to  dispute  the  Ottoman  throne  with  the  sons 
of  Roxalana.^^ 

Such  tragical  scenes,  productive  of  so  deep  dis- 
tress, seldom  occur  but  in  the  history  of  the  great 
monarchies  of  the  East,  w^here  the  warmth  of 
the  climate  seems  to  give  every  motion  of  the 
heart  its  greatest  force,  and  the  absolute  power 
of  sovereigns  accustoms  and  enables  them  to  grati- 
fy all  their  passions  without  control.  While  this 
interesting  transaction  in  the  court  of  Solyman  en- 
gaged his  whole  attention,  Charles  was  pursuing, 
with  the  utmost  ardor,  a  new  scheme  for  aggran- 
dizing his  family.  About  this  time,  Edward  VI. 
of  England,  after  a  short  reign,  in  which  he  dis- 
played such  virtues  as  filled  his  subjects  with 
sanguine  hopes  of  being  happy  under  his  govern- 

19  Augerii  GLslenii  Busbequli  Legationis  Turcicae  Epistolae  iv.  Franc 
1615,  p.  37.  Tliuan.  lib  xii.  p.  432.  Mem.  de  Hibier,  ii.  457.  Man- 
roceni,  Histor.  Veneta,  lib.  vii.  p.  60. 


136  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

ment,  and  made  them  bear  with  patience  all  that 
they  suffered  from  the  weakness,  the  dissensions, 
and  the  ambition  of  the  ministers  who  assumed 
the  administration  during  his  minority,  was  seized 
with  a  lingering  distemper,  which  threatened  his 
life.  The  emperor  no  sooner  received  an  account 
of  this,  than  his  ambition,  always  attentive  to 
seize  every  opportunity  of  acquiring  an  increase 
of  power,  or  of  territories,  to  his  son,  suggested 
the  thought  of  adding  England  to  his  other  king- 
doms, by  the  marriage  of  Philip  with  the  Princess 
Mary,  the  heir  of  Edward's  crown.  Being  appre- 
hensive, however,  that  his  son,  who  was  then  in 
Spain,  might  decline  a  match  with  a  princess  in 
her  thirty-eighth  year,  and  eleven  years  older  than 
himself,^^  Charles  determined,  notwithstanding  his 
own  age  and  infirmities,  to  make  offer  of  himself 
as  a  husband  to  his  cousin. 

But  though  Mary  was  so  far  advanced  in  years, 
and  destitute  of  every  charm  either  of  person  or 
manners  that  could  win  affection  or  command  es- 
teem, Philip,  without  hesitation,  gave  his  consent 
to  the  proposed  match  by  his  father,  and  was  will- 
ing, according  to  the  usual  maxim  of  princes,  to 
sacrifice  his  inclmation  to  his  ambition.  In  order 
to  insure  the  success  of  his  scheme,  the  emperor, 
even  before  Edward's  death,  began  to  take  such 
steps  as  might  flicilitate  it.  Upon  Edward's  demise, 
Mary  mounted  the  throne  of  England ;  the  preten- 
sions of  the  Lady  Jane  Gray  proving  as  unfortunute 

20  Pallav.  Hist   Concil.  Trid.  v.  ii.  c.  13,  p.  150. 


1553.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  137 

as  they  were  ill-founded.^^     Charles  sent  immedi- 
ately a  pompous  embassy  to  London  to  congratulate 
Mary  on  her  accession  to  the  throne,  and  to  prt>- 
pose  the  alliance  with  his  son.     The  queen,  dazzled 
with  the  prospect  of  marrying  the  heir  of  the  great- 
est monarch  in  Europe ;  fond  of  uniting  more  close- 
ly with  her  mother's  family,  to  which  she  had  been 
always  warmly  attached ;  and  eager  to  secure  the 
powerful  aid  which  she  knew  would  be  necessary 
towards  carrying  on  her  favorite  scheme  of  re-estab- 
lishing the  Romish  religion  in  England,  listened 
in    the    most    favorable    manner    to    the    proposal. 
Among  her  subjects  it  met  with  a  very  different 
reception.     Philip,  it  was  well  known,  contended 
for  all  the  tenets  of  the  Church  of  Rome  with  a 
sanguinary  zeal  which  exceeded  the  measure  even 
of  Spanish  bigotry;   this    alarmed  all  the  numer- 
ous partisans  of  the   Eeformation.     The  Castilian 
haughtiness  and  reserve   were  far   from  being  ac- 
ceptable to  the  English,  who,  having  several  times 
feen  their  throne  occupied  by  persons  who  were 
born  subjects,  had  become  accustomed  to  an  un- 
ceremonious   and   familiar   intercourse    with    their 
sovereigns.      They  could  not    think,    without   the 
utmost  uneasiness,  of  admitting    a   foreign    prince 
to  that  influence  in  their  councils  which  the  hus- 
band of  their  queen  would  naturally  possess.    They 
dreaded,   both   from   Philip's    overbearing    temper, 
and  from    the    maxims   of  the   Spanish  monarchy 
which  he  had  imbibed,  that  he  would  infuse  ideas 

91  Carte's  Hist  of  England,  iii.  287. 

VOL.   UI.  18 


138  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

into  fhe  queen's  mind  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of 
the  nation,  and  would  introduce  foreign  troops  and 
money  into  the  kingdom,  to  assist  her  in  any  at- 
tempt against  them. 

Full  of  these  apprehensions,  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, though  in  that  age  extremely  obsequious  to 
the  will  of  their  monarchs,  presented  a  warm  ad- 
dress against  the  Spanish  match ;  many  pamphlets 
were  published,  representing  the  dangerous  conse- 
quences of  the  alliance  with  Spain,  and  describing 
Philip's  bigotry  and  arrogance  in  the  most  odious 
colors.  But  Mary,  inflexible  in  all  her  resolutions, 
paid  no  regard  to  the  remonstrances  of  her  com- 
mons, or  to  the  sentiments  of  the  people.  The  em- 
peror having  secured,  by  various  arts,  the  ministers 
whom  she  trusted  most,  they  approved  warmly  of 
the  match,  and  large  sums  were  remitted  by  him  in 
order  to  gain  the  rest  of  the  council.  Cardinal 
Pole,  whom  the  pope,  immediately  upon  Mary's  ac- 
cession, had  despatched  as  his  legate  into  England, 
in  order  to  reconcile  his  native  country  to  the  see 
of  Rome,  was  detained,  by  the  emperor's  command, 
at  Dillinghen,  in  Germany,  lest  by  his  presence  he 
should  thwart  Philip's  pretensions,  and  employ  his 
interest  in  favor  of  his  kmsman,  Courtnay,  earl  of 
Devonshire,  whom  the  English  ardently  wished 
their  sovereign  to  choose  for  a  husband. ^^ 

As  the  negotiation  did  not  admit  of  delay,  it  was 
carried  forward  with  the  greatest  rapidity,  the  em- 
peror agreeing,  without  hesitation,  to  every  article 

22  Carte,  iii.  288. 


1554.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  139 

in  favor  of  England,  which  Mary's  ministers  either 
represented  as  necessary  to  soothe  the  people  and 
reconcile  them  to  the  match,  or  that  was  suggested 
by  their  own  fears  and  jealousy  of  a  foreign  master. 
The  chief  articles  were,  that  Philip,  during  his 
marriage  with  the  queen,  should  bear  the  title  of 
king  of  England,  but  the  entire  administration  of 
affairs,  as  well  as  the  sole  disposal  of  all  revenues, 
offices,  and  benefices,  should  remain  with  the  queen ; 
that  the  heirs  of  the  marriage  should,  together 
with  the  crown  of  England,  inherit  the  duchy  of 
Burgundy  and  the  Low  Countries ;  that  if  Prince 
Charles,  Philip's  only  son  by  a  former  marriage, 
should  die  without  issue,  his  children  by  the  queen, 
whether  male  or  female,  should  succeed  to  the 
crown  of  Spain,  and  all  the  emperor's  hereditary 
dominions ;  that,  before  the  consummation  of  the 
marriage,  Philip  should  swear  solemnly,  that  he 
would  retain  no  domestic  who  was  not  a  subject  of 
the  queen,  and  would  bring  no  foreigners  into  the 
kingdom  that  he  might  give  umbrage  to  the  Eng- 
lish ;  that  he  would  make  no  alteration  in  the  con- 
stitution or  laws  of  England ;  that  he  would  not 
carry  the  queen,  or  any  of  the  children  born  of  this 
marriage,  out  of  the  kingdom ;  that  if  the  queen 
should  die  before  him  without  issue,  he  would  im- 
mediately leave  the  crown  to  the  lawful  heir,  with- 
out claiming  any  right  of  administration  whatever ; 
that,  in  consequence  of  this  marriage,  England 
should  not  be  engaged  in  any  war  subsisting  be- 
tween France   and    Spain ;    and  that  the  alliance 


140  REIGN   OF   THE  [Boox  XI. 

between  France  and  England  should  remain  in  full 
force.^ 

But  this  treaty,  though  both  the  emperor  and 
Mary's  ministers  employed  their  utmost  address  in 
framing  it  so  as  to  please  the  English,  was  far  from 
quieting  their  fears  and  jealousies.  They  saw  that 
words  and  promises  were  a  feeble  security  against 
the  encroachments  of  an  ambitious  prince,  who,  as 
soon  as  he  got  possession  of  the  power  and  advan- 
tages which  the  queen's  husband  must  necessarily 
enjoy,  could  easily  evade  any  of  the  articles  which 
either  limited  his  authority  or  obstructed  his 
schemes.  They  were  convinced,  that,  the  more 
favorable  the  conditions  of  the  present  treaty  were 
to  England,  the  more  Philip  would  be  tempted 
to  violate  them.  They  dreaded  that  England,  like 
Naples,  ^lilan,  and  the  other  countries  annexed  to 
Spain,  would  soon  feel  the  dominion  of  that  crown 
to  be  intolerably  oppressive,  and  be  constrained,  as 
they  had  been,  to  waste  its  wealth  and  vigor  in 
wars  wherein  it  had  no  interest,  and  from  which  it 
could  derive  no  advantage.  These  sentiments  pre- 
vailed- so  generally,  that  every  part  of  the  kingdom 
was  filled  with  discontent  at  the  match,  and  with 
indignation  against  the  advisers  of  it.  Sir  Thomas 
Wyat,  a  gentleman  of  some  note,  and  of  good  in- 
tentions towards  the  public,  took  advantage  of  this, 
and  roused  the  inhabitants  of  Kent  to  arms,  in 
order  to  save  their  country  from  a  foreign  yoke^ 
Great  numbers   resorted,   in   a  short   time,   to  his 

23  Rymer's  Foed.  vol.  xv.  377,  393.     Mem.  de  RibJer,  ii.  498. 


1554.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  141 

standard ;  he  marched  to  London  with  such  rapid* 
ity,  and  the  queen  was  so  utterly  unprovided  fox 
defence,  that  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  extremely 
threatening ;  and  if  any  nobleman  of  distinction 
had  joined  the  malecontents,  or  had  Wyat  possessed 
talents  equal  in  any  degree  to  the  boldness  of  his 
enterprise,  the  insurrection  must  have  proved  fatal 
to  Mary's  power.  But  all  Wyat's  measures  were 
concerted  with  so  little  prudence,  and  executed 
with  such  irresolution,  that  many  of  his  followers 
forsook  him ;  the  rest  were  dispersed  by  a  handful 
of  soldiers,  and  he  himself  was  taken  prisoner, 
without  having  made  any  effort  worthy  of  the 
cause  that  he  had  undertaken,  or  suitable  to  the 
ardor  with  which  he  engaged  in  it.  He  suffered  the 
punishment  due  to  his  rashness  and  rebellion.  The 
queen's  authority  was  confirmed  and  increased  by 
her  success  in  defeating  this  inconsiderate  attempt 
to  abridge  it.  The  Lady  Jane  Gray,  whose  title 
the  ambition  of  her  relations  had  set  up  in  opposi- 
tion to  that  of  the  queen,  was,  notwithstanding  her 
youth  and  innocence,  brought  to  the  scaffold.  The 
Lady  Elizabeth,  the  queen's  sister,  was  observed 
with  the  most  jealous  attention.  The  treaty  of 
marriage  was  ratified  by  the  parliament. 

Philip  landed  in  England  with  a  magnificent  ret- 
inue, celebrated  his  nuptials  with  great  solemnity; 
and,  though  he  could  not  lay  aside  his  natural 
severity  and  pride,  or  assume  gracious  and  popular 
manners,  he  endeavored  to  conciliate  the  favor  of 
thf^  English  nobility  by  his  extraordinary  liberality. 


142  KEIGN  OF  THE  iBooK  XL 

Lest  that  should  fail  of  acquiring  him  such  influ- 
ence in  the  government  of  the  kingdom  as  he  aimed 
at  obtaining,  the  emperor  kept  a  body  of  twelve 
thousand  men  on  the  coast  of  Flanders,  in  readiness 
to  embark  for  England,  and  to  support  his  son  in 
all  his  enterprises. 

Emboldened  by  all  these  favorable  circumstances, 
Mary  pursued  the  scheme  of  extirpating  the  Prot^ 
estant  religion  out  of  her  dominions,  with  the  most 
precipitant  zeal.  The  laws  of  Edw^ard  VI.  in  favor 
of  the  Reformation  were  repealed;  the  Protestant 
clergy  ejected;  all  the  forms  and  rites  of  the  popish 
worship  were  re-established;  the  nation  was  solemn- 
ly absolved  from  the  guilt  which  it  had  contracted 
during  the  period  of  its  apostasy,  and  was  publicly 
reconciled  to  the  Church  of  Home  by  Cardinal  Pole, 
who,  immediately  after  the  queen's  marriage,  was 
permitted  to  continue  his  journey  to  England,  and 
to  exercise  his  legatine  functions  with  the  most 
ample  power.  Not  satisfied  with  having  over- 
turned the  Protestant  Church,  and  re-establishing 
the  ancient  system  on  its  ruins,  Mary  insisted  that 
all  her  subjects  should  conform  to  the  same  mode 
of  worship  which  she  preferred ;  should  profess 
their  faith  in  the  same  creed  which  she  had  ap- 
proved; and  abjure  every  practice  or  opinion  that 
was  deemed  repugnant  to  either  of  them.  Powei^ 
altogether  unknown  in  the  English  constitution 
were  vested  in  certain  persons  appointed  to  take 
cognizance  of  heresy,  and  they  proceeded  to  exer- 
cise them  with   more   than   inquisitorial  severity. 


1554.J  EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  14,'5 

The  prospect  of  danger,  however,  did  not  intimi- 
date the  principal  teachers  of  the  Protestant  doc- 
trines, who  believed  that  they  were  contending  for 
truths  of  the  utmost  consequence  to  the  happiness 
of  mankind.  They  boldly  avowed  their  sentiments, 
and  were  condemned  to  that  cruel  death  which  the 
Church  of  Rome  reserved  for  its  enemies.  This 
shocking  punishment  was  inflicted  with  that  bar- 
barity which  the  rancor  of  false  zeal  alone  can 
inspire.  The  English,  who  are  inferior  in  hu- 
manity to  no  people  in  Europe,  and  remarkable 
for  the  mildness  of  their  public  executions,  beheld 
with  astonishment  and  horror  persons  who  had 
filled  the  most  respectable  stations  in  the  Church, 
and  who  were  venerable  on  account  of  their  aae, 
their  piety,  and  their  literature,  condemned  to  en- 
dure torments  to  which  their  laws  did  not  subject 
even  the  most  atrocious  criminals. 

This  extreme  rigor  did  not  accomplish  the  end 
at  which  Mary  aimed.  The  patience  and  fortitude 
with  which  these  martyrs  for  the  Reformation  sub- 
mitted to  their  sufferings,  the  heroic  contempt  of 
death  expressed  by  persons  of  every  rank,  and  age, 
and  sex,  confirmed  many  more  in  the  Protestant 
faith  than  the  threats  of  their  enraged  prosecutors 
could  frighten  into  apostasy.  The  business  of  such 
as  were  intrusted  with  trying  heretics  multiplied 
continually,  and  appeared  to  be  as  endless  as  it  was 
odious.  The  queen's  ablest  ministers  became  sensi*- 
ble  how  impolitic,  as  well  as  dangerous,  it  was  to 
irritate  the  people  by  the  frequent  spectacle  of  pub- 

N2 


144  EEIGN  OF  THE  fBooK  XL 

lie  executions,  which  they  detested  as  no  less  unjust 
than  cruel.  Even  Philip  was  so  thoroughly  con- 
vinced of  her  having  run  to  an  excess  of  rigor, 
that,  on  this  occasion,  he  assumed  a  part  to  which 
he  was  little  accustomed,  becoming  an  advocate  for 
moderation  and  lenity.^ 

But  notwithstanding  this  attempt  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  the  English,  they  discovered  a  con- 
stant jealousy  and  distrust  of  all  his  intentions  ; 
and  when  some  members,  who  had  been  gained  by 
the  court,  ventured  to  move  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons that  the  nation  ought  to  assist  the  emperor, 
the  queen's  father-in-law,  in  his  war  against  France, 
the  proposal  was  rejected  with  general  dissatisfac- 
tion. A  motion  which  was  made,  that  the  parlia- 
ment should  give  its  consent  that  Philip  might  be 
publicly  crowned  as  the  queen's  husband,  met  with 
such  a  cold  reception  that  it  was  instantly  with- 
drawn.^^ 

The  king  of  France  had  observed  the  progress 
of  the  emperor's  negotiation  in  England  with  much 
uneasiness.  The  great  accession  of  territories  as 
well  as  reputation  which  his  enemy  would  acquire 
by  the  marriage  of  his  son  with  the  queen  of  such 
a  powerful  kingdom,  was  obvious  and  formidable. 
He  easily  foresaw  that  the  English,  notwithstand- 
ing all  their  fears  and  precautions,  would  soon  be 
drawn  in  to  take  part  in  the  quarrels  on  the  Conti- 

94  Godwin's  Annals  of  Q.  Mary,  ap.  Kennet,  ii.  p.  329.    Bumet*9 
Hist,  of  Reform,  ii.  298,  305. 

25  Carte's  Hist,  of  Endand,  iii.  314. 


1554.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  EIETH.  145 

nent,  and  be  compelled  to  act  in  subserviency  to 
the  emperor's  ambitious  schemes.  For  this  reason, 
Henry  had  given  it  in  charge  to  his  ambassador  at 
the  court  of  London  to  employ  all  his  address  in  or- 
der to  defeat  or  retard  the  treaty  of  marriage  ;  and  as 
there  was  not,  at  that  time,  any  prince  of  the  blood 
in  France  whom  he  could  propose  to  the  queen  as 
a  husband,  he  instructed  him  to  co-operate  with 
such  of  the  English  as  wished  their  sovereign  to 
marry  one  of  her  own  subjects.  But  the  queen's 
ardor  and  precipitation,  in  closing  with  the  first 
overtures  in  favor  of  Philip,  having  rendered  all 
his  endeavors  ineffectual,  Henry  was  so  far  from 
thinking  it  prudent  to  give  any  aid  to  the  English 
nialecontents,  though  earnestly  solicited  by  Wyat 
and  their  other  leaders,  who  tempted  him  to  take 
bim  under  his  protection,  by  offers  of  great  advan- 
tage to  France,  that  he  commanded  his  ambassador 
to  congratulate  the  queen  in  the  warmest  terms 
upon  the  suppression  of  the  insurrection. 

Notwithstanding  these  external  professions,  Hen- 
ry dreaded  so  much  the  consequence  of  this  alli- 
ance, which  more  than  compensated  for  all  the  em- 
peror had  lost  in  Germany,  that  he  determined 
to  carry  on  his  military  operations,  both  in  the 
Low  Countries  and  in  Italy,  with  extraordinary 
vigor,  in  order  that  he  might  compel  Charles  to 
accept  of  an  equitable  peace,  before  his  daugh- 
ter-in-law could  surmount  the  aversion  of  her 
subjects  to  a  war  on  the  Continent,  and  pre- 
vail on   them    to    assist    the  emperor  either   with 

VOL.    III.  19 


146  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

money  or  troops.  For  this  purpose,  he  exerted 
himself  to  the  utmost,  in  order  to  have  a  numer- 
ous army  each  assembled  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
Netherlands,  and,  while  one  part  of  it  laid  waste 
the  open  country  of  Artois,  the  main  body,  under 
the  Constable  Montmorency,  advanced  towards  the 
provinces  of  Liege  and  Hainault  by  the  forest  of 
Ardennes. 

The  campaign  was  opened  with  the  siege  of 
Mariemburg,  a  town  which  the  queen  of  Hun- 
gary, the  governess  of  the  Low  Countries,  had 
fortified  at  great  expense;  but  being  destitute  of 
a  sufficient  garrison,  it  surrendered  in  six  days. 
Henry,  elated  with  this  success,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  his  army,  and,  investing  Bouvines,  took  it 
by  assault,  after  a  short  resistance.  With  equal 
facility  he  became  master  of  Dinant ;  and  then, 
turning  to  the  left,  bent  his  march  towards  the 
province  of  Artois.  The  large  sums  which  the 
emperor  had  remitted  into  England  had  so  ex- 
hausted his  treasury,  as  to  render  his  preparations 
at  this  juncture  slower  and  more  dilatory  than 
usual.  He  had  no  body  of  troops  to  make  head 
agamst  the  French  at  their  first  entrance  into  his 
territories  ;  and  though  he  drew  together  all  tlie 
forces  in  the  country  in  the  utmost  hurry,  and  gave 
the  command  of  them  to  Emanuel  Philibert  of  Sa- 
voy, they  were  in  no  condition  to  face  an  enerny  so 
far  superior  in  number.  The  prince  of  Savoy,  how- 
ever, by  his  activity  and  good  conduct,  made  up  for 
his  want  of  troops.    By  watching  all  the  motions  of 


I554.J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   EIFTH  147 

the  French  at  a  distance,  and  by  choosing  his  own 
posts  with  skill,  he  put  it  out  of  their  power  either 
to  form  any  siege  of  consequence,  or  to  attack  him. 
Want  of  subsistence  soon  obliged  them  to  fall  back 
towards  their  own  frontiers,  after  having  burnt  all 
the  open  towns,  and  having  plundered  the  country 
through  which  they  marched  with  a  cruelty  and 
license  more  becoming  a  body  of  light  troops  than 
a  royal  army  led  by  a  great  monarch. 

But  Henry,  that  he  might  not  dismiss  his  army 
without  attempting  some  conquest  adequate  to  the 
great  preparations,  as  well  as  sanguine  hopes,  with 
which  he  had  opened  the  campaign,  invested  Renti, 
a  placed  deemed  in  that  age  of  great  importance, 
as,  by  its  situation  on  the  confines  of  Artois  and  the 
Boulonnois,  it  covered  the  former  province,  and  pro- 
tected the  parties  which  made  incursions  into  the 
latter.  The  town,  which  was  strongly  fortified,  and 
provided  with  a  numerous  garrison,  made  a  gallant 
defence ;  but  being  warmly  pressed  by  a  powerful 
army,  it  must  soon  have  yielded.  The  emperor, 
who  at  that  time  e'ajoyed  a  short  interval  of  ease 
from  the  gout,  was  so  solicitous  to  save  it,  that, 
although  he  could  bear  no  other  motion  but  that 
of  a  litter,  he  instantly  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  army,  which,  having  received  several  reinforce- 
ments, was  now  strong  enough  to  approach  the  ene- 
my. The  French  were  eager  to  decide  the  fate  of 
Renti  by  a  battle,  and  expected  it  from  the  emper- 
or's arrival  in  his  camp ;  but  Charles  avoided  a  gen- 
eral action  with  great  industry,  and,  as  he  had  noth- 


148  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

ing  in  view  but  to  save  the  town,  he  hoped  to  ao 
comphsh  that,  without  exposing  himself  to  the  con- 
sequences of  such  a  dangerous  and  doubtful  event. 

Notwithstanding  all  his  precautions,  a  dispute 
about  a  post  which  both  armies  endeavored  to 
seize,  brought  on  an  engagement  which  proved 
almost  general.  The  duke  of  Guise,  who  com- 
manded the  wing  of  the  French  which  stood  the 
brunt  of  the  combat,  displayed  valor  and  conduct 
worthy  of  the  defender  of  Metz;  the  imperialists, 
after  an  obstinate  struggle,  were  repulsed ;  the 
French  remained  masters  of  the  post  in  dispute; 
and  if  the  constable,  either  from  his  natural  cau- 
tion and  slowness,  or  from  unwillingness  to  sup- 
port a  rival  whom  he  hated,  had  not  delayed 
bringing  up  the  main  body  to  second  the  im- 
pression which  Guise  had  made,  the  rout  of  the 
enemy  must  have  been  complete.  The  emperor, 
notwithstanding  the  loss  which  he  had  sustained, 
continued  in  the  same  camp ;  and  the  French, 
bemg  straightened  for  provisions,  and  finding  it 
impossible  to  carry  on  the  seige  in  the  face  of  a 
hostile  army,  quitted  their  intrenchments.  They 
retired  openly,  courting  the  enemy  to  approach, 
rather  than  shunning  an  engagement. 

But'  Charles,  having  gained  his  end,  suffeied 
them  to  march  off  unmolested.  As  soon  as  his 
troops  entered  their  own  country,  Henry  threw 
garrisons  into  the  frontier  towns,  and  dismissed 
the  rest  of  the  army.  This  encouraged  th^  im- 
perialists   to    push    forward    with    a    considerable 


1554.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  149 

body  of  troops  into  Picardy,  and,  by  laying 
waste  the  country  with  tire  and  sword,  they 
endeavored  to  revenge  themselves  for  the  ravages 
which  the  French  had  committed  in  Hainault 
and  Artois.^^  But  as  they  were  not  able  to  re- 
duce any  place  of  importance,  they  gained  nothing 
more  than  the  enemy  had  done  by  this  cruel  and 
inglorious  method  of  carrying  on  the  war. 

The  arms  of  France  were  still  more  unsuccess- 
ful in  Italy.  The  footing  which  the  French  had 
acquired  in  Siena  occasioned  much  uneasiness  to 
Cosmo  de'  Medici,  the  most  sagacious  and  enter- 
prising of  all  the  Italian  princes.  He  dreaded 
the  neighborhood  of  a  powerful  people,  to  whom 
all  who  favored  the  ancient  republican  govern- 
ment in  Florence  would  have  recourse,  as  to  their 
natural  protectors,  against  that  absolute  authority 
which  the  emperor  had  enabled  him  to  usurp;  he 
knew  how  odious  he  was  to  the  French,  on  ac- 
count of  his  attachment  to  the  imperial  party, 
and  he  foresaw  that,  if  they  were  permitted  to 
gather  strength  in  Siena,  Tuscany  would  soon  feel 
the  effects  of  their  resentment.  For  these  reasons, 
he  wished,  with  the  utmost  solicitude,  for  the  ex- 
pulsion of  the  French  out  of  the  Sienese,  before 
they  had  time  to  establish  themselves  thoroughly 
in  the  country,  or  to  receive  such  reinforcements 
from  France  as  would  render  it  dangerous  to 
attack  them.  As  this,  howeA^er,  was  properly  the 
emperor's  business,  who  was  called  by  his  interest 

26  Thuan.  160,  &c      Haraei  Ann.  Brab.  674. 


150  KETGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

as  well  as  honor  to  dislodge  those  formidable 
intruders  into  the  heart  of  his  dominions,  Cosmo 
labored  to  throw  the  whole  burden  of  the  enter- 
prise on  him ;  and,  on  that  account,  had  given  no 
assistance,  during  the  former  campaign,  but  by 
advancing  some  small  sums  of  money  towards  the 
payment  of  the  imperial  troops. 

But  as  the  defence  of  the  Netherlands  engrossed 
all  the  emperor's  attention,  and  his  remittances 
into  Eno^land  had  drained  his  treasurv,  it  was 
obvious  that  his  operations  in  Italy  w^ould  be 
extremely  feeble ;  and  Cosmo  plainly  perceived, 
that  if  he  himself  did  not  take  part  openly  in 
the  war,  and  act  with  vigor,  the  French  would 
scarcely  meet  with  any  annoyance.  As  his  sit- 
uation rendered  this  resolution  necessary  and 
unavoidable,  his  next  care  w^as  to  execute  it  in 
,5uch  a  manner,  that  he  might  derive  from  it 
some  other  advantage  besides  that  of  driving  the 
French  out  of  his  neighborhood.  With  this  \dew, 
he  despatched  an  envoy  to  Charles,  offering  to  de- 
clare war  against  France,  and  to  reduce  Siena  at 
his  own  charges,  on  condition  that  he  should  be 
repaid  whatever  he  might  expend  in  the  enterprise, 
and  be  permitted  to  retain  all  his  conquests  until 
his  demands  were  fully  satisfied.  Charles,  to 
whom,  at  this  juncture,  the  war  against  Siena 
was  an  intolerable  burden,  and  who  had  neither 
expedient  nor  resource  that  could  enable  him  to 
carry  it  on  with  proper  vigor,  closed  gladly  with 
this  overture;    and  Cosmo,   well  acquainted    with 


1554.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIETH.  151 

the  low  state  of  the  imperial  finances,  flattered 
himself  that  the  emperor,  finding  it  impossible  to 
reimburse  him,  would  sufi"er  him  to  keep  quie' 
possession  of  whatever  places  he  should  conquer.^ 
Full  of  these  hopes,  he  made  great  preparations 
for  war,  and,  as  the  French  king  had. turned  the 
strength  of  his  arms  against  the  Netherlands,  he 
did  not  despair  of  assembling  such  a  body  of  men 
as  would  prove  more  than  a  sufficient  match  foi 
any  force  which  Henry  could  bring  into  the  field 
in  Italy.  He  endeavored,  by  giving  one  of  his 
daughters  to  the  Pope's  nephew,  to  obtain  assist- 
ance from  the  holy  see,  or  at  least  to  secure  his 
remaining  neutral.  He  attempted  to  detach  the 
duke  of  Orsini,  whose  family  had  been  long  at- 
tached to  the  French  party,  from  his  ancient  con- 
federates, by  bestowing  on  him  another  of  his 
daughters ;  and,  what  was  of  greater  consequence 
than  either  of  these,  he  engaged  John  James 
Medecino,  marquis  of  Marignano,  to  take  the 
command  of  his  army.^^  This  ofiicer,  from  a  very 
low  condition  in  life,  had  raised  himself,  through 
all  the  ranks  of  service,  to  high  command,  and 
had  displayed  talents,  and  acquired  reputation  in 
war,  which  entitled  him  to  be  placed  on  a  level 
with  the  greatest  generals  in  that  martial  age. 
Having  attained  a  station  of  eminence  so  dispro- 
portionate to  his  birth,  he  labored,  with  a  fond 
solicitude,    to    conceal   his    original    obscurity,    by 

2^  Adriani,  Istoria  de'  suoi  Tempi,  vol.  i   p.  662. 
^^  (bid.  p.  663. 


152  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

giving  out  that  he  was  descended  of  the  family  of 
Medici,  to  which  honor  the  casual  resemblance 
of  his  name  was  his  only  pretension.  Cosmo, 
happy  that  he  could  gratify  him  at  such  an  easy 
rate,  flattered  his  vanity  in  this  point,  acknowl- 
edged him  as  a  relation,  and  permitted  him  to 
assume  the  arms  of  his  family.  Medecino,  eager 
to  serve  the  head  of  that  family  of  which  he 
now  considered  himself  as  a  branch,  applied  with 
wonderful  zeal  and  assiduity  to  raise  troops ;  and 
as,  during  his  long  service,  he  had  acquired  great 
credit  with  the  leaders  of  those  mercenary  bands 
which  formed  the  strength  of  Italian  armies,  he 
engaged  the  most  eminent  of  them  to  follow 
Cosmo's  standard. 

To  oppose  this  able  general,  and  the  formidable 
army  which  he  had  assembled,  the  king  of  France 
made  choice  of  Peter  Strozzi,  a  Florentine  noble- 
man, who  had  resided  long  in  France  as  an 
exile,  and  who  had  risen  by  his  merit  to  high 
reputation  as  well  as  command  in  the  army.  Fie 
was  the  son  of  Philip  Strozzi,  who,  in  the  year 
1537,  had  concurred  with  such  ardor  in  the  at- 
tempt to  expel  the  family  of  Medici  out  of  Flo- 
rence, in  order  to  re-establish  the  ancient  repub- 
lican form  of  government,  and  who  had  perished 
in  the  undertaking.  The  son  inherited  the  im- 
placable aversion  to  the  Medici,  as  well  as  the 
same  enthusiastic  zeal  for  the  liberty  of  Florence, 
which  had  animated  his  father,  whose  dea^h  he 
was  impatient  to   revenge.     Henry    flattered    hiio.- 


155^4.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  153 

self  that  his  army  would  make  rapid  progress 
under  a  general  whose  zeal  to  promote  his  inter- 
est  was  roused  and  seconded  by  such  powerful 
passions ;  especially  as  he  had  allotted  him,  for 
the  scene  of  action,  his  native  country,  in  which 
he  had  many  powerful  partisans,  ready  to  facili- 
tate all  his  operations. 

But  how  specious  soever  the  motives  might  ap- 
pear which  induced  Henry  to  make  this  choice,  it 
proved  fatal  to  the  interests  of  France  in  Italy. 
Cosmo,  as  soon  as  he  heard  that  the  mortal  enemy 
of  his  family  was  appointed  to  take  the  command 
in  Tuscany,  concluded  that  the  king  of  France 
aimed  at  something  more  than  the  protection  of 
the  Sienese,  and  saw  the  necessity  of  making  ex- 
traordinary efforts,  not  merely  to  reduce  Siena,  but 
to  save  himself  from  destruction.^®  At  the  same 
time,  the  cardinal  of  Ferrara,  who  had  the  entire 
direction  of  the  French  affairs  in  Italy,  considered 
Strozzi  as  a  formidable  rival  in  power,  and,  in  order 
to  prevent  his  acquiring  any  increase  of  authority 
from  success,  he  was  extremely  remiss  in  supplying 
him  either  with  money  to  pay  his  troops,  or  with 
provisions  to  support  them.  Strozzi  himself,  blinded 
by  his  resentment  against  the  Medici,  pushed  on  his 
operations  with  the  impetuosity  of  revenge,  rather 
than  with  the  caution  and  prudence  becoming  a 
great  general. 

At  first,  however,  he  attacked  several  towns  in 
the  territory  of  Florence  with  such  vigor  as  obliged 

29  Pecci,  Memorle  di  Siena,  vol.  iv.  p.  103,  &c. 
v*OL.  lU.  20 


154  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI, 

Medeciuo,  in  order  to  check  his  progress,  to  with- 
draw the  greater  part  of  his  army  from  Siena,  which 
he  had  invested  before  Strozzi's  arrival  in  Italy. 
As  Cosmo  sustained  the  whole  burden  of  military 
operations,  the  expense  of  which  must  soon  have 
exhausted  his  revenues  ;  as  neither  the  viceroy  of 
Naples  nor  governor  of  Milan  was  in  condition  to 
afford  him  any  effectual  aid ;  and  as  the  troops 
which  Medecino  had  left  in  the  camp  before  Siena 
could  attempt  nothing  against  it  during  his  ab- 
sence, it  w^as  Strozzi's  business  to  have  protracted 
the  war,  and  to  have  transferred  the  seat  of  it  into 
the  territories  of  Florence ;  but  the  hope  of  ruining 
his  enemy  by  one  decisive  blow  precipitated  him 
into  a  general  engagement,  not  far  from  Marciano. 
The  armies  were  nearly  equal  in  number ;  but  a 
body  of  Italian  cavalry,  in  which  Strozzi  placed  great 
confidence,  having  fled  without  making  any  resist- 
ance, either  through  the  treachery  or  cowardice  of 
the  officers  who  commanded  it,  his  infantry  re- 
mained exposed  to  the  attacks  of  all  Medecino's 
troops.  Encouraged,  however,  by  Strozzi's  pres- 
ence and  example,  who,  after  receiving  a  danger- 
ous wound  in  endeavormg  to  rally  the  cavalry, 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  infantry,  and 
manifested  an  admirable  presence  of  mind,  as  well 
as  extraordinary  valor,  they  stood  their  ground  with 
great  firmness,  and  repulsed  such  of  the  enemy  as 
ventured  to  approach  them.  But  those  gallant 
troops  being  surrounded  at  last  on  every  side,  and 
torn  in  pieces  by  a  battery  of  cannon  which  Mede- 


1554.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  155 

cino  brought  to  bear  upon  them,  the  Florentine 
cavah-y  broke  in  on  their  flanks,  and  a  general  rout 
ensued.  Strozzi,  faint  with  the  loss  of  blood,  and 
deeply  affected  with  the  fatal  consequences  of  his 
own  rashness,  found  the  utmost  difficulty  in  mak- 
ing his  escape  with  a  handful  of  men.^ 

.Medecino  returned  immediately  to  the  siege  of 
Siena  with  his  victorious  forces,  and,  as  Strozzi 
could  not,  after  the  greatest  efl'orts  of  activity,  col- 
lect as  many  men  as  to  form  the  appearance  of  a 
regular  army,  he  had  leisure  to  carry  on  his  ap- 
proaches against  the  town  without  molestation. 
But  the  Sienese,  instead  of  sinking  into  despair 
upon  this  cruel  disappointment  of  their  only  hope 
of  obtaining  relief,  prepared  to  defend  themselves 
to  the  utmost  extremity,  with  that  undaunted  for- 
titude which  the  love  of  liberty  alone  can  inspire. 
This  generous  resolution  was  warmly  seconded  by 
Monluc,  who  commanded  the  French  garrison  in 
the  town.  The  active  and  enterprising  courage 
which  he  had  displayed  on  many  occasions,  had 
procured  him  this  command;  and  as  he  had  am- 
bition which  aspired  at  the  highest  military  dig- 
nities, without  any  pretensions  to  attain  them  but 
what  he  could  derive  from  merit,  he  determined  to 
distinguish  his  defence  of  Siena  by  extraordinary 
efforts  of  valor  and  perseverance.  For  this  pur- 
pose, he  repaired  and  strengthened  the  fortifica- 
tions with  unwearied  industry ;  he  trained  the 
citizens  to  tlie  use  of  arms,  and  accustomed  them 

30  Pecci,  Memorie  di  Siena,  vol.  iv.  p.  157. 

02 


156  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

to  go  through  the  fatigues  and  dangers  of  service 
in  common  with  the  soldiers;  and  as  the  enemy 
were  extremely  strict  in  guarding  all  the  avenues 
to  the  city,  he  husbanded  the  provisions  in  the 
magazines  with  the  most  parsimonious  economy, 
and  prevailed  on  the  soldiers,  as  well  as  the  citi^- 
zens,  to  restrict  themselves  to  a  very  moderate 
daily  allowance  for  their  subsistence.  Medecino, 
though  his  army  was  not  numerous  enough  to 
storm  the  town  by  open  force,  ventured  twice  to 
assault  it  by  surprise ;  but  he  was  received  each 
time  with  so  much  spirit,  and  repulsed  with  such 
loss,  as  discouraged  him  from  repeating  the  at- 
tempt, and  left  him  no  hopes  of  reducing  the 
town  but  by  famine. 

With  this  view,  he  fortified  his  own  camp  with 
great  care,  occupied  all  the  posts  of  strength  round 
the  place,  and  having  entirely  cut  off  the  besieged 
from  any  communication  with  the  adjacent  country, 
he  waited  patiently  until  necessity  should  compel 
them  to  open  their  gates.  But  their  enthusiastic 
zeal  for  liberty  made  the  citizens  despise  the  dis- 
tresses occasioned  by  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  and 
supported  them  long  under  all  the  miseries  of  fam- 
ine. Monluc,  by  his  example  and  exhortations, 
taught  his  soldiers  to  vie  with  them  in  patience 
and  abstinence ;  and  it  w^as  not  until  they  had 
withstood  a  siege  of  ten  months,  until  they  had 
eaten  up  all  the  horses,  dogs,  and  other  animals 
in  the  place,  and  were  reduced  almost  to  their  last 
morsel  of  b^-^ad,  that  they  proposed  a  capitulation. 


1555.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   TIIE  FIFTH.  1  5*7 

Even  then  they  demanded  honorable  terms  ;  and 
as  Cosmo,  though  no  stranger  to  the  extremity 
of  their  condition,  was  afraid  that  despair  might 
prompt  them  to  venture  upon  some  wild  enter- 
prise, he  immediately  granted  them  conditions 
more  favorable  than   they  could  have  expected. 

The  capitulation  was  made  in  the  emperor's 
name,  who  engaged  to  take  the  republic  of  Siena 
under  the  protection  of  the  empire  ;  he  promised 
to  maintain  the  ancient  liberties  of  the  city,  to 
allow  the  magistrates  the  full  exercise  of  their 
former  authority,  to  secure  the  citizens  in  the  un- 
disturbed possession  of  their  privileges  and  prop- 
erty; he  granted  an  ample  and  unlimited  pardon 
to  all  who  had  borne  arms  against  him ;  he  re- 
served to  himself  the  right  of  placing  a  garrison 
in  the  town,  but  engaged  not  to  rebuild  the  citadel 
without  the  consent  of  the  citizens.  Monluc  and 
his  French  garrison  were  allowed  to  march  out 
with  all  the  honors  of  war. 

Medecino  observed  the  articles  of  capitulation,  as 
far  as  depended  on  him,  with  great  exactness.  No 
violence  or  insult  whatever  was  offered  to  the  in- 
habitants, and  the  French  garrison  was  treated  with 
-all  the  respect  due  to  their  spirit  and  bravery.  But 
many  of  the  citizens,  suspecting,  from  the  extraor- 
dinary facility  with  which  they  had  obtained  such 
favorable  conditions,  that  the  emperor,  as  well  as 
Cosmo,  would  take  the  first  opportunity  of  violat- 
ing them,  and  disdaining  to  possess  a  precarious 
liberty,  which  depended  on  the  will    of  another, 


158  KElGIs   OF  THE  [Book  XL 

abandoned  the  place  of  their  nativity,  and  accom- 
panied the  French  to  Monte- Alcino,  Porto  Ercole, 
and  other  small  towns  in  the  territory  of  the  re- 
public. They  established  in  Monte- Alcino  the  same 
model  of  government  to  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed at  Siena,  and,  appointing  magistrates  with 
the  same  titles  and  jurisdiction,  solaced  themselves 
with  this  image  of  their  ancient  liberty. 

The  fears  of  the  Sienese  concerning  the  fate  of 
their  country  were  not  imaginary,  or  their  suspicion 
of  the  emperor  and  Cosmo  ill  founded ;  for  no  soon- 
er had  the  imperial  troops  taken  possession  of  the 
town,  than  Cosmo,  without  regarding  the  articles 
of  capitulation,  not  only  displaced  the  magistrates 
who  were  in  office,  and  nominated  new  ones  de- 
voted to  his  own  interest,  but  commanded  all  the 
citizens  to  deliver  up  their  arms  to  persons  whom 
he  appointed  to  receive  them.  They  submitted  to 
the  former  from  necessity,  though  with  all  the  re- 
luctance and  regret  w^hich  men  accustomed  to  lib- 
erty feel  in  obeying  the  first  commands  of  a  mas- 
ter. They  did  not  yield  the  same  tame  obedience 
to  the  latter ;  and  many  persons  of  distinction, 
rather  than  degrade  themselves  from  the  rank  of 
freemen  to  the  condition  of  slaves,  by  surrender-^ 
ing  their  arms,  fled  to  their  countrymen  at  Monte- 
Alcino,  and  chose  to  endure  all  the  hardships,  and 
encounter  all  the  dangers,  ^vhich  they  had  reason  to 
expect  in  that  new  station,  where  they  had  fixed 
the  seat  of  their  republic. 

Cosmo,  not  reckonins:  himself  secure  while  such 


1555.)  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  159 

numbers  of  implacable  and  desperate  enemies  were 
settled  in  his  neighborhood,  and  retained  any  de- 
gree of  power,  solicited  Medecino  to  attack  them 
in  their  different  places  of  retreat,  before  they  had 
time  to  recruit  their  strength  and  spirits,  after  the 
many  calamities  which  they  had  suffered.  He  pre- 
vailed on  him,  though  his  army  was  much  weak- 
ened by  hard  duty  during  the  siege  of  Siena,  to 
invest  Porto  Ercole ;  and,  the  fortifications  being 
both  slight  and  incomplete,  the  besieged  were  soon 
compelled  to  open  their  gates.  An  unexpected 
order,  which  Medecino  received  from  the  emperor, 
to  detach  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  into  Pied- 
mont, prevented  further  operations,  and  permitted 
the  Sienese  exiles  to  reside  for  some  time  undis- 
turbed in  Monte-Alcino.  But  their  unhappy  coun- 
trymen who  remained  at  Siena  were  not  yet  at  the 
end  of  their  sufferings  ;  for  the  emperor,  instead  of 
adhering  to  the  articles  of  capitulation,  granted 
his  son  Philip  the  investiture  of  that  city  and  all 
its  dependencies  ;  and  Francis  de  Toledo,  in  the 
name  of  their  new  master,  proceeded  to  settle  the 
civil  and  military  government,  treated  them  like 
a  conquered  people,  and  subjected  them  to  the 
Spanish  yoke,  without  paying  any  regard  what- 
ever to  their  privileges  or  ancient  form  of  gov- 
ernment.^^ 

The  imperial    army    in   Piedmont  had  been  so 

31  Sleid.  617.  Thuan.  lib.  xv.  526,  537.  Joan.  Camerarli  Adnot. 
Rer.  pra-cipuarum  ab  anno  1550  ad  1561,  ap.  Freherum,  vol.  iii.  p.  004. 
Pecci,  Memorie  di  Siena,  iv.  64,  &c. 


160  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

feeble  for  some  time,  and  its  commander  so  inactive, 
that  tlie  emperor,  in  order  to  give  vigor  to  his  oper- 
ations in  that  quarter,  found  it  necessary,  not  only 
to  recall  Medecino's  troops  from  Tuscany  while  in 
the  career  of  conquest,  but  to  employ  in  Piedmont 
a  general  of  such  reputation  and  abilities,  as  might 
counterbalance  the  great  military  talents  of  the 
Marechal  Brissac,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
French  forces  in  that  country. 

He  pitched  on  the  duke  of  Alva  for  that  pur- 
pose ;  but  that  choice  was  as  much  the  effect  of  a 
court  intrigue,  as  of  his  opinion  with  respect  to  the 
duke's  merit.  Alva  had  long  made  court  to  Philip 
with  the  utmost  assiduity,  and  had  endeavored  to 
work  himself  into  his  confidence  by  all  the  insin- 
uating arts  of  which  his  haughty  and  inflexible 
nature  was  capable.  As  he  nearly  resembled  that 
prince  in  many  features  of  his  character,  he  began 
to  gain  much  of  his  good-will.  Puy  Gomez  de 
Silva,  Philip's  favorite,  w^io  dreaded  the  progress 
which  this  formidable  rival  made  in  his  master's 
affections,  had  the  address  to  prevail  with  the  em- 
peror to  name  Alva  to  this  command.  The  duke, 
though  sensible  that  he  owed  this  distinction  to  the 
malicious  arts  of  an  enemy,  who  had  no  other  aim 
than  to  remove  him  at  a  distance  from  court,  was 
of  such  punctilious  honor  that  he  would  not  de- 
cline a  command  that  appeared  dangerous  and 
difficult,  but,  at  the  same  time,  was  so  haughty 
that  he  would  not  accept  of  it  but  on  his  own 
terms,  insisting  on  being  appointed  the  emperor's 


1555.1  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  161 

yicar-general  in  Italy,  with  the  supreme  military 
command  in  all  the  imperial  and  Spanish  territories 
in  that  country.  Charles  granted  all  his  demands  ; 
and  he  took  possession  of  his  new  dignity  with 
almost  unlimited  authority. 

His  first  operations,  however,  were  neither  pro- 
portioned to  his  former  reputation  and  the  exten- 
sive powers  with  which  he  was  invested,  nor  did 
they  come  up  to  the  emperor  s  expectations.  Bris- 
sac  had  under  his  command  an  army  which,  though 
inferior  in  number  to  the  imperialists,  was  com- 
posed of  chosen  troops,  which,  having  grown  old 
in  service  in  that  country,  where  every  town  was 
fortified,  and  every  castle  capable  of  being  defended, 
were  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  manner  of  car- 
rying on  war  there.  By  their  valor,  and  his  own 
good  conduct,  Brissac  not  only  defeated  all  the 
attempts  of  the  imperialists,  but  added  new  con- 
quests to  the  territories  of  which  he  Avas  formerly 
master.  Alva,  after  having  boasted,  with  his  usual 
arrogance,  that  he  would  drive  the  French  out  of 
Piedmont  in  a  few  weeks,  was  obliged  to  retire 
into  winter-quarters,  with  the  mortification  of  be- 
ing unable  to  preserve  entire  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try of  which  the  emperor  had  hitherto  kept  posses-* 
sion.^^ 

As  the  operations  of  this  campaign  in  Piedmont 
were  indecisive,  those  in  the  Netherlands  were 
inconsiderable,  neither  the  emperor  nor  king  of 
France  being  able  to  bring  into  the  field  an  army 

^  Thuan.  lib.  xv.  529.     Guichenon,  Hist,  de  Savoie,  torn.  i.  670 
VOL.  III.  21 


162  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XL 

iitrong  enough  to  undertake  any  enterprise  of  mo- 
laent.  But  what  Charles  wanted  in  force,  he  en- 
deavored to  supply  by  a  bold  stratagem,  the  sue- 
cess  of  which  would  have  been  equal  to  that  of 
the  most  vigorous  campaign.  During  the  siege 
of  Metz,  Leonard,  father  guardian  of  a  convent  of 
Franciscans  in  that  city,  had  insinuated  himself  far 
into  the  esteem  and  favor  of  the  duke  of  Guise,  by 
his  attachment  to  the  French.  Being  a  man  of  an 
active  and  intriguing  spirit,  he  had  been  extremely 
useful  both  in  animating  the  inhabitants  to  sustain 
with  patience  all  the  hardships  of  the  siege,  and  in 
procuring  intelligence  of  the  enemy's  designs  and 
motions.  The  merit  of  those  important  services, 
together  with  the  warm  recommendations  of  the 
duke  of  Guise,  secured  him  such  high  confidence 
with  Vielleville,  who  was  appointed  governor  of 
Metz  when  Guise  left  the  town,  that  he  was  per- 
mitted to  converse  or  correspond  with  whatever 
persons  he  thought  fit,  and  nothing  that  he  did 
created  any  suspicion.  This  monk,  from  the  levity 
natural  to  bold  and  projecting  adventurers ;  or  from 
resentment  against  the  French,  who  had  not  be- 
stowed on  him  such  rewards  as  he  thought  due 
to  his  own  merit ;  or  tempted,  by  the  unlimited 
confidence  which  was  placed  in  him,  to  imagine 
that  he  might  carry  on  and  accomplish  any  scheme 
with  perfect  security,  formed  a  design  of  betraying 
Metz  to  the  imperialists. 

He  communicated  his  intentions  to  the  queen- 
dowager    of   Hungary,    who    governed    the    IjOW 


1555.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  163 

Countries  in  the  name  of  her  brother.  She,  ap- 
proving, without  any  scruple,  any  act  of  treachery 
from  which  the  emperor  might  derive  such  signal 
advantage,  assisted  the  father  guardian  in  con- 
certing the  most  proper  plan  for  insuring  its  suc- 
cess. They  agreed  that  the  father  guardian  should 
endeavor  to  gain  his  monks  to  concur  in  promoting 
the  design ;  that  he  should  introduce  into  the  con- 
vent a  certain  number  of  chosen  soldiers,  disguised 
in  the  habit  of  friars ;  that,  when  everything  was 
ripe  for  execution,  the  governor  of  Thionville  should 
march  towards  Metz  in  the  night  with  a  consider- 
able body  of  troops,  and  attempt  to  scale  the  ram- 
parts ;  that  while  the  garrison  was  employed  in 
resisting  the  assailants,  the  monks  should  set  fire 
to  the  town  in  different  places ;  that  the  soldiers 
who  lay  concealed  should  sally  out  of  the  convent, 
and  attack  those  who  defended  the  ramparts  in 
the  rear.  Amidst  the  universal  terror  and  con- 
fusion which  events  so  unexpected  would  occasion, 
it  was  not  doubted  but  that  the  imperialists  might 
become  masters  of  the  town.  As  a  recompense 
for  this  service,  the  father  guardian  stipulated 
that  he  should  be  appointed  bishop  of  Metz,  and 
ample  rewards  were  promised  to  such  of  his  monks 
as  should  be  most  active  in  co-operating  with  him. 

The  father  guardian  accomplished  what  he  had 
undertaken  to  perform  with  great  secrecy  and  de- 
spatch. By  his  authority  and  arguments,  as  well 
as  by  the  prospect  of  wealth  and  honors  which 
he  set  before  his  monks,  he   prevailed  on  all    of 


[64  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

them  to  enter  into  the  conspu'acy.  He  introduced 
into  the  convent,  without  being  suspected,  as  many 
soldiers  as  were  thought  sufficient.  The  governoi* 
of  Thionville,  apprised  in  due  time  of  the  de- 
sign, had  assembled  a  proper  number  of  troops 
for  executing  it;  and  the  moment  approached 
which  probably  would  have  wrested  from  Henry 
the  most  important  of  all  his  conquests. 

But,  happily  for  France,  on  the  very  day  that 
was  fixed  for  striking  the  blow,  Vielleville,  an 
able  and  vigilant  officer,  received  information  from 
a  spy  whom  he  entertained  at  Thionville,  that  cer- 
tain Franciscan  friars  resorted  frequently  thither, 
and  were  admitted  to  many  private  conferences 
with  the  governor,  who  was  carrying  on  prepa- 
rations for  some  military  enterprise  with  great  de- 
spatch, but  with  a  most  mysterious  secrecy.  This 
was  sufficient  to  awaken  Vielleville's  suspicions. 
Without  communicating  these  to  any  person,  he 
instantly  visited  the  convent  of  Franciscans,  de 
.tected  the  soldiers  who  were  concealed  there,  and 
forced  them  to  discover  as  much  as  they  knew 
concerning  the  nature  of  the  enterprise.  The  fa- 
ther guardian,  who  had  gone  to  Thionville  that  he 
might  put  the  last  hand  to  his  machinations,  w^as 
seized  at  the  gate  as  he  returned ;  and  he,  in 
order  to  save  himself  from  the  rack,  revealed  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  conspiracy. 

Vielleville,  not  satisfied  with  having  seized  the 
traitors,  and  having  frustrated  their  schemes,  was 
solicitous    to    take    advantage    of    the    discoveries 


1555  J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  155 

which  he  had  made,  so  as  to  be  revenged  on  the 
imperialists.  For  this  purpose  he  marched  out 
with  the  best  troops  in  his  garrison,  and,  placing 
these  in  ambush  near  the  road  by  which  the 
father  guardian  had  informed  him  that  the  gov- 
ernor of  Thionville  would  approach  Metz,  he  fell 
upon  the  imperialists  with  great  fury,  as  they  ad- 
vanced in  perfect  security,  without  suspecting  any 
danger  to  be  near.  Confounded  at  this  sudden 
attack  by  an  enemy  whom  they  expected  to  sur- 
prise, they  made  little  resistance ;  and  a  great  part 
of  the  troops  employed  in  this  service,  among 
whom  were  many  persons  of  distinction,  was  killed 
or  taken  prisoners.  Before  next  morning,  Vielle- 
ville  returned  to  Metz  in  triumph. 

No  resolution  was  taken  for  some  time  con- 
cerning the  fate  of  the  father  guardian  and  his 
monks,  the  framers  and  conductors  of  this  danger- 
ous conspiracy.  Regard  for  the  honor  of  a  body 
so  numerous  and  respectable  as  the  Franciscans, 
and  unwillingness  to  afford  a  subject  of  triumph 
to  the  enemies  of  the  Romish  Church  by  their 
disgrace,  seem  to  have  occasioned  this  delay.  But, 
at  length,  the  necessity  of  inflicting  exemplary 
punishment  upon  them,  in  order  to  deter  others 
from  venturing  to  commit  the  same  crime,  be- 
came so  evident,  that  orders  were  issued  to  pro 
ceed  to  their  trial.  The  guilt  was  made  apparent 
by  the  clearest  evidence,  and  sentence  of  death 
was  passed  upon  the  father  guardian,  together 
with  t\^enty  monks.     On  the  evening  previous  to 


166  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XI 

the  day  fixed  for  their  execution,  the  jailer  took 
them  out  of  the  dungeons  in  which  they  had 
hitherto  been  confined  separately,  and  shut  them 
all  up  in  one  great  room,  that  they  might  con- 
fess their  sins  one  to  another,  and  join  together 
in  preparing  for  a  future  state.  But  as  soon  as 
they  were  left  alone,  instead  of  employing  them- 
selves in  the  religious  exercises  suitable  to  their 
condition,  they  began  to  reproach  the  father  guar- 
dian, and  four  of  the  senior  monks  who  had  been 
most  active  in  seducing  them,  for  their  inordi 
nate  ambition,  which  had  brought  such  misery 
on  them,  and  such  disgrace  upon  their  order. 
From  reproaches  they  proceeded  to  curses  and 
execrations,  and  at  last,  in  a  frenzy  of  rage  and 
despair,  they  fell  upon  them  with  such  violence 
that  they  murdered  the  father  guardian  on  the 
spot,  and  so  disabled  the  other  four  that  it  be- 
came necessary  to  carry  them  next  morning  in  a 
cart,  together  with  the  dead  body  of  the  father 
guardian,  to  the  place  of  execution.  Six  of  the 
youngest  were  pardoned ;  the  rest  suffered  the  pun- 
ishment which  their  crime  merited.^ 

Though  both  parties,  exhausted  by  the  length 
of  the  war,  carried  it  on  in  this  languishing  man- 
ner, neither  of  them  showed  any  disposition  to 
listen  to  overtures  of  peace.  Cardinal  Pole,  in- 
deed, labored  with  all  the  zeal  becoming  his  piety 

83  Thuan.  lib.  xv.  p.  522.  Belcar.  Com.  Rer.  Gal.  866.  Memoire* 
du  Mardch  Vielleville,  par  M.  Charloix,  torn.  iii.  p.  249,  &c.  p-  34 T, 
Pai.  1757. 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  1.61 

and  liumanity,  to  re-establish  concord  among  the 
princes  of  Christendom.  He  had  not  only  per- 
suaded his  mistress,  the  queen  of  England,  to  enter 
warmly  into  his  sentiments,  and  to  offer  her  media- 
tion to  the  contending  powers,  but  had  prevailed 
both  on  the  emperor  and  king  of  France  to  send 
their  plenipotentiaries  to  a  village  between  Grave- 
lines  and  Ardres.  He  himself,  together  with  Gar- 
diner, bishop  of  Winchester,  repaired  thither,  in 
order  to  preside  as  mediators  in  the  conferences 
which  were  to  be  held  for  adjusting  all  the  points 
in  difference.  But  though  each  of  the  monarchs 
committed  this  negotiation  to  some  of  their  minis- 
ters in  whom  they  placed  the  greatest  confidence, 
it  was  soon  evident  that  they  came  together  with 
no  sincere  desire  of  accommodation.  Each  pro 
posed  articles  so  extravagant,  that  they  could  have 
no  hopes  of  their  being  acce^^ted.  Pole,  after  ex- 
erting in  vain  all  his  zeal  and  address  in  order  to 
persuade  them  to  relinquish  such  extravagant  de- 
mands, and  to  consent  to  the  substitution  of  more 
equal  conditions,  became  sensible  of  the  folly  of 
wasting  time  in  attempting  to  re-establish  concord 
between  those  whom  their  obstinacy  rendered  irrec- 
oncilable, broke  off  the  conference,  and  returned  to 
England.^* 

During  these  transactions  in  other  parts  of  Eu- 
rope, Germany  enjoyed  such  profound  tranquillity 
m  afforded  the  diet  full  leisure  to  deliberate,  and 
to  establish  proper  regulations  concerning  a  point 

3*  Thuan.  lib.  xv.  p.  523.     Mem.  de  Ribier,  torn.  ii.  p.  613. 

P2 


168  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book    XI 

of  the  greatest  consequence  to  the  internal  peace 
of  the  empire.  By  the  treaty  of  Passau,  in  1552, 
it  had  been  referred  to  the  next  diet  of  the  em- 
pire to  confirm  and  perfect  the  plan  of  religious 
pacification  which  was  there  agreed  upon.  The 
terror  and  the  confusion  with  which  the  violent 
commotions  excited  by  Albert  of  Brandenburg 
had  filled  Germany,  as  well  as  the  constant  at- 
tention which  Ferdinand  was  obliged  to  give  to 
the  afiairs  of  Hungary,  had  hitherto  prevented 
the  holding  a  diet,  though  it  had  been  summoned, 
soon  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  to  meet 
at  Augsburg. 

But  as  a  diet  was  now  necessary  on  many  ac- 
counts, Ferdinand,  about  the  beginning  of  this 
year,  had  repaired  to  Augsburg.  Though  few  of 
the  princes  were  present,  either  in  person  or  by 
their  deputies,  he  opened  the  assembly  by  a  speech, 
in  which  he  proposed  a  termination  of  the  dissen- 
sions to  which  the  new  tenets  and  controversies 
with  regard  to  religion  had  given  rise,  not  only  as 
the  first  and  great  business  of  the  diet,  but  as  the 
point  which  both  the  emperor  and  he  had  most  at 
heart.  He  represented  the  innumerable  obstacles 
which  the  emperor  had  to  surmount  before  he 
could  procure  the  convocation  of  a  general  coun- 
cil, as  well  as  the  fatal  accidents  which  had  for 
some  time  retarded,  and  had  at  last  suspended,  the 
consultations  of  that  assembly.  He  observed,  that 
experience  had  already  taught  them  how  vain  it 
was  to  expect  any  remedy  for  evils,  which  demanded 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  1()9 

immediate  redress,  from  a  general  council,  the  as- 
sembling of  which  would  either  be  prevented,  or 
its  deliberations  be  interrupted,  by  the  dissensions 
and  hostilities  of  the  princes  of  Christendom ;  that 
a  national  council  in  Germany,  which,  as  some  im- 
agined, might  be  called  with  greater  ease,  and  de- 
liberate with  more  perfect  security,  was  an  assem- 
bly of  an  unprecedented  nature,  the  jurisdiction  of 
which  was  uncertain  in  its  extent,  and  the  form  of 
its  proceedings  undefined ;  that,  in  his  opinion, 
there  remained  but  one  method  for  composing 
their  unhappy  differences,  which,  though  it  had 
been  often  tried  without  success,  might  yet  prove 
effectual  if  it  were  attempted  with  a  better  and 
more  pacific  spirit  than  had  appeared  on  former 
occasions,  and  that  was  to  choose  a  few  men  of 
learning,  abilities,  and  moderation,  who,  by  dis- 
cussing the  disputed  articles  in  an  amicable  con- 
ference, might  explain  them  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  bring  the  contending  parties  either  to  unite  in 
sentiment,  or  to  differ  with  charity. 

This  speech,  being  printed  in  common  form,  and 
dispersed  over  the  empire,  revived  the  fears  and 
jealousies  of  the  Protestants.  Ferdinand,  they  ob- 
served with  much  surprise,  had  not  once  men- 
ticmed,  in  his  address  to  the  diet,  the  treaty  of 
Passau,  the  stipulations  in  which  they  considered 
as  the  great  security  of  their  religious  liberty. 
The  suspicions  to  which  this  gave  rise  were  con- 
firmed by  the  accounts  which  they  daily  received 
of  the  extreme  severity  with  which  Ferdinand 
VOL.  nr.  22 


no  REIGN  OF  THE  "Book  XL 

treated  their  Protestant  brethren  in  his  hereditary 
dominions ;  and  as  it  was  natural  to  consider  his 
actions  as  the  surest  indication  of  his  intentions, 
this  diminished  their  confidence  in  those  pompous 
professions  of  moderation  and  of  zeal  for  the  re- 
establishment  of  concord,  to  which  his  practice 
seemed  to  be  so  repugnant. 

The  arrival  of  the  Cardinal  Morone,  whom  the 
pope  had  appointed  to  attend  the  diet  as  his  nun- 
cio, completed  their  conviction,  and  left  them  no 
room  to  doubt  that  some  dangerous  machination 
was  forming  against  the  peace  or  safety  of  the 
Protestant  Church.  Julius,  elated  with  the  unex- 
pected return  of  the  English  nation  from  apostasy, 
began  to  flatter  himself  that,  the  spirit  of  mutiny 
and  revolt  having  now  spent  its  force,  the  happy 
period  was  come  when  the  Church  might  resume 
its  ancient  authority,  and  be  obeyed  by  the  people 
with  the  same  tame  submission  as  formerly.  Full 
of  these  hopes,  he  had  sent  Morone  to  Augsburg, 
with  instructions  to  employ  his  eloquence  to  ex- 
cite the  Germans  to  imitate  the  laudable  example 
of  the  English,  and  his  political  address  in  order 
to  prevent  any  decree  of  the  diet  to  the  detriment 
of  the  Catholic  faith.  As  Morone  inherited  from 
his  father,  the  chancellor  of  Milan,  uncommon 
talents  for  negotiation  and  intrigue,  he  could 
hardly  have  failed  of  embarrassing  the  measures 
of  the  Protestants  in  the  diet,  or  of  defeating 
w^iatever  they  aimed  at  obtaining  in  it  for  their 
further  security. 


1555.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  171 

But  an  unforeseen  event  delivered  them  from  all 
the  danger  which  they  had  reason  to  apprehend 
from  Morone's  presence.  Julius,  by  abandoning 
himself  to  pleasures  and  amusements  no  less  un- 
becoming his  age  than  his  character,  having  con- 
tracted such  habits  of  dissipation,  that  any  serious 
occupation,  especially  if  attended  with  difficulty, 
became  an  intolerable  burden  to  him,  had  long  re- 
sisted the  solicitations  of  his  nephew  to  hold  a 
consistory,  because  he  expected  there  a  violent  op- 
position to  his  schemes  in  favor  of  that  young 
man.  But  when  all  the  pretexts  which  he  could 
invent  for  eluding  this  request  were  exhausted, 
and,  at  the  same  time,  his  indolent  aversion  to 
business  continued  to  grow  upon  him,  he  feigned 
indisposition  rather  than  yield  to  his  nephew's 
importunity ;  and  that  he  might  give  the  deceit  a 
greater  color  of  probability,  he  not  only  confined 
himself  to  his  apartment,  but  changed  his  usual 
diet  and  manner  of  life.  By  persisting  too  long 
in  acting  this  ridiculous  part,  he  contracted  a  real 
disease,  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  days,  leaving  his 
infamous  minion,  the  Cardinal  di  Monte,  to  bear 
his  name,  and  to  disgrace  the  dignity  which  he  had 
conferred  upon  him.^  As  soon  as  Morone  heard 
of  his  death,  he  set  out  abruptly  from  Augsburg, 
where  he  had  resided  only  a  few  days,  that  he 
might  be  present  at  the  election  of  a  new  pontiff. 

One  cause   of  their  suspicions    and  fears  being 

•    35  Onuphr.  Panvinius  de  Vitis  Pontificum,  p.  320.     Thuan.  lib.  x\n 
V  517. 


3  72  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

thus  removed,  the  Protestants  soon  became  sensible 
that  their  conjectures  concerning  Ferdinand's  inten- 
tions, however  specious,  were  ill  founded,  and  that 
he  had  no  thoughts  of  violating  the  articles  favor- 
able to  them  in  the  treaty  of  Passau.  Charles, 
from  the  time  that  Maurice  had  defeated  all  his 
schemes  in  the  empire,  and  overturned  the  great 
scheme  of  religious  and  civil  despotism  which  he 
had  almost  established  there,  gave  little  attention 
to  the  internal  government  of  Germany,  and  per- 
mitted his  brother  to  pursue  whatever  measures  he 
judged  most  salutary  and  expedient.  Ferdinand, 
less  ambitious  and  enterprising  than  the  emperor, 
instead  of  resuming  a  plan  w^iich  he,  with  power 
and  resources  so  far  superior,  had  failed  of  accom- 
plishing, endeavored  to  attach  the  princes  of  the 
empire  to  his  family,  by  an  administration  uniformly 
moderate  and  equitable.  To  this  he  gave,  at  pres- 
ent, particular  attention,  because  his  situation  at 
this  juncture  rendered  it  necessary  to  court  their 
favor  and  support  with  more  than  usual  assiduity. 

Charles  had  again  resumed  his  favorite  project 
of  acquiring  the  imperial  crow^n  for  his  son  Philip, 
the  prosecution  of  which,  the  reception  it  had  met 
with  when  first  proposed  had  obliged  him  to  sus- 
pend, but  had  not  induced  him  to  relinquish.  This 
led  him  warmly  to  renew  his  request  to  his  brother 
that  he  would  accept  of  some  compensation  for  his 
prior  right  of  succession,  and  sacrifice  that  to  the 
grandeur  of  the  house  of  Austria.  Ferdinand, 
who  was  as  little  disposed  as  formerly  to  give  such 


1555.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  £73 

an  extraordinary  proof  of  self  denial,  being  sensible 
that,  in  order  to  defeat  this  scheme,  not  only  the 
most  inflexible  firmness  on  his  part,  but  a  vigorous 
declaration  from  the  princes  of  the  empire  in  behalf 
of  his  title,  was  requisite,  was  willing  to  purchase 
their  favor  by  gratifying  them  in  every  point  that 
they  deemed  interesting  or  essential. 

At  the  same  time  he  stood  in  need  of  immediate 
and  extraordinary  aid  from  the  Germanic  body,  as 
the  Turks,  after  having  wrested  from  him  great 
part  of  his  Hungarian  territories,  were  ready  to 
attack  the  provinces  still  subject  to  his  authority 
with  a  formidable  army,  against  which  he  could 
bring  no  equal  force  into  the  field.  For  this  aid 
from  Germany  he  could  not  hope,  if  the  internal 
peace  of  the  empire  were  not  established  on  a  foun- 
dation solid  in  itself,  and  which  should  appear  even 
to  the  Protestants  so  secure  and  so  permanent,  as 
might  not  only  allow  them  to  engage  in  a  distant 
war  with  safety,  but  might  encourage  them  to  act 
in  it  with  vigor. 

A  step  taken  by  the  Protestants  themselves,  a 
short  time  after  the  opening  of  the  diet,  rendered 
him  still  more  cautious  of  giving  them  any  new 
cause  of  ofi"ence. 

As  soon  as  the  publication  of  Ferdinand's  speech 
awakened  the  fears  and  suspicions  which  have  been 
mentioned,  the  electors  of  Saxony  and  Brandenburg, 
together  with  the  landgrave  of  Hesse,  met  at  Naum 
burg,  and,  confirming  the  ancient  treaty  of  confra- 
ternity which  had  long  united  their  families,  they 


174  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

added  to  it  a  new  article,  by  which  the  contracting 
parties  bound  themselves  to  adhere  to  the  Confes- 
sion of  Augsburg,  and  to  maintain  the  doctrine 
which  it  contained  in  their  respective  dominions.^ 

Ferdinand,  influenced  by  all  these  considerations, 
employed  his  utmost  address  in  conducting  the  de- 
liberations  of  the  diet,  so  as  not  to  excite  the  jeal- 
ousy of  a  party  on  whose  friendship  he  depended, 
and  whose  enmity,  as  they  had  not  only  taken  the 
alarm,  but  had  begun  to  prepare  for  their  defence, 
he  had  so  much  reason  to  dread.  The  members  of 
the  diet  readily  agreed  to  Ferdinand's  proposal  of 
taking  the  state  of  religion  into  consideration,  pre- 
vious to  any  other  business.  But  as  soon  as  they 
entered  upon  it,  both  parties  discovered  all  the  zeal 
and  animosity  which  a  subject  so  interesting  natu- 
rally engenders,  and  which  the  rancor  of  contro- 
versy, together  with  the  violence  of  civil  war,  had 
inflamed  to  the  highest  pitch. 

The  Protestants  contended,  that  the  security 
which  they  claimed,  in  consequence  of  the  treaty 
of  Passau,  should  extend,  without  limitation,  to 
all  who  had  hitherto  embraced  the  doctrine  of 
Luther,  or  who  should  hereafter  embrace  it.  The 
Catholics,  having  first  of  all  asserted  the  pope's 
right  as  the  supreme  and  final  judge  with  respect 
to  all  articles  of  faith,  declared,  that  though,  on  ac- 
count of  the  present  situation  of  the  empire,  and 
for  the  sake  of  peace,  they  were  willing  to  confirm 
the  toleration  granted  by  the  treaty  of  Passau  to 

36  Chytraei  Saxonia,  480. 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE   EIFTH.  175 

Buch  as  had  already  adopted  the  new  opinions,  they 
must  insist  that  this  indulgence  should  not  be  ex- 
tended either  to  those  cities  which  had  conformed 
to  the  Interim,  or  to  such  ecclesiastics  as  should 
for  the  future  apostatize  from  the  Church  of  Eome. 
It  was  no  easy  matter  to  reconcile  such  opposite 
pretensions,  which  were  supported,  on  each  side, 
by  the  most  elaborate  arguments,  and  the  greatest 
acrimony  of  expression,  that  the  abilities  or  zeal  of 
theologians  long  exercised  in  disputation  could  sug- 
gest. Ferdinand,  however,  by  his  address  and  per- 
severance, by  softening  some  things  on  each  side, 
by  putting  a  favorable  meaning  upon  others,  by 
representing  incessantly  the  necessity  as  well  as  the 
advantages  of  concord,  and  by  threatening,  on  some 
occasions,  when  all  other  considerations  were  disre- 
garded, to  dissolve  the  diet,  brought  them  at  length 
to  a  conclusion  in  which  they  all  agreed. 

Conformably  to  this,  a  recess  was  framed,  ap- 
proved of,  and  published  with  the  usual  formalities. 
The  following  are  the  chief  articles  which  it  con- 
tained :  that  such  princes  and  cities  as  have  de- 
clared their  approbation  of  the  Confession  of  Augs- 
burg shall  be  permitted  to  profess  the  doctrine  and 
exercise  the  worship  which  it  authorizes,  without 
interruption  or  molestation  from  the  emperor,  the 
king  of  the  Romans,  or  any  power  or  person  what- 
soever; that  the  Protestants,  on  their  part,  shall 
give  no  disquiet  to  the  princes  and  states  who  ad- 
here to  the  tenets  and  rites  of  the  Church  of  Rome  ; 
that,  for  the  future,  no  attempt  shall  be  made  to- 

7  Q 


176  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

wards  terminating  religious  diiFerences,  but  by  the 
gentle  and  pacific  methods  of  persuasion  and  con- 
ference ;  that  the  popish  ecclesiastics  shall  claim  no 
spiritual  jurisdiction  in  such  states  as  receive  the 
Confession  of  Augsburg;  that  such  as  had  seized 
the  benefices  or  revenues  of  the  Church,  previous 
to  the  treaty  of  Passau,  shall  retain  possession  of 
them,  and  be  liable  to  no  prosecution  in  the  impe- 
rial chamber  on  that  account ;  that  the  supreme 
civil  power  in  every  state  shall  have  right  to  es- 
tablish what  form  of  doctrine  and  worship  it  shall 
deem  proper,  and,  if  any  of  its  subjects  refuse  to 
conform  to  these,  shall  permit  them  to  remove,  with 
all  their  effects,  whithersoever  they  shall  please ; 
that  if  any  prelate  or  ecclesiastic  shall  hereafter 
abandon  the  Romish  religion,  he  shall  instantly  re- 
linquish his  diocese  or  benefice,  and  it  shall  be 
lawful  for  those  in  whom  the  right  of  nomination 
is  vested  to  proceed  immediately  to  an  election,  as 
if  the  office  were  vacant  by  death  or  translation, 
and  to  appoint  a  successor  of  undoubted  attach- 
ment to  the  ancient  system.^" 

Such  are  the  capital  articles  in  this  famous  re- 
cess, which  is  the  basis  of  religious  peace  in  Ger- 
many, and  the  bond  of  union  among  its  various 
states,  the  sentiments  of  which  are  so  extremely 
difierent  with  respect  to  points  the  most  interesting 
as  well  as  important.  In  our  age  and  nation,  to 
which  the  idea  of  toleration  is  familiar,  and.  its 
beneficial  effects  well  known,  it  may  seem  strange 

37  Sleid.  620.     F.  Paul,  368.     Pallav.  P.  ii.  161. 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  177 

that  a  method  of  terminating  their  dissensions,  so 
suitable  to  the  mild  and  charitable  spirit  of  the 
Christian  religion,  did  not  sooner  occur  to  the  con 
tending  parties.     But  this  expedient,  however  salu- 
tary, was  so  repugnant  to  the  sentiments  and  prac 
tice  of  Christians   during  many  ages,   that  it  did 
not  lie  obvious  to.  discovery.     Among  the  ancient 
heathens,  all  whose  deities  were  local  and  tutelary, 
diversity  of  sentiment  concerning  the  object  or  rites 
of  religious  worship  seems  to  have  been  no  source 
of  animosity,  because  the  acknowledging  veneration 
to  be  due  to  any  one  god  did  not  imply  denial  of 
the  existence  or  the  power  of  any  other  god ;  nor 
were  the  modes  and  rites  of  worship  established  in 
one  country  incompatible  with  those  w^hich  other 
nations  approved  of  and  observed.    Thus  the  errors 
in  their  system  of  theology  were  of  such  a  nature 
as  to  be  productive  of  concord  ;  and,  notwithstand- 
ing the  amazing  number  of  their  deities,  as  well  as 
the  infinite  variety  of  their  ceremonies,  a  sociable 
and  tolerating  spirit  subsisted  almost  universally  in 
the  pagan  world. 

But  when  the  Christian  revelation  declared  one 
Supreme  Being  to  be  the  sole  object  of  religious 
veneration,  and  prescribed  the  form  of  worship 
most  acceptable  to  him,  whoever  admitted  the  truth 
of  it  held,  of  consequence,  every  other  system  of  re- 
ligion, as  a  deviation  from  what  was  established  by 
divine  autliorit]^  to  be  false  and  impious.  Hence 
arose  the  zeal  of  the  first  converts  to  the  Christian 
faith  in  propagating  its  doctrines,  and   the  ardor 

VOL.  III.  23 


178  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

with  which  they  labored  to  overturn  every  other 
form  of  worship.  They  employed,  however,  for 
this  purpose,  no  methods  but  such  as  suited  the 
nature  of  religion.  By  the  force  of  powerful  argu 
ments,  they  convinced  the  understandings  of  men ; 
by  the  charms  of  superior  virtue,  they  allured  and 
captivated  their  hearts.  At  length  the  civil  power 
declared  in  favor  of  Christianity  ;  and,  though 
numbers,  imitating  the  example  of  their  superiors, 
crowded  into  the  Church,  many  still  adhered  to 
their  ancient  superstitions.  Enraged  at  their  ob- 
stinacy, the  ministers  of  religion,  whose  zeal  was 
still  unabated,  though  their  sanctity  and  virtue 
were  much  diminished,  forgot  so  far  the  nature  of 
their  own  mission,  and  of  the  arguments  which 
they  ought  to  have  employed,  that  they  armed  the 
imperial  power  against  these  unhappy  men,  and,  as 
they  could  not  persuade,  they  tried  to  compel  them 
to  believe. 

At  the  same  time,  controversies  concerning  arti- 
cles of  faith  multiplied,  from  various  causes,  among 
Christians  themselves,  and  the  same  unhallowed 
weapons  which  had  first  been  used  against  the  en- 
emies of  their  religion  were  turned  against  each 
other.  Every  zealous  disputant  endeavored  to  in- 
terest the  civil  magistrate  in  his  cause,  and  each  in 
his  turn  employed  the  secular  arm  to  crush  or  to 
exterminate  his  opponents.  Not  long  after,  the 
bishops  of  Rome  put  in  their  claim  to  infallibility 
in  explaining  articles  of  faith,  and  deciding  points 
in  controversy;   and,  bold  as  the  pretension  Avas, 


1555.J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  ^9 

they,  by  their  artifices  and  jDerseverance,  imposed 
on  the  credulity  of  mankind,  and  brought  them  to 
recognize  it.  To  doubt  or  to  deny  any  doctrine  to 
which  these  unerring  instructors  had  given  the 
sanction  of  their  approbation,  was  held  to  be  not 
only  a  resisting  of  truth,  but  an  act  of  rebellion 
against  their  sacred  authority ;  and  the  secular 
power,  of  which  by  various  arts  they  had  acquired 
the  absolute  direction,  was  instantly  employed  to 
avenge  both. 

Thus  Europe  had  been  accustomed,  during  many 
centuries,  to  see  speculative  opinions  propagated  or 
defended  by  force ;  the  charity  and  mutual  forbear- 
ance which  Christianity  recommends  with  so  much 
warmth,  were  forgotten  ;  the  sacred  rights  of  con- 
science and  of  private  judgment  were  unheard  of; 
and  not  only  the  idea  of  toleration,  but  even  the 
word  itself,  in  the  sense  now  affixed  to  it,  was  un- 
known. A  right  to  extirpate  error  by  force  was 
universally  allowed  to  be  the  prerogative  of  such 
as  possessed  the  knowledge  of  truth ;  and  as  each 
party  of  Christians  believed  that  they  had  got  pos- 
session of  this  valuable  attainment,  they  all  (daiuKBd 
and  exercised,  as  far  as  they  were  able,  the  rights 
which  it  was  supposed  to  convey.  The  Koman 
Catholics,  as  their  system  rested  on  the  decisions  of 
an  infallible  judge,  never  doubted  that  truth  was 
on  their  side,  and  openly  called  on  the  civil  power 
to  repel  the  impious  and  heretical  innovators  who 
had  risen  up  against  it.  The  Protestants,  no  less 
confident  that  their  doctrine  was  well  founded,  re- 

Q2 


]  80  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

quired,  with  equal  ardor,  the  princes  of  their  party 
to  check  such  as  presumed  to  impugn  it.  Luther, 
Calvin,  Cranmer,  Knox,  the  founders  of  the  Re- 
fonned  Church  in  their  respective  countries,  as  far 
as  they  had  power  and  opportunity,  inflicted  the 
same  punishments  upon  such  as  called  in  question 
any  article  in  their  creeds,  which  were  denounced 
against  their  own  disciples  by  the  Church  of  Rome. 
To  their  followers,  and  perhaps  to  their  opponents, 
it  would  have  appeared  a  symptom  of  diffidence  in 
the  goodness  of  their  cause,  or  an  acknowledgment 
that  it  was  not  well  founded,  if  they  had  not  em- 
ployed in  its  defence  all  those  means  which  it  was 
supposed  truth  had  a  right  to  employ. 

It  was  towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  cen- 
tury, before  toleration,  under  its  present  form,  was 
admitted  first  into  the  republic  of  the  United  Prov- 
inces, and  from  thence  introduced  into  England. 
Long  experience  of  the  calamities  flowing  from 
mutual  persecution,  the  influence  of  free  govern- 
ment, the  light  and  humanity  acquired  by  the  pro- 
gress of  science,  together  with  the  prudence  and 
authority  of  the  civil  magistrate,  were  all  requisite 
in  order  to  establish  a  regulation,  so  repugnant  to 
the  ideas  which  all  the  different  sects  had  adopted, 
from  mistaken  conceptions  concerning  the  nature 
of  religion  and  the  rights  of  truth,  or  which  all  of 
them  had  derived  from  the  erroneous  maxims  estab- 
lished by  the  Church  of  Rome. 

The  recess  of  Augsburg,  it  is  evident,  was  found* 
ed  on  no  such  liberal  and  enlarged  sentiments  con 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  IgJ 

cerning  freedom  of  religious  inquiry,  or  the  nature 
of  toleration.  It  was  nothing  more  than  a  scheme 
of  pacification,  which  political  considerations  alone 
had  suggested  to  the  contending  parties,  and  regard 
for  their  mutual  tranquillity  and  safety  had  ren- 
dered necessary.  Of  this  there  can  be  no  stronger 
]3roof  than  an  article  in  the  recess  itself,  by  which 
the  benefits  of  the  pacification  are  declared  to  ex- 
tend only  to  the  Catholics  on  the  one  side,  and  to 
such  as  adhered  to  the  Confession  of  Augsburg  on 
the  other.  The  followers  of  Zuinglius  and  Calvin 
remained,  in  consequence  of  that  exclusion,  without 
any  protection  from  the  rigor  of  the  laws  denounced 
against  heretics.  Nor  did  they  obtain  any  legal 
security,  until  the  treaty  of  Westphalia,  near  a 
century  after  this  period,  provided  that  they  should 
be  admitted  to  enjoy,  in  as  ample  a  manner  as  the 
Lutherans,  all  the  advantages  and  protection  which 
the  recess  of  Augsburg  affords. 

But  if  the  followers  of  Luther  were  highly  pleased 
with  the  security  which  they  acquired  by  this  re- 
cess, such  as  adhered  to  the  ancient  system  had  no 
less  reason  to  be  satisfied  with  that  article  in  it, 
which  preserved  entire  to  the  Roman  CathoUc 
Church  the  benefices  of  such  ecclesiastics  as  should 
hereafter  renounce  its  doctrines.  This  article, 
known  in  Germany  by  the  name  of  the  Ecclesi- 
astical Reservation^  was  apparently  so  conformable 
to  the  idea  and  to  the  rights  of  an  established 
church,  and  it  seemed  so  equitable  to  prevent  rev- 
enues, which  had  been  originally  appropriated  for 


182  KETGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

the  maintenance  of  persons  attached  to  a  certain 
system,  from  bemg  alienated  to  any  other  purpose, 
that  the  Protestants,  though  they  foresaw  its  con- 
sequences, were  obliged  to  relinquish  their  opposi- 
tion to  it.  As  the  Roman  Catholic  princes  of  the 
empire  have  taken  care  to  see  this  article  exactly 
observed  in  every  case  where  there  was  an  oppor- 
tunity of  putting  it  in  execution,  it  has  proved  the 
great  barrier  of  the  Romish  Church  in  Germany 
against  the  Reformation  ;  and  as,  from  this  period, 
the  same  temptation  of  interest  did  not  allure 
ecclesiastics  to  relinquish  the  established  system, 
there  have  been  few  of  that  order  who  have  loved 
truth  with  such  disinterested  and  ardent  affection 
as,  for  its  sake,  to  abandon  the  rich  benefices  which 
they  had  in  possession. 

During  the  sitting  of  the  diet,  Marcellus  Cer\ino, 
Cardmal  di  Santo  Croce,  was  elected  pope  in  room 
of  Julius.  He,  in  imitation  of  Adrian,  did  not 
change  his  name  on  being  exalted  to  the  papal 
chair.  As  he  equalled  that  pontifi"  in  purity  of 
intention,  while  he  excelled  him  much  m  the  arts 
of  government,  and  still  more  in  knowledge  of  the 
state  and  genius  of  the  papal  court ;  as  he  had  ca- 
pacity to  discern  what  reformation  it  needed,  as 
well  as  what  it  could  bear ;  such  regulations  were 
expected  from  his  virtue  and  wisdom,  as  would 
have  removed  many  of  its  grossest  and  most  fla- 
grant corruptions,  and  have  contributed  towards 
reconcilmg  to  the  Church  such  as,  from  indignation 
at  these  enormities,  had  abandoned  its  communion. 


1555.J  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  1^)3 

But  this  excellent  pontiff  was  only  shown  to  the 
Church,  and  immediately  snatched  away.  The 
confinement  in  the  conclave  had  impaired  his 
health,  and  the  fatigue  of  tedious  ceremonies  upon 
his  accession,  together  with  too  intense  and  anxious 
application  of  mind  to  the  schemes  of  improvement 
which  he  meditated,  exhausted  so  entirely  the  vigor 
of  his  feeble  constitution,  that  he  sickened  on  the 
twelfth,  and  died  on  the  twentieth  day  after  his 
election.^^ 

All  the  refinements  in  artifice  and  intrigue,  pe- 
culiar to  conclaves,  were  displayed  in  that  which 
was  held  for  electing  a  successor  to  Marcellus; 
the  cardinals  of  the  imperial  and  French  factions 
laboring,  with  equal  ardor,  to  gain  the  necessary 
number  of  suffrages  for  one  of  their  own  party. 
But,  after  a  struggle  of  no  long  duration,  though 
conducted  with  all  the  warmth  and  eagerness  nat- 
ural to  men  contending  for  so  great  an  object, 
they  united  in  choosing  John  Peter  Caraffa,  the 
eldest  member  of  the  sacred  college,  and  the  son  of 
Count  Montorio,  a  nobleman  of  an  illustrious  fam- 
ily in  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  The  address  and 
influence  of  Cardinal  Farnese,  who  favored  his  pre- 
tensions, Caraffa's  own  merit,  and  perhaps  his  great 
age,  which  soothed  all  the  disappointed  candidates 
with  the  near  prospect  of  a  new  vacancy,  concurred 
in  bringing  about  this  speedy  union  of  suffrages. 
In  order  to  testify  his  respect  for  the  memory  of 
Paul  III.,  by  whom  he  had  been  created  cardinal, 

38  Thuan.  520.     F.  Paul,  365.     Ouuph.  Panvin.  321,  &c. 


184  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

as  well  as  his  gratitude  to  the  family  of  Farnese, 
he  assumed  the  name  of  Paul  IV. 

The  choice  of  a  prelate  of  such  a  singular  char- 
acter, and  who  had  long  held  a  course  extremely 
different  from  that  which  usually  led  to  the  dignity 
now  conferred  upon  him,  filled  the  Italians,  who 
had  nearest  access  to  observe  his  manners  and  de- 
portment, with  astonishment,  and  kept  them  in 
suspense  and  solicitude  with  regard  to  his  future 
conduct.  Paul,  though  born  in  a  rank  of  life 
which,  without  any  other  merit,  might  have  se- 
cured to  him  the  highest  ecclesiastical  preferments, 
had,  from  his  early  years,  applied  to  study  w^ith  all 
the  assiduity  of  a  man  who  had  nothing  but  his 
personal  attainments  to  render  him  conspicuous. 
By  means  of  this,  he  not  only  acquired  profound 
skill  in  scholastic  theology,  but  added  to  that  a 
considerable  knowledge  of  the  learned  languages 
and  of  polite  literature,  the  study  of  which  had 
been  lately  revived  in  Italy,  and  was  pursued  at  this 
time  with  great  ardor.  His  mind,  however,  natu- 
rally gloomy  and  severe,  was  more  formed  to  imbibe 
the  sour  spirit  of  the  former,  than  to  receive  any 
tincture  of  elegance  or  liberality  of  sentiment  from 
the  latter  ;  so  that  he  acquired  rather  the  qualities 
and  passions  of  a  recluse  ecclesiastic,  than  the  tal- 
ents necessary  for  the  conduct  of  great  affairs.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  he  entered  into  orders,  although 
several  rich  benefices  were  bestowed  upon  him,  and 
he  was  early  employed  as  a  nuncio  in  different 
courts,  he  soon  became  disgusted  with  that  c(>urse 


1555.]  ElVIPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  1^5 

of  life,  and  languished  to  be  in  a  situation  more 
suited  to  his  taste  and  temper.  With  this  view,  he 
resigned  at  once  all  his  ecclesiastical  preferments, 
and  having  instituted  an  order  of  regular  priests, 
whom  he  denominated  Theatines,  from  the  name  of 
the  archbishopric  which  he  had  held,  he  associated 
himself  as  a  member  of  their  fraternity,  conformed 
to  all  the  rigorous  rules  to  which  he  had  subjected 
them,  and  preferred  the  solitude  of  a  monastic  life, 
with  the  honor  of  being  the  founder  of  a  new  order, 
to  all  the  great  objects  which  the  court  of  E-ome 
presented  to  his  ambition. 

In  this  retreat  he  remained  for  many  years,  until 
Paul  III.,  induced  by  the  fame  of  his  sanctity  and 
knowledge,  called  him  to  Home,  in  order  to  consult 
with  him  concerning  the  measures  which  might  be 
most  proper  and  effectual  for  suppressing  heresy, 
and  re-establishing  the  ancient  authority  of  the 
Church.  Having  thus  allured  him  from  his  soli- 
tude, the  pope,  partly  by  his  entreaties,  and  partly 
by  his  authority,  prevailed  on  him  to  accept  of  a 
cardinal's  hat,  to  resume  the  benefices  which  he 
had  resigned,  and  to  return  again  into  the  usual 
path  of  ecclesiastical  ambition,  which  he  seemed  to 
have  relinquished.  But  during  two  successive 
pontificates,  under  the  first  of  which  the  court  of 
Rome  was  the  most  artful  and  interested,  and  under 
the  second  the  most  dissolute,  of  any  in  Europe, 
Caraffa  retained  his  monastic  austerity.  He  was  an 
avow^ed  and  bitter  enemy,  not  only  of  all  innovatioi 
in  opinion,  but  of  every  irregularity  in  practice  ;  he 

VOL.  III.  24 


186  EEIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XL 

was  the  chief  instrument  in  establishing  the  for- 
midable and  odious  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  in 
the  papal  territories ;  he  appeared  a  violent  advo- 
cate on  all  occasions  for  the  jurisdiction  ^nd  dis- 
cipline of  the  Church,  and  a  severe  censurer  of 
every  measure  which  seemed  to  flow  from  motives 
of  policy  or  interest,  rather  than  from  zeal  for  the 
honor  of  the  ecclesiastical  order,  and  the  dignity  of 
the  holy  see.  Under  a  prelate  of  such  a  character, 
the  Roman  courtiers  expected  a  severe  and  violent 
pontificate,  during  w^hich  the  principles  of  sound 
policy  would  be  sacrificed  to  the  narrow  prejudices 
of  priestly  zeal ;  w^hile  the  people  of  Rome  w^ere 
apprehensive  of  seeing  the  sordid  and  forbidding 
rigor  of  monastic  manners  substituted  in  place  of 
the  magnificence  to  which  they  had  long  been  ac- 
customed in  the  papal  court.  These  apprehensions 
Paul  was  extremely  solicitous  to  remove.  At  his 
first  entrance  upon  the  administration,  he  laid  aside 
that  austerity  which  had  hitherto  distinguished  his 
person  and  family;  and  when  the  master  of  his 
household  inijuired  in  what  manner  he  would 
choose  to  live,  he  haughtily  replied,  "  As  becomes 
a  great  prince."  He  ordered  the  ceremony  of  his 
coronation  to  be  conducted  with  more  than  usual 
pomp  ;  and  endeavored  to  render  himself  popular 
by  several  acts  of  liberality  and  indulgence  towards 
the  inhabitants  of  Rome.^ 

His  natural  severity  of  temper,  how^ever,  would 
have  soon  returned  upon  him,  and  would  have  jus- 

39  Platina,  p.  327.     Castaldo,  Vita  di  Paolo  IV.,  Rom.  1615,  p.  70. 


1565.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  187 

tified  the  conjectures  of  the  courtiers,  as  well  as  the 
fears  of  the  people,  if  he  had  not,  immediately  after 
his  election,  called  to  Rome  two  of  his  nephews,  the 
sons  of  his  brother,  the  count  of  Montorio.  The 
eldest  he  promoted  to  be  governor  of  Eome:  the 
youngest,  who  had  hitherto  served  as  a  soldier  of 
fortune  in  the  armies  of  Spain  and  France,  and 
whose  disposition  as  well  as  manners  were  still 
more  foreign  from  the  clerical  character  than  his 
profession,  he  created  a  cardinal,  and  appointed 
him  legate  of  Bologna,  the  second  office  in  power 
and  dignity  which  a  pope  can  bestow.  These 
marks  of  favor,  no  less  sudden  than  extravagant, 
he  accompanied  with  the  most  unbounded  confi- 
dence and  attachment ;  and,  forgetting  all  his  for- 
mer severe  maxims,  he  seemed  to  have  no  other 
object  than  the  aggrandizing  of  his  nephews. 
Their  ambition,  unfortunately  for  Paul,  was  too 
aspiring  to  be  satisfied  with  any  moderate  acquisi- 
tion. They  had  seen  the  family  of  Medici  raised 
by  the  interest  of  the  popes  of  that  house  to  su- 
preme power  in  Tuscany ;  Paul  III.  had,  by  his 
abilities  and  address,  secured  the  duchies  of  Parma 
and  Placentia  to  the  family  of  Farnese.  They 
aimed  at  some  establishment  for  themselves,  no  less 
considerable  and  independent;  and  as  they  could 
not  expect  that  the  pope  would  carry  his  indul- 
gence towards  them  so  far  as  to  secularize  any  part 
of  the  patrimony  of  the  Church,  they  had  no  pros- 
pect of  attaining  what  they  wished,  but  by  dismem- 
bering the  imperial  dominions  in  Italy,  in  hopes  of 


188  EEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

seizing  some  portion  of  them.  This  alone  they 
would  have  deemed  a  sufficient  reason  for  sowing 
the  seeds  of  discord  between  their  uncle  and  the 
emperor. 

But  Cardinal  CarafFa  had,  besides,  private  reasons 
which  filled  him  with  hatred  and  enmity  to  the  em- 
peror. While  he  served  in  the  Spanish  troops,  he 
had  not  received  such  marks  of  honor  and  distinc- 
tion as  he  thought  due  to  his  birth  and  merit. 
Disgusted  with  this  ill-usage,  he  had  abruptly  quit- 
ted the  imperial  service ;  and  entering  into  that  of 
France,  he  had  not  only  met  with  such  a  reception 
as  soothed  his  vanity,  and  attached  him  to  the 
French  interest,  but  by  contracting  an  intimate 
friendship  with  Strozzi,  who  commanded  the  French 
army  in  Tuscany,  he  had  imbibed  a  mortal  antipa- 
thy to  the  emperor,  as  the  great  enemy  to  the  lib- 
erty and  independence  of  the  Italian  states.  Nor 
was  the  pope  himself  indisposed  to  receive  impres- 
sions unfavorable  to  the  emperor.  The  opposition 
given  to  his  election  by  the  cardinals  of  the  impe- 
rial faction  left  in  his  mind  deep  resentment,  which 
was  heightened  by  the  remembrance  of  ancient  in- 
juries from  Charles  or  his  ministers. 

Of  this  his  nephews  took  advantage,  and  em- 
ployed various  devices,  in  order  to  exasperate  him 
beyond  a  possibility  of  reconciliation.  They  aggra- 
vated every  circumstance  which  could  be  deemed 
any  indication  of  the  emperor  s  dissatisfaction  with 
his  promotion  ;  they  read  to  him  an  intercepted 
letter,  in  which  Charles  taxed  the  cardinals  of  his 


1555.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  EIFTH.  1^9 

party  with  negligence  or  incapacity  in  not  having 
defeated  Paul's  election ;  they  pretended,  at  one 
time,  to  have  discovered  a  conspiracy  formed  by  the 
imperial  minister  and  Cosmo  de'  Medici  against  the 
pope's  life  ;  they  alarmed  him,  at  another,  with 
accounts  of  a  plot  for  assassinating  themselves. 
By  these  artifices,  they  kept  his  mind,  which  wag 
naturally  violent,  and  become  suspicious  from  old 
age,  in  such  perpetual  agitation,  as  precipitated 
him  into  measures  which  otherwise  he  would  have 
been  the  first  person  to  condemn.^^  He  seized 
some  of  the  cardinals  who  were  most  attached  to 
the  emperor,  and  confined  them  in  the  castle  of  St. 
Angelo;  he  persecuted  the  Colonnas  and  other 
Roman  barons,  the  ancient  retainers  to  the  im- 
perial faction,  with  the  utmost  severity ;  and,  dis- 
covering on  all  occasions  his  distrust,  fear,  or  hatred 
of  the  emperor,  he  began  at  last  to  court  the  friend- 
ship of  the  French  king,  and  seemed  willing  to 
throw  himself  absolutely  upon  him  for  support  and 
protection. 

This  was  the  very  point  to  which  his  nephews 
wished  to  bring  him,  as  most  favorable  to  their 
ambitious  schemes  ;  and  as  the  accomplishment  of 
these  depended  on  their  uncle's  life,  whose  advanced 
age  did  not  admit  of  losing  a  moment  unnecessarily 
in  negotiations,  instead  of  treating  at  second  hand 
with  the  French  ambassador  at  Rome,  they  pre- 
vailed on  the  pope  to  despatch  a  person  of  confi- 

*>  Rlpamontii   Hist.  Patrige,  lib.  iii.  1146,  ap,  Graev.  Thes.  vol.  u. 
Mem.  de  Ribier,  ii.  615.     Adriaiii,  Istor.  i.  906. 


190  REIGN   OF   THE  pBooK  XI 

dence  directly  to  the  court  of  France,  ^vith  such 
overtures  on  his  part  as  they  hoped  would  not  he 
rejected  He  proposed  an  alliance  offensive  and 
defensive  hetween  Henry  and  the  pope ;  that  they 
should  attack  the  duchy  of  Tuscany  and  the 
kingdom  of  Naples  with  their  united  forces;  and 
if  their  arms  should  prove  successful,  that  the 
ancient  repuhlican  form  of  government  should 
be  re-established  in  the  former,  and  the  investi- 
ture of  the  latter  should  be  granted  to  one  of 
the  French  king  s  sons,  after  reserving  a  certain 
territory  which  should  be  annexed  to  the  patri- 
mony of  the  Church,  together  with  an  independent 
and  princely  establishment  for  each  of  the  pope's 
nephews. 

The  king,  allured  by  these  specious  projects,  gave 
a  most  favorable  audience  to  the  envoy.  But  when 
the  matter  was  proposed  in  council,  the  Constable 
Montmorency,  whose  natural  caution  and  aversion 
to  daring  enterprises  increased  with  age  and  expe- 
rience, remonstrated  with  great  vehemence  against 
the  alliance.  He  put  Henry  in  mind  how  fatal  to 
France  every  expedition  into  Italy  had  been  during 
three  successive  reigns  ;  and  if  such  an  enterprise 
had  proved  too  great  for  the  nation,  even  when  its 
strength  and  finances  were  entire,  there  was  no 
reason  to  hope  for  success,  if  it  should  be  attempt- 
ed now,  when  both  were  exhausted  by  extraordi- 
nary efforts  during  wars  which  had  lasted,  with 
little  interruption,  almost  half  a  century.  He  rep 
resented  the  manifest  imprudence  of  entering  into 


I5W.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  191 

engagements  with  a  pope  of  fourscore,  as  any  sys- 
tem which  rested  on  no  better  foundation  than  his 
life  must  be  extremely  precarious ;  and  upon  the 
event  of  his  death,  which  could  not  be  distant,  the 
face  of  things,  together  with  the  inclination  of  the 
Italian  states,  must  instantly  change,  and  the  whole 
weight  of  the  war  be  left  upon  the  king  alone.  To 
these  considerations  he  added  the  near  prospect 
which  they  now  had  of  a  final  accommodation  with 
the  emperor,  who,  having  taken  the  resolution  of 
retiring  from  the  world,  wished  to  transmit  his 
kingdoms  in  peace  to  his  son ;  and  he  concluded 
with  representing  the  absolute  certainty  of  draw- 
ing the  arms  of  England  upon  France,  if  it  should 
appear  that  the  re-establishment  of  tranquillity  in 
Europe  was  prevented  by  the  ambition  of  its  mon- 
arch. 

These  arguments,  weighty  in  themselves,  and 
urged  by  a  minister  of  great  authority,  would  prob- 
ably have  determined  the  king  to  decline  any  con- 
nection with  the  pope.  But  the  duke  of  Guise, 
and  his  brother,  the  cardinal  of  Lorrain,  who  de- 
lighted no  less  in  bold  and  dangerous  undertakings 
than  Montmorency  shunned  them,  declared  warmly 
for  an  alliance  with  the  pope.  The  cardinal  ex- 
pected to  be  intrusted  with  the  conduct  of  the 
negotiations  in  the  court  of  Rome  to  which  this 
alliance  would  give  rise  ;  the  duke  hoped  to  obtain 
the  command  of  the  army  which  would  be  appoint- 
ed to  invade  Naples ;  and  considering  themselves  as 
already  in  these  stations,  vast  projects  opened   to 

R2 


192  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

their  aspiring  and  unbounded  ambition.  Their 
credit,  together  ^yith  the  influence  of  the  king's 
mistress,  the  famous  Diana  of  Poitiers,  who  was, 
at  that  time,  entirely  devoted  to  the  interest  of  the 
family  of  Guise,  more  than  counterbalanced  all 
Montmorency's  prudent  remonstrances,  and  pre- 
vailed on  an  inconsiderate  prince  to  listen  to  the 
overtures  of  the  pope's  envoy. 

The  cardinal  of  Lorrain,  as  he  had  expected,  was 
immediately  sent  to  Rome,  with  full  powers  to  con- 
clude the  treaty,  and  to  concert  measures  for  car- 
rying it  into  execution.  Before  he  could  reach 
that  city,  the  pope,  either  from^  reflecting  on  the 
danger  and  uncertain  issue  of  all  military  opera- 
tions, or  through  the  address  of  the  imperial  am- 
bassador, who  had  been  at  great  pains  to  soothe 
him,  had  not  only  begun  to  lose  much  of  the  ardor 
with  which  he  had  commenced  the  negotiation 
with  France,  but  even  discovered  great  unwill- 
ingness to  continue  it.  In  order  to  rouse  him 
from  this  fit  of  despondency,  and  to  rekindle  his 
former  rage,  his  nephews  had  recourse  to  the  arts 
which  they  had  already  practised  with  so  much 
success.  They  alarmed  him  with  new  represen- 
tations of  the  emperor's  hostile  intentions,  with 
fresh  accounts  which  they  had  received  of  threats 
uttered  against  him  by  the  imperial  ministers,  and 
with  new  discoveries  which  they  pretended  to  have 
made  of  conspiracies  formed,  and  just  ready  to  take 
effect,  against  his  life. 

But  these  artifices,  having  been  formerly  tried, 


1555.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  193 

would  not  have  operated  a  second  time  with  the 
same  force,  nor  have  made  the  impression  which 
they  wished,  if  Paul  had  not  been  excited  by  an 
offence  of  that  kind  which  he  was  least  able  to 
bear.  He  received  advice  of  the  recess  of  the 
diet  of  Augsburg,  and  of  the  toleration  which  was 
thereby  granted  to  the  Protestants  ;  and  this  threw 
him  at  once  into  such  transports  of  passion  against 
the  emperor  and  king  of  the  Eomans,  as  carried 
him  headlong  into  all  the  violent  measures  of  his 
nephews.  Full  of  high  ideas  with  respect  to  the 
papal  prerogative,  and  animated  with  the  fiercest 
zeal  against  heresy,  he  considered  the  liberty  of 
deciding  concerning  religious  matters,  which  had 
been  assumed  by  an  assembly  composed  chiefly 
of  laymen,  as  a  presumptuous  and  unpardonable 
encroachment  on  that  jurisdiction  which  belonged 
to  him  alone  ;  and  regarded  the  indulgence  which 
had  been  given  to  the  Protestants  as  an  impious 
act  of  that  power  which  the  diet  had  usurped. 
He  complained  loudly  of  both  to  the  imperial  am- 
bassador. He  insisted  that  the  recess  of  the  diet 
should  immediately  be  declared  illegal  and  void. 
He  threatened  the  emperor  and  king  of  the  Eo- 
mans,  in  case  they  should  either  refuse  or  delay  to 
gratify  him  in  this  particular,  with  the  severest 
effects  of  his  vengeance.  He  talked  in  a  tone  of 
authority  and  command  which  might  have  suited 
a  pontiff  of  the  twelfth  century,  when  a  papal 
decree  was  sufficient  to  have  shaken,  or  to  have 
overturned,  the  throne  of  the  greatest  monarch  in 

VOL.   III.  25 


194  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

Europe ;  but  which  was  altogether  improper  in 
that  age.  especially  when  addressed  to  the  minister 
of  a  prince  w^ho  had  so  often  made  pontiffs  more 
formidable  than  Paul  feel  the  weight  of  his  power. 
The  ambassador,  however,  heard  all  his  extrava- 
gant propositions  and  menaces  with  much  patience, 
and  endeavored  to  soothe  him  by  putting  him  in 
mind  of  the  extreme  distress  to  which  the  emperor 
had  been  reduced  at  Inspruck,  of  the  engagements 
which  he  had  come  under  to  the  Protestants,  in 
order  to  extricate  himself,  of  the  necessity  of  ful- 
filling these,  and  of  accommodating  his  conduct  to 
tlie  situation  of  his  affairs.  But  weighty  as  these 
considerations  were,  they  made  no  impression  on 
the  mind  of  the  haughty  and  bigoted  pontiff,  who 
instantly  replied,  that  he  Avould  absolve  him  by 
his  apostolic  authority  from  those  impious  engage- 
ments, and  even  command  him  not  to  perform 
them  ;  that,  in  carrying  on  the  cause  of  God  and 
of  the  Church,  no  regard  ought  to  be  had  to  the 
maxims  of  worldly  prudence  and  policy ;  and  that 
the  ill  success  of  the  emperor's  schemes  in  Ger- 
many might  justly  be  deemed  a  mark  of  the  Divine 
displeasure  against  him,  on  account  of  his  having 
paid  little  attention  to  the  former,  while  he  regu- 
lated his  conduct  entirely  by  the  latter.  Having 
said  this,  he  turned  from  the  ambassador  abruptly, 
without  waiting  for  a  reply. 

His  nephews  took  care  to  applaud  and  cherish 
these  sentiments,  and  easily  w^r ought  up  his  arro- 
gant mind,  fraught  with  all  the  monkish  ideas  con- 


I555.J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  195 

cerning  the  extent  of  the  papal  supremacy,  to  such 
a  pitch  of  resentment  against  the  house  of  Austria, 
and  to  such  a  high  opinion  of  his  own  power,  that 
he  talked  continually  of  his  being  the  successor  of 
those  who  had  deposed  kings  and  emperors  ;  that 
he  was  exalted  as  head  over  them  all,  and  would 
trample  such  as  opposed  him  under  his  feet.  In 
this  disposition  the  cardinal  of  Lorrain  found  the 
pope,  and  easily  persuaded  him  to  sign  a  treaty, 
which  had  for  its  object  the  ruin  of  a  prince, 
against  whom  he  was  so  highly  exasperated.  Tlie 
stipulations  in  the  treaty  were  much  the  same  as 
had  been  proposed  by  the  pope's  envoy  at  Paris, 
and  it  was  agreed  to  keep  the  whole  transaction 
secret,  until  their  united  forces  should  be  ready  to 
take  the  field.^^ 

During  the  negotiation  of  this  treaty  at  Rome 
and  Paris,  an  event  happened  which  seemed  to 
render  the  fears  that  had  given  rise  to  it  vain, 
and  the  operations  which  were  to  follow  upon 
it  unnecessary.  This  was  the  emperor's  resigna- 
tion of  his  hereditary  dominions  to  his  son  Philip ; 
together  with  his  resolution  to  w^ithdraw  entirely 
from  any  concern  in  business  or  the  affairs  of  this 
world,  in  order  that  he  might  spend  the  remainder 
of  his  days  in  retirement  and  solitude. 

Though  it  requires  neither  deep  reflection  nor 
extraordinary  discernment  to  discover  that  the  state 
of  royalty  is  not  exempt  from  cares  and  disappoint- 

*•  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  p.  163.     F.  Paul,  365.     Thuan.  lib.  xv.  525,  lih 
^..  540.     Mem.  de  liibier.  ii.  609,  kc. 


196  REIG^   OF  THE  [Book  XI 

ment ;  though  most  of  those  who  are  exalted  to  a 
throne  find  solicitude,  and  satiety,  and  disgust,  to 
be  their  perpetual  attendants  in  that  envied  pre- 
eminence ;  yet  to  descend  voluntarily  from  the  su- 
preme to  a  subordinate  station,  and  to  relinquish 
the  possession  of  power  in  order  to  attain  the 
enjoyment  of  happiness,  seems  to  be  an  effort  too 
great  for  the  human  mind.  Several  instances,  in- 
deed, occur  in  history,  of  monarchs  who  have 
quitted  a  throne,  and  have  ended  their  days  in 
retirement.  But  they  were  either  weak  princes, 
who  took  this  resolution  rashly,  and  repented  of 
it  as  soon  as  it  was  taken,  or  unfortunate  princes, 
from  whose  hands  some  stronger  rival  had  wrested 
their  sceptre,  and  compelled  them  to  descend  with 
reluctance  into  a  private  station.  Diocletian  is, 
perhaps,  the  only  prince  capable  of  holding  the 
reins  of  government,  who  ever  resigned  them  from 
deliberate  choice,  and  who  continued  during  many 
years  to  enjoy  the  tranquillity  of  retirement  with- 
out fetching  one  penitent  sigh,  or  casting  back  one 
look  of  desire,  towards  the  power  or  dignity  which 
he  had  abandoned. 

No  wonder,  then,  that  Charles's  resignation 
should  fill  all  Europe  with  astonishment,  and  give 
rise,  both  among  his  contemporaries  and  among 
the  historians  of  that  period,  to  various  conjectures 
concerning  the  motives  which  determined  a  prince 
whose  ruling  passion  had  been  uniformly  the  love 
of  power,  at  the  age  of  fifty-six,  when  objects  of 
ambition  continue  to  operate  Avith  full  force  on  the 


1555.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  197 

mind,  and  are  pursued  with  the  greatest  ardor,  to 
take  a  resolution  so  singular  and  unexpected.  But 
while  many  authors  have  imputed  it  to  motives  so 
frivolous  and  fantastical  as  can  "hardly  be  supposed 
to  influence  any  reasonable  mind  ;  while  others  have 
imagined  it  to  be  the  result  of  some  profound  scheme 
of  policy ;  historians  more  intelligent,  and  better  in- 
formed, neither  ascribe  it  to  caprice,  nor  search  for 
mysterious  secrets  of  state,  where  simple  and  obvi- 
ous causes  will  fully  account  for  the  emperor  s  con- 
duct. Charles  had  been  attacked  early  in  life  with 
the  gout,  and,  notwithstanding  all  the  precautions 
of  the  most  skilful  physicians,  the  violence  of  the 
distemper  increased  as  he  advanced  in  age,  and  the 
fits  became  every  year  more  frequent,  as  well  as 
more  severe.  Not  only  was  the  vigor  of  his  con- 
stitution broken,  but  the  faculties  of  his  mind  were 
impaired  by  the  excruciating  torments  which  he 
endured.  During  the  continuance  of  the  fits,  he 
was  altogether  incapable  of  applying  to  business, 
and  even  when  they  began  to  abate,  as  it  was  only 
at  intervals  that  he  could  attend  to  what  was  seri- 
ous, he  gave  up  a  great  part  of  his  time  to  trifling 
and  even  childish  occupations,  Avhich  served  to  re- 
lieve or  to  amuse  his  mind,  enfeebled  and  worn  out 
with  excess  of  pain.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  conduct  of  such  affairs  as  occurred  of  course  in 
governing  so  many  kingdoms,  was  a  burden  moi'e 
than  sufficient ;  but  to  push  forward  and  complete 
the  vast  schemes  which  the  ambition  of  his  more 


198  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XT 

active  years  had  formed,  or  to  keep  in  view  and 
carry  on  the  same  great  system  of  policy,  extending 
to  every  nation  in  Europe,  and  connected  with  the 
operations  of  every  different  court,  were  functions 
which  so  far  exceeded  his  strength,  that  they  op- 
pressed and  overwhelmed  his  mind.  As  he  had 
been  long  accustomed  to  view  the  business  of  every 
department,  whether  civil,  or  military,  or  ecclesias- 
tical, with  his  own  eyes,  and  to  decide  concerning 
it  according  to  his  own  ideas,  it  gave  him  the  ut- 
most pain  when  he  felt  his  infirmities  increase  so 
fast  upon  him,  that  he  was  obliged  to  commit  the 
conduct  of  all  affairs  to  his  ministers.  He  imputed 
every  misfortune  which  befell  him,  and  every  mis- 
carriage that  happened,  even  when  the  former  was 
unavoidable,  or  the  latter  accidental,  to  his  inabil- 
ity to  take  the  inspection  of  business  himself  He 
complained  of  his  hard  fortune  in  being  opposed, 
in  his  declining  years,  to  a  rival  who  was  in  the 
full  vigor  of  life ;  and  that,  while  Henry  could  take 
and  execute  all  his  resolutions  in  person,  he  should 
now  be  reduced,  both  in  council  and  in  action,  to 
rely  on  the  talents  and  exertions  of  other  men. 
Having  thus  grown  old  before  his  time,  he  wisely 
judged  it  more  decent  to  conceal  his  infirmities  in 
some  solitude,  than  to  expose  them  any  longer  to 
the  public  eye ;  and  prudently  determined  not  to 
forfeit  the  fame  or  lose  the  acquisitions  of  his  bet- 
ter years,  by  struggling  with  a  vain  obstinacy  to 
retain  the  reins  of  government,  when   he   was  no 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIETH.  199 

longer    able    to   hold  them  with   steadiness    or    to 
guide    them    with    address.*^. 

But  though  Charles  had  revolved  this  schen:e 
in  his  mind  for  several  years,  and  had  communi- 
cated it  to  his  sisters,  the  dowager  queens  of  France 
and  Hungary,  who  not  only  approved  of  his  in- 
tention, but  offered  to  accompany  him  to  what- 
ever place  of  retreat  he  should  choose,  several 
things  had  hitherto  prevented  his  carrying  it  into 
execution.  He  could  not  think  of  loading  his  son 
with  the  government  of  so  many  kingdoms,  until 
he    should    attain    such    maturity    of  age    and    of 

4^  Dom  Levesque,  in  his  memoirs  of  Cardinal  Granvelle,  gives  a 
reason  for  the  emperor's  resignation,  which,  as  far  as  I  recollect,  is  not 
mentioned  by  any  other  historian.  He  says,  that  the  emperor  having 
ceded  the  government  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  the  duchy  of  Milan 
to  his  son,  upon  his  marriage  with  the  queen  of  England,  Philip,  not- 
withstanding the  advice  and  entreaties  of  his  father,  removed  most  of 
the  ministers  and  officers  whom  he  had  employed  in  those  countries, 
and  appointed  creatures  of  his  own  to  fill  the  places  which  they  held; 
that  he  aspired  openly,  and  with  little  delicacy,  to  obtain  a  share  in  the 
administration  of  affairs  in  the  Low  Countries ;  that  he  endeavored  to 
thwart  the  emperor's  measures,  and  to  limit  his  authority,  behaving  to- 
wards him  sometimes  with  inattention,  and  sometimes  with  haughtiness; 
that,  Charles  finding  that  he  must  either  yield  on  every  occasion  to  his 
son,  or  openly  contend  with  him,  in  order  to  avoid  either  of  these,  which 
were  both  disairreeable  and  mortifving  to  a  father,  he  took  the  resolution 
of  resigning  his  crowns,  and  of  retiring  from  the  world,  vol.  i.  p.  24,  &c. 
Dom  Leves(]ue  derived  his  information  concerning  these  curious  facts, 
which  he  relates  very  briefly,  from  the  original  papers  of  Cardinal  Gran- 
'-elle.  But  as  that  vast  collection  of  papers,  which  has  been  preserved 
and  arranged  by  M.  I'Abbe  Boizot  of  Besan^on,  though  one  of  the  most 
valuable  historical  monuments  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  which  can- 
not fail  of  throwing  much  light  on  the  transactions  of  Charles  V.,  is  not 
published,  I  cannot  determine  what  degree  of  credit  should  be  given  to 
this  account  of  Charles's  resignation.     I  have  therefore  taken  no  notice 

of  it  in  relating  this  event 

S 


200  ftEIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XI 

abilities  as  would  enable  him  to  sustain  that 
weighty  burden.  But  as  Philip  had  now  reached 
his  twenty-eighth  year,  and  had  been  early  a<>- 
customed  to  business,  for  which  he  discovered 
both  inclination  and  capacity,  it  can  hardly  be 
imputed  to  the  partiality  of  paternal  affection 
that  his  scruples  with  regard  to  this  point  were 
entirely  removed ;  and  that  he  thought  he  might 
place  his  son,  without  further  hesitation  or  delay, 
on  the  throne  which  he  himself  was  about  to 
abandon.  His  mothers  situation  had  been  an- 
other obstruction  in  his  way:  for  although  she 
had  continued  almost  fifty  years  in  confinement, 
and  under  the  same  disorder  of  mind  which  con- 
cern for  her  husband's  death  had  brought  upon 
her,  yet  the  government  of  Spain  was  still  vested 
in  her  jointly  with  the  emperor ;  her  name  was 
inserted  together  with  his  in  all  the  public  in- 
struments issued  in  that  kingdom ;  and  such  was 
the  fond  attachment  of  the  Spaniards  to  her,  that 
they  would  probably  have  scrupled  to  recognize 
Philip  as  their  sovereign,  unless  she  had  consented 
to  assume  him  as  her  partner  on  the  throne.  Her 
utter  incapacity  for  business  rendered  it  impossible 
to  obtain  her  consent.  But  her  death,  which 
happened  this  year,  removed  this  difficulty;  and 
as  Charles,  upon  that  event,  became  sole  monarch 
of  Spain,  it  left  the  succession  open  to  his  son. 
The  war  with  France  had  likewise  been  a  reason 
for  retaining  the  administration  of  affairs  il'  his 
own  hand,  as  he  was  extremely  solicitous  to  have 


555.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  201 

terminated  it,  that  he  might  have  given  up  his 
kingdoms  to  his  son  at  peace  with  all  the  world. 
But  as  Henry  had  discovered  no  disposition  to 
close  with  any  of  his  overtures,  and  had  even 
rejected  proposals  of  peace  which  were  equal  and 
moderate,  in  a  tone  that  seemed  to  indicate  a 
fixed  purpose  of  continuing  hostilities,  he  saw  that 
it  was  vain  to  wait  longer  in  expectation  of  an 
event,  which,  however  desirable,  was  altogether 
uncertain. 

As  this,  then,  appeared  to  be  the  proper  junc- 
ture for  executing  the  scheme  which  he  had  long 
meditated,  Charles  resolved  to  resign  his  kingdoms 
to  his  son  with  a  solemnity  suitable  to  the  im- 
portance of  the  transaction,  and  to  perform  this 
last  act  of  sovereignty  with  such  formal  pomp, 
as  might  leave  a  lasting  impression  on  the  minds, 
not  only  of  his  subjects,  but  of  his  successor. 
With  this  view  he  called  Philip  out  of  England, 
where  the  peevish  temper  of  his  queen,  which  in- 
creased with  her  despair  of  having  issue,  rendered 
him  extremely  unhappy;  and  the  jealousy  of  the 
English  left  him  no  hopes  of  obtaining  the  direc- 
tion of  their  affairs.  Having  assembled  the  states 
of  the  Low  Countries  at  Brussels,  on  the  25th  of 
October,  Charles  seated  himself  for  the  last  time 
in  the  chair  of  state,  on  one  side  of  which  was 
placed  his  son,  and  on  the  other  his  sister,  the 
queen  of  Hungary,  regent  of  the  Netherlands,  with 
a  splendid  retinue  of  the  princes  of  the  empire  and 
grandees  of  Spain  standing  behind  him.     The;  pres- 

VOL.    III.  2G 


202  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

ideiit  of  the  council  of  Flanders,  by  his  command, 
explained,  in  a  few  words,  his  intention  in  calling 
this  extraordinary  meeting  of  the  states.  He  then 
read  the  instrument  of  resignation,  by  which  Charles 
surrendered  to  his  son  Philip  all  his  territories,  ju- 
risdiction, and  authority  in  the  Low  Countries,  ab- 
solving liis  subjects  there  from  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  him,  which  he  required  them  to  transfer  to  Philip, 
his  lawful  heir,  and  to  serve  him  with  the  same  loy- 
alty and  zeal  which  they  had  manifested,  during  so 
long  a  course  of  years,  in  support  of  his  government. 
Charles  then  rose  from  his  seat,  and  leaning  on 
the  shoulder  of  the  prmce  of  Orange,  because  he 
was  unable  to  stand  without  support,  he  addressed 
himself  to  the  audience,  and  from  a  paper  which 
he  held  in  his  hand,  in  order  to  assist  his  memory, 
he  recounted,  w^ith  dignity,  but  without  ostenta- 
tion, all  the  great  things  which  he  had  under- 
taken and  performed  since  the  commencement  of 
his  administration.  He  observed,  that,  from  the 
seventeenth  year  of  his  age,  he  had  dedicated  all 
his  thoughts  and  attention  to  public  objects,  re- 
serving no  portion  of  his  time  for  the  indulgence 
of  his  ease,  and  very  little  for  the  enjoyment  of 
private  pleasure;  that,  either  in  a  pacific  or  hostile 
manner,  he  had  visited  Germany  nine  times,  Spain 
six  times,  France  four  times,  Italy  seven  times,  the 
LoAV  Countries  ten  times,  England  twice,  Africa 
as  often,  and  had  made  eleven  voyages  by  sea; 
that,  w^hile  his  health  permitted  him  to  discharge 
his   duty,    and   the  vigor  of  his   constitution    was 


1 555.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  203 

equal,  in  any  degree,  to  the  arduous  office  of  gov 
erning  such  extensive  dominions,  he  had  nev^r 
shunned  labor,  nor  repined  under  fatigue :  that 
now,  when  his  health  was  broken,  and  his  vigor 
exhausted  by  the  rage  of  an  incurable  distemper, 
his  growing  infirmities  admonished  him  to  retiie; 
nor  was  he  so  fond  of  reigning,  as  to  retain  the 
sceptre  in  an  impotent  hand,  which  was  no  longer 
able  to  protect  his  subjects,  or  to  secure  to  them 
the  happiness  which  he  wished  they  should  enjoy ; 
that,  instead  of  a  sovereign  worn  out  with  dis- 
eases, and  scarcely  half  alive,  he  gave  them  one 
in  the  prime  of  life,  accustomed  already  to  gov- 
ern, and  who  added  to  the  vigor  of  youth  all 
the  attention  and  sagacity  of  maturer  years ;  that 
if,  during  the  course  of  a  long  administration,  he 
had  committed  any  material  error  in  government, 
or  if,  under  the  pressure  of  so  many  and  great 
affairs,  and  amidst  the  attention  which  he  had  been 
obliged  to  give  to  them,  he  had  either  neglected 
or  injured  any  of  his  subjects,  he  now  implored 
their  forgiveness  ;  that,  for  his  part,  he  should  ever 
retain  a  grateful  sense  of  their  fidelity  and  attach- 
ment, and  would  carry  the  remembrance  of  it  along 
with  him  to  the  place  of  his  retreat,  as  his  sweetest 
consolation,  as  well  as  the  best  reward  for  all  his 
servio.5S,  and  in  his  last  prayers  to  Almighty  God 
would  pour  forth  his  most  earnest  petitions  for 
their  welfare. 

Then   turning   towards  Philip,  who   fell  on  his 
inees  and  kissed  his  father  s  hand,  — "  If,"  says  he, 

S2 


204  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

"  I  had  left  you  by  my  death  this  rich  inheritance, 
to  which  I  have  made  such  large  additions,  some 
regard  would  have  been  justly  due  to  my  memory 
on  that  account ;  but  now,  when  I  voluntarily 
resign  to  you  what  I  might  have  still  retained,  I 
may  well  expect  the  warmest  expressions  of  thanks 
on  your  part.  With  these,  however,  I  dispense, 
and  shall  consider  your  concern  for  the  welfare  of 
your  subjects,  and  your  love  of  them,  as  the  best 
and  most  acceptable  testimony  of  your  gratitude 
to  me.  It  is  in  your  power,  by  a  wise  and  virtuous 
administration,  to  justify  the  extraordinary  proof 
which  I,  this  day,  give  of  my  paternal  affection, 
and  to  demonstrate  that  you  are  worthy  of  the  con- 
fidence which  I  repose  in  you.  Preserve  an  in- 
violable regard  for  religion  ;  maintain  the  Catholic 
faith  in  its  purity ;  let  the  laws  of  your  country  be 
sacred  in  your  eyes  ;  encroach  not  on  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  your  people ;  and  if  the  time 
should  ever  come,  when  you  shall  wish  to  enjoy 
the  tranquillity  of  private  life,  may  you  have  a  son 
endowed  with  such  qualities,  that  you  can  resign 
your  sceptre  to  him  with  as  much  satisfaction  as  I 
give  up  mine  to  you." 

As  soon  as  Charles  had  finished  this  long  address 
to  his  subjects  and  to  their  new  sovereign,  he  sunk 
into  the  chair,  exhausted  and  ready  to  faint  with 
the  fatigue  of  such  an  extraordinary  effort.  During 
his  discourse,  the  whole  audience  melted  into  tearr, 
some  from  admiration  of  his  magnanimity,  others 
softened  by  the  expressions  of  tenderness  towards 


1555.]  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  205 

his  son,  and  of  love  to  his  people ;  and  all  were 
affected  with  the  deepest  sorrow  at  losing  a  sov- 
ereign, who,  during  his  administration,  had  dis- 
tinguished the  Netherlands,  his  native  country, 
with  particular  marks  of  his  regard  and  attach- 
Bfient. 

Philip  then  arose  from  his  knees,  and  after 
returning  thanks  to  his  father,  with  a  low  and 
submissive  voice,  for  the  royal  gift  which  his  un- 
exampled bounty  had  bestowed  upon  him,  lie  ad- 
dressed the  assembly  of  the  states,  and  regretting 
his  inability  to  speak  the  Flemish  language  with 
such  facility  as  to  express  what  he  felt  on  this  in- 
teresting occasion,  as  well  as  what  he  owed  to  his 
good  subjects  in  the  Netherlands,  he  begged  that 
they  would  permit  Granvelle,  bishop  of  Arras,  to 
deliver  what  he  had  given  him  in  charge  to  speak 
in  his  name.  Granvelle,  in  a  long  discourse,  ex- 
patiated on  the  zeal  with  which  Philip  was  animat- 
ed for  the  good  of  his  subjects,  on  his  resolution 
to  devote  all  his  time  and  talents  to  the  promoting 
of  their  happiness,  and  on  his  intention  to  imitate 
his  father  s  example  in  distinguishing  the  Nether- 
lands with  particular  marks  of  his  regard.  Maes, 
a  lawyer  of  great  eloquence,  replied,  in  the  name  of 
the  states,  with  large  professions  of  their  fidelity 
and  affection  to  their  new  sovereign. 

Then  Mary,  queen-dowager  of  Hungary,  resigned 
the  regency  with  which  she  had  been  intrusted  by 
her  brother  during  the  space  of  twenty-five  years. 
Next  day  Philip,  in  presence  of  the  states,  took  the 


206  REIGN   OF   lilE  [Book  XI 

usual  oalns  to  maintain  the  rights  and  privileges  of 
his  suhjects  ;  and  all  the  members,  in  their  o^vn 
name  and  in  that  of  their  constituents,  swore  alle- 
giance to  him."*^ 

A  few  weeks  after  this  transaction,  Charles,  in  an 
assembly  no  less  splendid,  and  w^ith  a  ceremonial 
equally  pompous,  resigned  to  his  son  the  crowns  of 
Spain,  with  all  the  territories  depending  on  them, 
both  in  the  Old  and  in  the  New  World.  Of  all 
these  vast  possessions,  he  reserved  nothing  for 
himself  but  an  annual,  pension  of  a  hundred  thou- 
sand crowns,  to  defray  the  charges  of  his  family, 
and  to  afford  him  a  small  sum  for  acts  of  benefi- 
cence and  charity.^ 

43  Godleveus,  Relatio  Abdicationis  Car.  V.  ap.  Goldast.  Polit.  Imper. 
p.  377.     Strada  de  Bello  Belgico,  lib.  i.  p.  5. 

^14  The  emperor's  resignation  is  an  event  not  only  of  such  importance, 
but  of  such  a  nature,  that  the  precise  date  of  it,  one  would  expect, 
should  have  been  ascertained  by  historians  with  the  greatest  accuracy. 
There  is,  however,  an  amazing  and  unaccountable  diversity  among 
them  with  regard  to  this  point.  All  agree,  that  the  deed  by  which 
Charles  transferred  to  his  son  his  dominions  in  the  Netherlands,  bears 
date  at  Brussels  the  25th  of  October.  S  mdoval  fixes  on  the  28th  of 
October  as  the  day  on  which  the  ceremony  of  resignation  happened, 
and  he  was  present  at  the  transaction,  vol.  ii.  p.  592.  Godleveus, 
who  published  a  treatise  De  Abdicatione  Caroli  V.,  fixes  the  publit) 
ceremony,  as  well  as  the  date  of  the  instrument  of  resignation,  on  the 
25th.  Pere  Barre,  I  know  not  on  what  authority,  fixes  it  on  the  24th 
of  November.  Hisl.  d'Alem.  viii.  976.  Herrera  agrees  with  Godleveus 
in  his  account  of  this  matter,  tom.  i.  155  :  as  likewise  does  Pallavicini, 
whose  authority  with  respect  to  dates,  and  everything  where  a  minute 
accuracy  is  requisite,  is  of  great  weight.  Huit.  lib.  xvi.  p.  168.  His- 
torians differ  no  less  with  regard  to  the  day  on  which  Charles  resigned 
the  crown  of  Spain  to  his  son.  According  to  M.  de  Thou,  it  was  a 
month  after  his  having  resigned  his  dominions  in  the  Netherlands,  i.  e. 
about  the  25th  of  November.     Thucm.  Wh.  xvi.  p.  571.     According  <o 


1556.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   TIIE  FIFTH.  201 

As  he  had  fixed  on  a  place  of  retreat  in  Spain, 
hoping  that  the  dryness  and  the  warmth  of  the 
climate  in  that  country  might  mitigate  the  violence 
of  his  disease,  which  had  been  much  increased  by 
the  moisture  of  the  air,  and  the  rigor  of  the  win- 
ters in  the  Netherlands,  he  was  extremely  im- 
patient to  embark  for  that  kingdom,  and  to  disen- 
gage himself  entirely  from  business,  which  he  found 
to  be  impossible  while  he  remained  in  Brussels. 
But  his  physicians  remonstrated  so  strongly  against 
his  venturing  to  sea  at  that  cold  and  boisterous 
season  of  the  year,  that  he  consented,  though  with 
reluctance,  to  put  off  his  voyage  for  some  months. 

By  yielding  to  their  entreaties,  he  had  the  satis- 
faction, before  he  left  the  Low  Countries,  of  taking 
a  considerable  step  towards  a  peace  with  France, 

Sandoval,  it  was  on  the  IGtli  of  January,  1556.  Smid.  n.  603.  An- 
tonia  de  Vera  agrees  with  him.  Epitome  de  la  V'lda  de  Car.  V.  p.  110. 
According  to  PaUavicini,  it  was  on  the  17th,  Pal.  Hb.  xvi.  p.  168,  and 
with  him  Ilerrera  agrees,  Vida  de  D.  Filipo,  torn.  i.  p.  233.  But 
I'erreras  fixes  it  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  Ilisf.  Gentr.  torn.  ix.  p. 
371.  M.  de  Beaucaire  su])poses  the  resignation  of  the  crown  of  Spain 
to  have  been  executed  a  few  days  after  the  resignation  of  the  Nether- 
lands. Com.  de  Reh.  Gall.  p.  879.  It  is  remarkable,  that  in  the  treaty 
of  truce  at  Vaucelles,  though  Charles  had  made  over  all  his  dominions 
to  his  son  some  weeks  previous  to  the  conclusion  of  it,  all  the  stipu- 
lations are  in  the  emperor's  name,  and  Philip  is  only  styled  king  of 
England  and  Naples.  It  is  certain  Philip  was  not  proclaimed  king  of 
Castile,  &\  at  Yalladolid  sooner  than  the  24th  of  INIarch,  Sandov.  ii.  p. 
606  ;  and,  previous  to  that  ceremony,  he  did  not  choose,  it  should  seem, 
CO  assume  the  title  of  king  of  any  of  his  Spanish  kingdoms,  or  to  per- 
form any  act  of  royal  jurisdiction.  In  a  deed  annexed  to  the  treaty  of 
truce,  dated  April  19,  he  assumes  the  title  of  king  of  Castile,  &c.,  in  the 
usual  style  of  the  Spanish  monarchs  in  that  age.  Corps  Dipt.  torn.  iv. 
A.ppend.  p.  85. 


208  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI. 

which  he  ardently  wished  for,  not  only  on  his  son's 
account,  but  that  he  might  have  the  merit,  w^hen 
quitting  the  world,  of  re-establishing  that  tran- 
quillity in  Europe,  which  he  had  banished  out  of 
it  almost  from  the  time  that  he  assumed  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs.  Previous  to  his  resigna- 
tion, commissioners  had  been  appointed  by  him 
and  by  the  French  king,  in  order  to  treat  of  an 
exchange  of  prisoners.  In  their  conferences  at 
the  abbey  of  Vaucelles,  near  Cambray,  an  expe- 
dient was  accidentally  proposed  for  terminating 
hostilities  between  the  contending  monarchs,  by  a 
long  truce,  during  the  subsistence  of  which,  and 
without  discussing  their  respective  claims,  each 
should  retain  what  was  now  in  his  possession. 
Charles,  sensible  how  much  his  kingdoms  w^ere 
exhausted  by  the  expensive  and  almost  continual 
wars  in  w^iich  his  ambition  had  engaged  him, 
and  eager  to  gain  for  his  son  a  short  interval  of 
peace,  that  he  might  establish  himself  firmly  on  his 
throne,  declared  warmly  for  closing  with  the  over- 
ture, though  manifestly  dishonorable  as  well  as 
disadvantageous  ;  and  such  was  the  respect  due  to 
his  wisdom  and  experience,  that  Philip,  notwith- 
standing his  unwillingness  to  purchase  peace  by 
such  concessions,  did  not  presume  to  urge  his  o^oin- 
ion  in  opposition  to  that  of  his  father. 

Henry  could  not  have  hesitated  one  moment 
about  giving  his  consent  to  a  truce,  on  such  con- 
ditions as  would  leave  him  in  quiet  possession  of 
the  greater  part  of  the  duke  of  Savoy's  dominions. 


155«.|  E^rPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  209 

together  with  the  important  conquests  which  he 
had  made  on  the  German  frontier.  But  it  was  no 
easy  matter  to  reconcile  such  a  step  with  the  en- 
gagements which  he  had  come  under  to  the  pope,  in 
his  late  treaty  with  him.  The  Constable  Montmo- 
rency, however,  represented  in  such  a  striking  light 
the  imprudence  of  sacrificing  the  true  interests  of 
his  kingdom  to  these  rash  obligations,  and  took 
such  advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  cardinal  of 
Lorrain,  who  had  seduced  the  king  into  his  alliance 
with  the  Caraffas,  that  Henry,  who  was  naturally 
fluctuating  and  unsteady,  and  apt  to  be  influenced 
by  the  advice  last  given  him,  authorized  his  ambas- 
sadors to  sign  a  treaty  of  truce  with  the  emperor 
for  five  years,  on  the  terms  which  had  been  pro- 
posed. But  that  he  might  not  seem  to  have  alto- 
gether forgotten  his  ally  the  pope,  who,  he  foresaw, 
would  be  highly  exasperated,  he,  in  order  to  soothe 
him,  took  care  that  he  should  be  expressly  included 
in  the  truce.^^ 

The  count  of  Lalain  repaired  to  Blois,  and  the 
Admiral  de  Coligny  to  Brussels ;  the  former  to  be 
present  when  the  king  of  France,  and  the  latter 
when  the  emperor  and  his  son,  ratified'  the  treaty 
and   bound   themselves   by    oath    to    observe   it.*^ 

^  Meai.  de  Ribier,  il.  626.     Corps  Diplora.  torn.  iv.  App.  81. 

^^  One  of  Admiral  de  Coligny's  attendants,  who  wrote  to  the  court 
of  France  an  account  of  what  happened  while  they  resided  at  Brussels, 
takes  notice,  as  an  instance  of  Philip's  unpoliteness,  that  he  received 
the  French  ambassador  in  an  apartment  hung  with  tapestry,  which 
represented  the  battle  of  Pavia,  the  manner  in  which  Francis  I.  was 
taken  prisoner,  his  voyage  to  Spain,  with  all  the  mortifying  circum- 

VOL      IIL  27 


210  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XI 

WHien  an  account  of  the  conferences  at  Yaiicelles, 
and  of  the  conditions  of  truce  which  had  been 
proposed  there,  was  first  carried  to  Rome,  it  gave 
the  pope  no  manner  of  disquiet.  He  trusted  so 
much  to  the  honor  of  the  French  monarch,  that  he 
would  not  allow  himself  to  think  that  Henry  could 
forget  so  soon,  or  violate  so  shamefully,  all  the 
stipulations  in  his  league  with  him.  He  had  such 
a  high  opinion  of  the  emperor's  wisdom,  that  he 
made  no  doubt  of  his  refusing  his  consent  to  a 
truce  on  such  unequal  terms ;  and  on  both  these 
accounts  he  confidently  pronounced  that  this,  like 
many  preceding  negotiations,  would  terminate  in 
nothing.  But  later  and  more  certain  intelligence 
soon  convinced  him,  that  no  reasoning  in  polit- 
ical afi"airs  is  more  fallacious,  than,  because  an 
event  is  improbable,  to  conclude  that  it  will  not 
happen.  The  sudden  and  unexpected  conclusion 
of  the  truce  filled  Paul  with  astonishment  and  ter- 
ror. The  cardinal  of  Lorrain  durst  not  encounter 
that  storm  of  indignation,  to  which  he  knew  that 
he  should  be  exposed  from  the  haughty  pontifi*, 
who  had  so  good  reason  to  be  incensed ;  but,  de- 
parting abruptly  from  Rome,  he  left  to  the  Cardi- 
nal Tournon  the  difiicult  task  of  attempting  to 
soothe  Paul  and  his  nephews.  They  were  fully 
sensible  of  the  perilous  situation  in  which  they 
now  stood.  By  their  engagements  with  France, 
which  were  no  longer  secret,  they  had  highly  irri- 

Btances  of  his  captivity  and  imprisonment  at  Madrid.     Mem.  //<■  Bibif^ 
ii.  634. 


1556.]  EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE   FIETH.  211 

tated  Philip.  They  dreaded  the  violence  of  his  im- 
placable  temper.  The  duke  of  Alva,  a  minister  fit- 
ted, as  well  by  his  abilities  as  by  the  severity  of  his 
nature,  for  executing  all  Philip's  rigorous  schemes, 
had  advanced  from  Milan  to  Naples,  and  began  to 
assemble  troops  on  the  frontiers  of  the  ecclesiastical 
state ;  while  they,  if  deserted  by  France,  must  not 
only  relinquish  all  the  hopes  of  dominion  and  sov- 
ereignty to  which  their  ambition  aspired,  but  re- 
main exposed  to  the  resentment  of  the  Spanish 
monarch,  without  one  ally  to  protect  them  against 
an  enemy  with  whom  they  were  so  little  able  to 
contend. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Paul  had  recourse  to 
the  arts  of  negotiation  and  intrigue ;  of  which  the 
papal  court  knows  well  how  to  avail  itself  in  order 
to  ward  off  any  calamity  threatened  by  an  enemy 
superior  in  power.  He  affected  to  approve  highly 
of  the  truce,  as  a  happy  expedient  for  putting  a 
stop  to  the  effusion  of  Christian  blood.  He  ex- 
pressed his  warmest  wishes  that  it  might  prove  the 
forerunner  of  a  definitive  peace.  He  exhorted  the 
rival  princes  to  embrace  this  favorable  opportunity 
of  setting  on  foot  a  negotiation  for  that  purpose, 
and  offered,  as  their  common  father,  to  be  mediator 
between  them.  Under  this  pretext,  he  appointed 
Caidinal  Eebiba  his  nuncio  to  the  court  of  Brus- 
sels, and  his  nephew.  Cardinal  Carafia,  to  that  of 
Paris.  The  public  instructions  given  to  both  were 
the  same ;  that  they  should  use  their  utmost  en- 
deavors to  prevail  with  the  two  monarchs  to  accept 

7  T 


21 2  REIGN  OF  THE  rBooK  XI 

of  the  pope's  mediation,  that,  by  means  of  it,  peace 
might  be  re-established,  and  measures  might  be 
taken  for  assembling  a  general  council.  But  under 
this  specious  appearance  of  zeal  for  attaining  ob- 
jects so  desirable  in  themselves,  and  so  becoming 
his  sacred  character  to  pursue,  Paul  concealed  very 
different  intentions.  Caraffa,  besides  his  public 
instructions,  received  a  private  commission  to  solicit 
the  French  king  to  renounce  the  treaty  of  truce, 
and  to  renew  his  engagements  with  the  holy  see ; 
and  he  was  empowered  to  spare  neither  entreaties, 
nor  promises,  nor  bribes,  in  order  to  gain  that 
point.  This,  both  the  uncle  and  the  nephew  con- 
sidered as  the  real  end  of  the  embassy,  while  the 
other  served  to  amuse  the  vulgar,  or  to  deceive  the 
emperor  and  his  son.  The  cardinal,  accordingly, 
set  out  instantly  for  Paris,  and  travelled  with  the 
greatest  expedition,  whilst  Rebiba  was  detained 
some  weeks  at  Rome  ;  and  when  it  became  neces- 
sary for  him  to  begin  his  journey,  he  received 
secret  orders  to  protract  it  as  much  as  possible, 
that  the  issue  of  CarafFa's  negotiation  might  be 
known  before  he  should  reach  Brussels,  and,  ac- 
cording to  that,  proper  directions  might  be  given 
to  him  with  regard  to  the  tone  which  he  should 
assume,  in  treating  with  the  emperor  and  his  son.*^ 
Caraffa  made  his  entry  into  Paris  with  extraordi- 
nary pomp ;  and  having  presented  a  consecrated 
sword  to  Henry,  as  the  protector  on  whose  aid  the 
pope  relied  in  the  present  exigency,  he  besought 

47  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  p.  169,     Burnet,  Hist.  Reform,  ii   App.  309. 


1556.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  21 J^ 

him  not  to  disregard  the  entreaties  of  a  parent  in 
distress,  but  to  employ  that  weapon  which  he  gave 
him  in  his  defence.  This  he  represented  not  onh 
as  a  duty  of  filial  piety,  but  as  an  act  of  justice. 
As  the  pope,  from  confidence  in  the  assistance  and 
support  which  his  late  treaty  wdth  France  entitled 
him  to  expect,  had  taken  such  steps  as  had  irritated 
the  king  of  Spain,  he  conjured  Henry  not  to  suff*er 
Paul  and  his  family  to  be  crushed  under  the  weight 
of  that  resentment  which  they  had  drawn  on  them- 
selves merely  by  their  attachment  to  France.  To- 
gether with  this  argument  addressed  to  his  gener- 
osity, he  employed  another  which  he  hoped  would 
work  on  his  ambition.  He  affirmed  that  now  was 
the  time  when,  with  the  most  certain  prospect  of 
success,  he  might  attack  Philip's  dominions  in 
Italy;  that  the  flower  of  the  veteran  Spanish 
bands  had  perished  in  the  wars  of  Hungary,  Ger- 
many, and  the  Low  Countries;  that  the  emperor 
had  left  his  son  an  exhausted  treasury,  and  king- 
doms drained  of  men ;  that  he  had  no  longer  to 
contend  with  the  abilities,  the  experience,  and 
good  fortune  of  Charles,  but  with  a  monarch 
scarcely  seated  on  his  throne,  unpractised  in  com- 
mand, odious  to  many  of  the  Italian  states,  and 
dreaded  by  all.  He  promised  that  the  pope,  who 
had  already  levied  soldiers,  would  bring  a  consid- 
erable army  into  the  field,  which,  when  joined  by  a 
sufficient  number  of  French  troops,  might,  by  one 
brisk  and  sudden  effi^rt,  drive  the  Spaniards  out  oi 
Naples,  and  add  to  the  crown  of  France  a. king 


214  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XL 

dom,  the  conquest  of  which  had  been  the  great  ob- 
ject of  all  his  predecessors  during  half  a  century, 
and  the  chief  motive  of  all  their  expeditions  into 
Italy. 

Every  word  CarafFa  spoke  made  a  deep  impres- 
sion on  Henry ;  conscious,  on  the  one  hand,  that 
the  pope  had  just  cause  to  reproach  him  with 
having  violated  the  laws  not  only  of  generosity 
but  of  decency,  when  he  renounced  his  league 
with  him,  and  had  agreed  to  the  truce  of  Vau- 
celles ;  and  eager,  on  the  other  hand,  not  only 
to  distinguish  his  reign  by  a  conquest,  which  three 
former  monarchs  had  attempted  without  success, 
but  likewise  to  acquire  an  establishment  of  such 
dignity  and  value  for  one  of  his  soVis.  Reverence, 
however,  for  the  oath  by  which  he  had  so  lately 
confirmed  the  truce  of  Vaucelles ;  the  extrem.e  old 
age  of  the  pope,  whose  death  might  occasion  an 
entire  revolution  in  the  political  system  of  Italy; 
together  with  the  representations  of  Montmorency, 
who  repeated  all  the  arguments  he  had  used  against 
the  first  league  with  Paul,  and  pointed  out  the 
great  and  immediate  advantages  which  France  de- 
rived from  the  truce,  —  kept  Henry  for  some  time 
in  suspense,  and  might  possibly  have  outweighed 
all  Caraffa's  arguments.  But  the  cardinal  was  not 
such  a  novice  in  the  arts  of  intri(i:ue  and  neo^otia- 
tion,  as  not  to  have  expedients  ready  for  removing 
or  surmounting  all  these  obstacles.  To  obviate  the 
king's  scruple  with  regard  to  his  oath,  he  pro- 
duced powers  from  the  pope  to  absolve  him  frr.m 


3' 


1 556.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  215 

the  obligation  of  it.  By  way  of  security  against 
any  danger  which  he  might  apprehend  from  the 
pope's  death,  he  engaged  that  his  uncle  would 
make  such  a  nomination  of  cardinals,  as  should 
give  Henry  the  absolute  command  of  the  next 
election,  and  enable  him  to  place  in  the  papal 
chair  a  person  entirely  devoted  to  his  interest. 

In  order  to  counterbalance  the  effect  of  the  con 
stable's  opinion  and  influence,  he  employed  not 
only  the  active  talents  of  the  duke  of  Guise,  and 
the  eloquence  of  his  brother,  the  cardinal  of  Lor- 
rain,  but  the  address  of  the  queen,  aided  by  the 
more  poAverful  arts  of  Diana  of  Poitiers,  who,  un- 
fortunately for  France,  co-operated  with  Catherine 
in  this  point,  though  she  took  pleasure,  on  almost 
every  other  occasion,  to  thwart  and  mortify  her. 
They,  by  their  imited  solicitations,  easily  swayed 
the  king,  who  leaned,  of  his  own  accord,  to  that 
side  towards  which  they  wished  him  to  incline. 
All  MontDiorency's  prudent  remonstrances  were 
disregarded;  the  nuncio  absolved  Henry  from  his 
oath  ;  and  he  signed  a  new  league  with  the  pope, 
which  rekindled  the  flames  of  war  both  in  Italy 
and  in  the  Low  Countries. 

As  soon  as  Paul  was  informed  by  his  nephew 
that  there  was  a  fair  prospect  of  his  succeeding 
in  this  negotiation,  he  despatched  a  messenger  after 
the  nuncio  Pebiba,  with  orders  to  return  to  Pome, 
without  proceeding  to  Brussels.  As  it  was  now 
ao  longer  necessary  to  preserve  that  tone  of  m^od- 
eration  which  suited  the  character  of  a  mediator, 

T2 


216  REIGN   OF  TIIE  [Book  XI. 

ftud  which  he  had  affected  to  assume,  or  to  put 
any  farther  restraint  upon  his  resentment  agahist 
PhiHp,  he  boldly  threw  off  the  mask,  and  took 
such  violent  steps  as  rendered  a  rupture  unavoid- 
able. He  seized  and  imprisoned  the  Spanish 
envoy  at  his  court.  He  excommunicated  the  Co- 
lonnas ;  and  having  deprived  Marco  Antonio,  the 
head  of  that  family,  of  the  dukedom  of  Paliano. 
he  granted  that  dignity,  together  with  the  terri- 
tory annexed  to  it,  to  his  nephew,  the  count  of 
^lontorio.  He  ordered  a  legal  information  to  be 
presented  in  the  consistory  of  cardinals  against 
Philip,  setting  forth  that  he,  notwithstanding  the 
fidelity  and  allegiance  due  by  him  to  the  holy  see, 
of  which  he  held  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  had 
not  only  afforded  a  retreat  in  his  dominions  to 
the  Colonnas,  whom  the  pope  had  excommuni- 
cated and  declared  rebels,  but  had  furnished  them 
with  arms,  and  was  ready,  in  conjunction  w^ith 
them,  to  invade  the  ecclesiastical  state  in  a  hostile 
manner ;  that  such  conduct  in  a  vassal  was  to  be 
deemed  treason  against  his  liege-lord,  the  punish- 
ment of  which  was  the  forfeiture  of  his  fief  Upon 
this,  the  consistorial  advocate  requested  the  pope 
to  take  cognizance  of  the  cause,  and  to  appoint 
a  day  for  hearing  of  it,  when  he  would  make 
good  every  article  of  the  charge,  and  expect  from 
his  justice  that  sentence  which  the  heinousness 
of  Philip's  crimes  merited.  Paul,  whose  pride 
was  highly  flattered  with  the  idea  of  trying  and 
passing  judgment  on  so  great  a  king,  assented  to 


155G]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  217 

his  request,  and,  as  if  it  had  been  no  less  easy  to 
execute  than  to  pronounce  such  a  sentence,  de- 
clared that  he  would  consult  with  the  cardinals 
concerning  the  formalities  requisite  in  conduotnig 
the  trial.^^ 

But  while  Paul  allowed  his  pride  and  resent- 
ment to  drive  him  on  with  such  headlong  im- 
petuosity, Philip  discovered  an  amazing  modera- 
tion on  his  part.  He  had  been  taught  by  the 
Spanish  ecclesiastics,  who  had  the  charge  of  his 
education,  a  profound  veneration  for  the  holy  see. 
This  sentiment,  which  had  been  early  infused, 
grew  up  with  him  as  he  advanced  in  years,  and 
took  full  possession  of  his  mind,  which  was  natu- 
rally thoughtful,  serious,  and  prone  to  superstition. 
When  he  foresaw  a  rupture  with  the  pope  ap- 
proaching, he  had  such  violent  scruples  with  re- 
spect to  the  lawfulness  of  taking  arms  against 
the  vicegerent  of  Christ,  and  the  common  father 
of  all  Christians,  that  he  consulted  some  Spanish 
divines  upon  that  point.  They,  with  the  usual 
dexterity  of  casuists  in  accommodating  their  re- 
sponses to  the  circumstances  of  those  who  apply 
to  them  for  direction,  assured  him  that,  after 
employing  prayers  and  remonstrances  in  order  to 
bring  the  pope  to  reason,  he  had  full  right,  both 
by  the  laws  of  nature  and  of  Christianity,  not  only 
to  defend  himself  when  attacked,  but  to  begin 
hostilities,  if  that  were  judged  the  most  proper 
expedient  foi  preventing  the  effects  of  PauFs  vie? 

48  Pallav.  lib.  xiU.  171 
VOL.  III.  28 


218  HEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XL 

lencc  and  injustice.  Philip  nevertheless  contin- 
ued to  deliberate  and  delay,  considering  it  as  a 
most  cruel  misfortune,  that  his  administration 
should  open  with  an  attack  on  a  person  whose 
sacred  function  and  character  he  so  highly  re- 
spected.*^ 

At  last  the  duke  of  Alva,  who,  in  compliance 
with  his  master's  scruples,  had  continued  to  nego- 
tiate long  after  he  should  have  begun  to  act,  find- 
ing Paul  inexorable,  and  that  every  overture  of 
peace,  and  every  appearance  of  hesitation  on  his 
part,  increased  the  pontiff's  natural  arrogance,  took 
the  field  and  entered  the  ecclesiastical  territories. 
His  army  did  not  exceed  twelve  thousand  men ; 
but  it  was  composed  of  veteran  soldiers,  and  com- 
manded chiefly  by  those  Poman  barons  whom 
Paul's  violence  had  driven  into  exile.  The  valor 
of  the  troops,  together  with  the  animosity  of  their 
leaders,  who  fought  in  their  own  quarrel,  and  to 
recover  their  own  estates,  supplied  the  want  of 
numbers.  As  none  of  the  French  forces  were  yet 
arrived,  Alva  soon  became  master  of  the  Campagna 
Pomana ;  some  cities  being  surrendered  through 
the  cowardice  of  the  garrisons,  which  consisted 
of  raw  soldiers,  ill  disciplined  and  worse  command- 
ed ;  the  gates  of  others  being  opened  by  the  in- 
habitants, who  were  eager  to  receive  back  their 
ancient  masters.  Alva,  that  he  might  not  be 
taxed  with  impiety  in  seizing  the  patrimony  of 
the  Church,  took    possession  of  the  towns  whicli 

<9  Ferrer.  Ilist.  d'Espagnc,  ix.  373.     Herrera,  i.  308. 


15d6.J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  219 

capitulated,  in  tlie  name  of  the  college  of  carui- 
nals,  to  which,  or  to  the  pope  that  should  be 
chosen  to  succeed  Paul,  he  declared  that  he  would 
immediately  restore  them. 

The  rapid  progress  of  the  Spaniards,  whose  light 
troops  made  excursions,  even  to  the  gates  of  Home, 
fdled  that  city  with  consternation.  Paul,  though 
inflexible  and  undaunted  himself,  was  obliged  to 
give  way  so  far  to  the  fears  and  solicitations  of  the 
cardinals,  as  to  send  deputies  to  Alva,  in  order  to 
propose  a  cessation  of  arms.  The  pope  yielded  the 
more  readily,  as  he  was  sensible  of  a  double  advan- 
tage which  might  be  derived  from  obtaining  that 
point.  It  would  deliver  the  inhabitants  of  Home 
from  their  present  terror,  and  would  afford  time  for 
the  arrival  of  the  succors  which  he  expected  from 
France.  Nor  was  Alva  unwilling  to  close  with  the 
overture,  both  as  he  knew  how  desirous  his  master 
was  to  terminate  a  war  which  he  had  undertaken 
with  reluctance,  and  as  his  army  was  so  much 
weakened  by  garrisoning  the  great  number  of 
towns  which  he  had  reduced,  that  it  was  hardly  in 
a  condition  to  keep  the  field  without  fresh  recruits. 
A  truce  was  accordingly  concluded,  first  for  ten, 
and  afterwards  for  forty  days,  during  which  various 
schemes  of  peace  were  proposed,  and  perpetual  ne- 
gotiations were  carried  on,  but  with  no  sincerity  on 
the  part  of  the  pope.  The  return  of  his  nephew, 
the  cardinal,  to  Home,  the  receipt  of  a  considerable 
8um  remitted  by  the  king  of  Prance,  the  arrival  of 
one  body  of  French  troops,  together  with  the  ex- 


220         REIGN  OF  THE  EMPEROR  CHARLES   V.     [Book  XI. 

pectation  of  others  which  had  .hegun  their  march, 
rendered  him  more  arrogant  than  ever,  and  banished    • 
all  thoughts  from  his  mind  but  those  of  war  and 
revenge.^*^ 

«  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  177.     Thuan.  lib.  xvii.  588.    Mem.  de  Ribier. 
ii  GG4. 


BOOK     XII. 


New  and  fruitless  Attempt  of  the  Emperor  to  procure  the  Succession 
for  his  Son,  Philip.  —  He  sets  out  for  Spain.  —  His  Retreat  at  St. 
Justus.  —  The  Pope  renews  Hostilities  against  Philip.  —  Duke  of 
Guise's  Operations.  —  Philip  gains  the  Aid  of  England.  —  The  War 
in  the  Netherlands. —  Siege  of  St.  Quentin.  —  Measures  of  Henry 
for  the  Defence  of  France.  —  Peace  between  the  Pope  and  Philip.  — 
Placentia  restored  to  the  Duke  of  Parma.  —  Cosmo  de'  Medici  re- 
covers Siena.  —  The  Duke  of  Guise  invests  and  takes  Calais.  —  Fer- 
dinand chosen  Successor  to  the  Emperor,  but  is  not  acknowledged 
by  the  Pope.  — Marriage  of  the  Dauphin  and  the  Queen  of  Scots. — 
Defeat  of  the  French  at  Gravelines.  —  Proposals  for  Peace.  —  Death 
of  Charles  V.  —  Death  of  Mary  of  England.  —  Both  Henry  and 
Philip  court  her  Successor,  Elizabeth.  —  Her  Artifice  towards  Philip. 

—  Articles  of  Peace  agreed  upon.  —  Death  of  Henry,  —  State  of 
Europe  during  the  Reign  of  Charles  V.  —  Progress  of  the  House  of 
Austria.  —  Growth  of  France,  and  of  England.  —  The  Reformation. 

—  State  of  Venice  and  other  Italian  Nations  ;  —  of  Russia,  and  the 
Northern  Powers. 

While  these  operations  or  intrigues  kept  the 
pope  and  Philip  busy  and  attentive,  the  emperor 
disentangled  himself  finally  from  all  the  affairs  of 
this  world,  and  set  out  for  the  place  of  his  retreat. 
He  had  hitherto  retained  the  imperial  dignity,  not 
from  any  unwillingness  to  relinquish  it,  for,  after 


222  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

having  resigned  the  real  and  extensive  authority 
that  he  enjoyed  in  his  hereditary  dominions,  to  part 
with  the  limited  and  often  ideal  jurisdiction  which 
belongs  to  an  elective  crown,  was  no  great  sacrifice. 
His  sole  motive  for  delay  was  to  gain  a  few  months, 
for  making  one  trial  more,  in  order  to  accomplish 
his  favorite  scheme  in  behalf  of  his.  son.  At  the 
very  time  Charles  seemed  to  be  most  sensible  of  the 
vanity  of  worldly  grandeur,  and  when  he  appeared 
to  be  quitting  it  not  only  with  indifference,  but  with 
contempt,  the  vast  schemes  of  ambition,  which  had 
so  long  occupied  and  engrossed  his  mind,  still  kept 
possession  of  it.  He  could  not  think  of  leaving  his 
son  in  a  rank  inferior  to  that  which  he  himself  had 
held  among  the  princes  of  Europe.  As  he  had, 
some  years  before,  made  a  fruitless  attempt  to  secure 
the  imperial  crown  to  Philip,  that,  by  uniting  it  to 
the  kingdoms  of  Spain,  and  the  dominions  of  the 
house  of  Burgundy,  he  might  put  it  in  his  power 
to  prosecute,  w^ith  a  better  prospect  of  success, 
those  great  plans  which  his  own  infirmities  had 
obliged  him  to  abandon,  he  w^as  still  unwilling  to 
relinquish  this  flattering  project  as  chimerical  or 
unattainable. 

Notwithstanding  the  repulse  which  he  had  for- 
merly met  with  from  his  brother  Ferdinand,  he  re- 
newed his  solicitations  wdth  fresh  importunity,  and 
during  the  summer  had  tried  every  art,  and  em- 
ployed every  argument,  which  he  thought  could  in- 
duce him  to  quit  the  imperial  throne  to  Philip,  and 
to  accept  of  the  investiture  of  some  province,  either 


15561  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  22S 

in  Italy  or  in  the  Low  Countries,  as  an  equivalent.^ 
But  Ferdinand,  who  was  so  firm  and  inflexible  with 
regard  to  this  point,  that  he  had  paid  no  regard  to 
the  solicitations  of  the  emperor,  even  when  they 
were  enforced  with  all  the  weight  of  authority 
which  accompanies  supreme  power,  received  the 
overture  that  now  came  from  him,  in  the  situation 
to  which  he  had  descended,  with  great  indifference, 
and  would  hardly  deign  to  listen  to  it.  Charles, 
ashamed  of  his  own  credulity  in  having  imagined 
that  he  might  accomplish  that  now,  which  he  had 
attempted  formerly  without  success,  desisted  finally 
from  his  scheme.  He  then  resigned  the  govern 
ment  of  the  empire,  and  having  transferred  all  his 
claims  of  obedience  and  allegiance  from  tlie  Ger- 
manic body  to  his  brother,  the  king  of  the  Ilomans, 
he  executed  a  deed  to  that  effect,  with  all  the  for- 
malities requisite  in  such  an  important  transaction. 
The  instrument  of  resignation  he  committed  to 
William,  prince  of  Orange,  and  empowered  him  to 
lay  it  before  the  college  of  electors.^ 

Nothing  now  remained  to  detain  Charles  from 
that  retreat  for  which  he  languished.  The  prepa- 
rations for  his  voyage  having  been  made  for  some 
time,  he  set  out  for  Zuitburg  in  Zealand,  where  the 
fleet  which  was  to  convoy  him  had  orders  to  assem- 
ble. In  his  way  thither  he  passed  through  Ghent, 
and.  after  stopping  there  a  few  days,  to  indulge 
that  tender  and  pleasing  melancholy  which  arises 

♦  Ambassadesde  Noailles,  torn.  v.  356. 
2  Goldast.  Constit.  Imper.  par.  i.  576. 

7  U 


2*24  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XII 

iu  the  mind  uf  every  man  in  the  decline  of  life,  on 
visiting  the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  viewing  the 
scenes  and  objects  familiar  to  him  in  his  early 
youth,  he  pursued  his  journey,  accompanied  by  his 
son  Philip,  his  daughter  the  archduchess,  his  sisters 
the  dowager  queens  of  France  and  Hungary,  Max- 
imilian his  son-in-law,  and  a  numerous  retinue  of 
the  Flemish  nobility.  Before  he  went  on  board,  he 
dismissed  them,  with  marks  of  his  attention  or  re- 
gard, and,  taking  leave  of  Philip  with  all  the  ten- 
derness of  a  father  who  embraced  his  son  for  the 
last  time,  he  set  sail  on  the  17th  of  September, 
under  the  convoy  of  a  large  fleet  of  Spanish,  Flem- 
ish, and  English  ships.  He  declined  a  pressing 
invitation  from  the  queen  of  England  to  land  in 
some  part  of  her  dominions,  in  order  to  refresh 
himself,  and  that  she  miglit  have  the  comfort  of 
seeing  him  once  more.  "  It  cannot  surely,"  said 
he,  "  be  agreeable  to  a  queen  to  receive  a  visit  from 
a  father-in-law  who  is  now  nothing  more  than  a 
private  gentleman." 

His  voyage  was  prosperous,  and  he  arrived  at 
Laredo,  in  Biscay,  on  the  eleventh  day  after  he  left 
Zealand.  As  soon  as  he  landed,  he  fell  prostrate 
on  the  ground ;  and,  considering  himself  now  as 
dead  to  the  world,  he  kissed  the  earth,  and  said, 
"  Naked  came  I  out  of  my  mother's  womb,  and 
naked  I  now  return  to  thee,  thou  common  mother 
of  mankind."  From  Laredo  he  pursued  his  jour- 
ney to  Burgos,  carried  sometimes  in  a  chair,  and 
sometimes  in  a  horse-litter,  suflering  exquisite  pain 


i556.|  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  EIFTH.  225 

at  every  step,  and  advancing  with  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulty. Some  of  the  Spanish  nobility  repaired  to 
Burgos,  in  order  to  pay  court  to  him;  but  they 
were  so  few  in  number,  and  their  attendance  was  so 
negligent,  that  Charles  observed  it,  and  felt,  for  the 
first  time,  that  he  was  no  longer  a  monarch.  Ac- 
customed from  his  early  youth  to  the  dutiful  and 
officious  respect  with  which  those  who  possess  sov- 
ereign power  are  attended,  he  had  received  it  with 
the  credulity  common  to  princes,  and  w'as  sensibly 
mortified  wdien  he  now  discovered,  that  he  had 
been  indebted  to  his  rank  and  power  for  much  of 
that  obsequious  regard  which  he  had  fondly  thought 
was  paid  to  his  personal  qualities.  But  though  he 
might  have  soon  learned  to  view  wdth  unconcern 
the  levity  of  his  subjects,  or  to  have  despised  their 
neglect,  he  w^as  more  deeply  afflicted  wath  the  in- 
gratitude of  his  son,  who,  forgetting  already  how 
much  he  owed  to  his  father  s  bounty,  obliged  him 
to  remain  some  weeks  at  Burgos  before  he  paid 
him  the  first  moiety  of  that  small  pension,  which 
was  all  that  he  had  reserved  of  so  many  kingdoms. 
As  without  this  sum  Charles  could  not  dismiss  his 
domestics  with  such  rewards  as  their  services  mer- 
ited, or  his  generosity  had  destined  for  them,  he 
could  not  help  expressing  both  surprise  and  dis- 
satisfaction.^ At  last  the  money  w^as  paid,  and 
Charles  having  dismissed  a  great  number  of  his 
domestics,  whose  attendance  he  thought  would  be 
superfluous   or  cumbersome  in  his  retirement,  he 

3  Strado  de  Bello  Belg.  lib.  i.  9. 
VOL.    III.  2d 


226  REIGN   OF   TIIE  (Book  XIL 

proceeded  to  Yiilladolid.  There  he  took  a  hist  and 
tender  leave  of  his  two  sisters,  whom  he  woukl  not 
permit  to  accompany  him  to  his  solitude,  though 
they  requested  him  with  tears,  not  only  that  they 
might  have  the  consolation  of  contributing,  by 
their  attendance  and  care,  to  mitigate  or  to  sootlr; 
his  sufferings,  but  that  they  might  reap  instruc- 
tion and  benefit  bv  loinino^  with  him  in  those 
pious  exercises  to  which  he  had  consecrated,  the 
remainder  of  his  days. 

From  Valladolid  he  continued  his  journey  to 
Plazencia,  in  Estremadura.  He  had  passed  through 
this  place  a  great  many  years  before,  and  having 
been  struck  at  that  time  with  the  delio'htful  situa- 
tion  of  the  monastery  of  St.  Justus,  belonging  to 
the  order  of  St.  Jerome,  not  many  miles  distant 
from  the  town,  he  had  then  observed  to  some  of 
his  attendants,  that  this  was  a  spot  to  which  Dio- 
cletian might  have  retired  with  i)leasure.  The 
impression  had  remained  so  strong  on  his  mind, 
that  he  pitched  upon  it  as  the  place  of  his  own 
retreat.  It  was  seated  in  a  vale  of  no  great  ex- 
tent, watered  by  a  small  brook,  and  surrounded 
by  rising  grounds,  covered  with  lofty  trees ;  from 
the  nature  of  the  soil,  as  well  as  the  tempera- 
ture of  the  climate,  it  was  esteemed  the  most 
healthful  and  delicious  situation  in  Spain.  Some 
months  before  his  resignation  he  had  sent  an  archi- 
tect thither,  to  add  a  new  apartment  to  the  monas- 
tery for  his  accommodation ;  but  he  gave  strict 
orders    that   the    style  of  the  building   s}\Guld   be 


1567.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  227 

such  as  suited  liis  present  station,  rather  than 
his  former  dignity.  It  consisted  only  of  six  rooms, 
four  of  them  in  the  form  of  fi'iars'  cells,  with  naked 
wails ;  the  other  two,  each  twenty  feet  square,  were 
hung  with  brown  cloth,  and  furnished  in  the  most 
simple  manner.  They  were  all  on  a  level  with 
the  ground,  wdth  a  door  on  one  side  into  a  garden, 
of  which  Charles  himself  had  given  the  plan,  and 
had  filled  it  with  various  plants,  which  he  intended 
to  cultivate  with  his  own  hands.  On  the  other 
side,  they  communicated  with  the  chapel  of  the 
monastery,  in  which  he  w^as  to  perform  his  devo- 
tions. Into  this  humble  retreat,  hardly  sufficient 
for  the  comfortable  accommodation  of  a  private 
gentleman,  did  Charles  enter  wdtli  twelve  domes- 
tics only.  lie  buried  there,  in  solitude  and  silence, 
his  grandeur,  his  ambition,  together  with  all  those 
vast  projects,  which,  during  almost  half  a  century, 
had  alarmed  and  agitated  Europe,  filling  every 
kingdom  in  it,  by  turns,  with  the  terror  of  his 
arms,  and  the  dread  of  being  subdued  by  his 
power.* 

The  contrast  between  Charles's  conduct  and  that 
of  the  pope  at  this  juncture  w^as  so  obvious,  that 
it  struck  even  the  most  careless  observers ;  nor 
was  the  comparison  wdiich  they  made  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  Paul.  The  former,  a  conqueror,  born 
to  reign,  long  accustomed  to  the  splendor  which 
accompanies  supreme  powder,  and  to  those  busy 
and  interesting  scenes  in  which  an  active  ambition 

*  Sandov.  ii.  GO 7,  et  Zuniga,  100.     Thuan.  lib.  xvii.  609. 

U  2 


223'  REIGN    OF  THE  [Book  XEL 

had  engaged  him,  quitted  the  world  at  a  period  of 
life  not  far  advanced,  that  he  might  close  the  even- 
ing of  his  days  in  tranquillity,  and  secure  some 
interval  for  sober  thought  and  serious  recollection. 
The  latter,  a  priest  who  had  passed  the  early  part 
of  his  life  in  the  shade  of  the  schools,  and  in  the 
study  of  the  speculative  sciences,  who  was  seem- 
ingly so  detached  from  the  world,  that  he  had 
shut  himself  up  for  many  years  in  the  solitude 
of  a  cloister,  and  who  was  not  raised  to  the  papal 
throne  until  he  had  reached  the  extremity  of  old 
age,  discovered  at  once  all  the  impetuosity  of 
youthful  ambition,  and  formed  extensive  schemes, 
in  order  to  accomplish  which,  he  scrupled  not  to 
scatter  the  seeds  of  discord,  and  to  kindle  the 
flames  of  war,  in  every  corner  of  Europe.  But 
Paul,  regardless  of  the  opinion  or  censures  of  man- 
kind, held  on  his  own  course  with  his  wonted  arro- 
gance and  violence.  These,  although  they  seemed 
already  to  have  exceeded  all  bounds,  rose  to  a  still 
greater  height,  upon  the  arrival  of  the  duke  of 
Guise  in  Italy. 

That  which  the  two  princes  of  Lorrain  foresaw 
and  desired,  had  happened.  The  duke  of  Guise 
was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  army  ap- 
pointed to  march  to  the  pope's  assistance.  It  con- 
sisted of  twenty  thousand  men  of  the  best  troops 
m  the  service  of  France.  So  liigh  was  the  duke's 
reputation,  and  such  the  general  expectation  of 
beholding  some  extraordinary  exertion  of  his  cour- 
age and  abilities,  in  a  war  into  which  he  had  pre- 


1557.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  229 

cipitated  his  country,  chiefly  with  the  design  of 
obtaining  a  field  where  he  might  display  his  own 
talents,  that  many  of  the  French  nobility,  who 
had  no  command  in  the  troops  employed,  accom- 
panied him  as  volunteers.  This  army  passed  the 
Alps  in  an  inclement  season,  and. advanced  towards 
Rome,  without  any  opposition  from  the  Spaniards, 
who,  as  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  act  in 
difierent  parts,  had  collected  all  their  forces  into 
one  body  on  the  frontiers  of  Naples,  for  the  de- 
fence  of  that  kingdom. 

Emboldened  by  the  approach  of  the  French,  the 
pope  let  loose  all  the  fury  of  his  resentment  against 
Philip,  which,  notwithstanding  the  natural  vio- 
lence of  his  temper,  prudential  considerations  had 
hitherto  obliged  him  to  keep  under  some  restraint. 
He  named  commissioners,  whom  he  empowered  to 
pass  judgment  in  the  suit  which  the  consistorial 
advocate  had  commenced  against  Philip,  in  order 
to  prove  that  he  had  forfeited  the  crown  of  Naples, 
by  taking  arms  against  the  holy  see,  of  which  he 
was  a  vassal.  He  recalled  all  the  nuncios  resi- 
dent in  the  courts  of  Charles  V.,  of  Philip,  or 
of  any  of  their  allies.  This  was  levelled  chiefly 
against  Cardinal  Pole,  the  papal  legate  in  the 
court  of  England,  whose  great  merit,  in  having 
contributed  so  successfully  to  reconcile  that  king- 
dom to  the  Church  of  Pome,  together  with  the 
expectation  of  farther  services  which  he  might 
perform,  was  not  suflicient  to  screen  him  from  the 
resentment   that  he  had  incurred  by   his    zealouu 


230  REIGN  OF    THE  [Book  XH 

end(.'a\ors  to  establish  peace  between  the  house 
of  Austria  and  France.  He  commanded  an  ad- 
dition to  be  made  to  the  anathemas  annually  de- 
nounced against  the  enemies  of  the  Church  on 
Maunday-Thursday,  whereby  he  inflicted  the  cen 
sure  of  excommunication  on  the  authors  of  the 
late  invasion  of  the  ecclesiastical  territories,  what- 
ever their  rank  or  dignity  might  be ;  and,  in  con- 
sequence of  this,  the  usual  prayers  for  the  emperor 
were  omitted  next  day  in  the  pope's  chaptl.^ 

But  while  the  pope  indulged  himself  in  these 
wild  and  childish  sallies  of  rage,  either  he  neg- 
lected, or  found  that  it  exceeded  his  power,  to  take 
such  measures  as  would  have  rendered  his  resent- 
ment really  formidable,  and  fatal  to  his  enemies. 
For  wdien  the  duke  of  Guise  entered  Kome,  where 
he  was  received  with  a  triumphal  pomp,  which 
would  have  been  more  suitable  if  he  had  been 
returning  after  having  terminated  the  war  with 
glory,  than  w^hen  he  was  going  to  begin  it  with  a 
doubtful  chance  of  success,  he  found  none  of  the 
preparations  for  w^ar  in  such  forwardness  as  Cardi- 
nal Caraifa  had  promised,  or  he  had  expected.  The 
papal  troops  were  far  inferior  in  number  to  the 
quota  stipulated ;  no  magazines  sufficient  for  their 
subsistence  were  formed ;  nor  was  money  for  pay- 
ing them  provided.  The  Venetians,  agreeably  to 
that  cautious  maxim  which  the  misfortunes  of 
their  state  had  first  led  them  to  adopt,  and  wbich 
was  now  become  a  fundamental  principle  in  their 

5  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  180.     Mem.  de  Ribier,  li.  678. 


1557.J  EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE  FII  TH.  231 

policy,  declared  their  resolution  to  preserve  an  ex- 
act neutrality,  without  taking  any  part  in  the 
quarrels  of  princes,  so  far  superior  to  themselves 
in  power.  The  other  Italian  states  were  either 
openly  united  in  league  with  Philip,  or  secretly 
w^ished  success  to  his  arms  against  a  pontiff  whose 
inconsiderate  ambition  had  rendered  Italy  once 
more  the  seat  of  war. 

The  duke  of  Guise  perceived  that  the  whole 
weight  of  the  war  would  devolve  on  the  French 
troops  under  his  command  ;  and  became  sensible, 
though  too  late,  how  imprudent  it  is  to  rely,  in 
the  execution  of  great  enterprises,  on  the  aid  of 
feeble  allies.  Pushed  on,  however,  by  the  pope's 
impatience  for  action,  as  well  as  by  his  own  de- 
sire of  performing  some  part  of  what  he  had  so 
confidently  undertaken,  he  marched  towards  Na- 
ples, and  began  his  operations.  But  the  success 
of  these  fell  far  short  of  his  former  reputation, 
of  what  the  world  expected,  and  of  what  he  him- 
self had  promised.  He  opened  the  campaign  with 
the  siege  of  Civitella,  a  town  of  some  importance 
on  the  Neapolitan  frontier.  But  the  obstinacy 
with  which  the  Spanish  governor  defended  it* 
baffled  all  the  impetuous  efforts  of  the  French 
valor,  and  obliged  the  duke  of  Guise,  after  a 
siege  of  three  weeks,  to  retire  from  the  town 
with  disgrace.  He  endeavored  to  wipe  off  that 
Btain,  by  advancing  boldly  towards  the  duke  of 
Alva's  camp,  and  offering  him  battle.  But  that 
prudent  commander,  sensible  of  all  the  advantages 


23^  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  XU 

of  standing  on  the  defensive  before  an  invading 
enemy,  declined  an  engagement,  and  kept  within 
his  intrenchments ;  and,  adhering  to  his  plan  with 
the  steadiness  of  a  Castilian,  eluded,  with  great 
address,  all  the  duke  of  Guise's  stratagems  to 
draw  him  into  action.^  By  this  time  sickness 
began  to  waste  the  French  army;  violent  dissen- 
sions had  arisen  between  the  duke  of  Guise  aud 
the  commander  of  the  pope's  forces ;  the  Span- 
iards renewed  their  incursions  into  the  ecclesias- 
tical state ;  the  pope,  when  he  found,  instead  of 
the  conquests  and  triumph  which  he  had  fondly 
expected,  that  he  could  not  secure  his  own  ter- 
ritories from  depredation,  murmured,  complained, 
and  began  to  talk  of  peace.  The  duke  of  Guise, 
mortified  to  the  last  degree  with  having  acted  such 
an  inglorious  part,  not  only  solicited  his  court 
either  to  reinforce  his  army  or  to  recall  him,  but 
urged  Paul  to  fulfil  his  engagements ;  and  called 
on  Cardinal  Carafi'a,  sometimes  with  reproaches, 
sometimes  with  threats,  to  make  good  those  mag- 
nificent promises,  from  a  rash  confidence  in  which 
he  had  advised  his  master  to  renounce  the  truce 
of  Vaucelles,  and  to  join  in  league  with  the  pope/ 
But  while  the  French  afi"airs  in  Italy  were  in 
this  wretched  situation,  an  unexpected  event  hap- 
pened in  the  Low  Countries,  which  called  the  duke 
of  Guise  from  a  station  wherein  he  could  acquire 
no    honor,    to   the    most   dignified    and    im2)ortant 

*>  Herrera,  Yida  de  Filipo,  181. 

7  Thuan.  lib.  xxviii.  614.     Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  181.     Burn.  ii.  App.  ^IT 


1557.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  283 

charge  which  could  be  committed  to  a  subject. 
As  soon  as  the  French  had  discovered  their  pur- 
pose of  viohiting  the  truce  of  Vaucelles,  not  only 
by  sending  an  army  into  Italy,  but  by  attempt- 
ing to  surprise  some  of  the  frontier  towns  hi 
Flanders,  Philip,  though  willing  to  have  avoided 
a  rupture,  determined  to  prosecute  the  war  with 
such  spirit  as  should  make  his  enemies  sensible 
that  his  father  had  not  erred,  when  he  judged 
him  to  be  so  capable  of  government  that  he  had 
given  up  the  reins  into  his  hands.  As  he  knew 
that  Henry  had  been  at  great  expense  in  fitting 
out  the  army  under  the  duke  of  Guise,  and  that 
his  treasury  was  hardly  able  to  answer  the  exor- 
bitant and  endless  demands  of  a  distant  war,  he 
foresaw  that  all  his  operations  in  the  Low  Coun- 
tries must,  of  consequence,  prove  feeble,  and  be 
considered  only  as  secondary  to  those  in  Italy. 
For  that  reason,  he  prudently  resolved  to  make  his 
principal  effort  in  that  place  where  he  expected 
the  French  to  be  weakest,  and  to  bend  his  chief 
force  against  that  quarter  where  they  would  feel 
a  blow  most  sensibly.  With  this  view,  he  assem- 
bled in  the  Low  Countries  an  army  of  about  fifty 
thousand  men,  the  Flemings  serving  him  on  this 
occasion  with  that  active  zeal  which  subjects  are 
wont  to  exert  in  obeying  the  first  commands  of 
a  new  sovereign.  But  Philip,  cautious  and  prov- 
ident, even  at  that  early  period  of  life,  did  not  rest 
all  his  hopes  of  success  on  that  formidable  force 
alone. 

V(S^.  III.  30 


234  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XU. 

He  had  been  laboring  for  some  time  to  engage 
the  English  to  espouse  his  quarrel;  and  though  it 
was  manifestly  the  interest  of  that  kingdom  to 
maintain  a  strict  neutrality,  and  the  people  them- 
selves were  sensible  of  the  advantages  which  they 
derived  from  it ;  'though  he  knew  how  odious  his 
name  was  to  the  English,  and  how  averse  they 
would  be  to  co-operate  with  him.  in  any  measure, 
he,  nevertheless,  did  not  despair  of  accomplishing 
his  point.  Pie  relied  on  the  affection  with  which 
the  queen  doted  on  him,  which  was  so  violent, 
that  even  his  coldness  and  neglect  had  not  extin- 
guished it ;  he  knew  her  implicit  reverence  for  his 
opinion,  and  her  fond  desire  of  gratifying  him  in 
every  particular.  That  he  might  work  on  these 
with  greater  facility  and  more  certain  success,  he 
set  out  for  England.  The  queen,  who,  during  her 
husband's  absence,  had  languished  in  perpetual 
dejection,  resumed  fresh  spirits  on  his  arrival ;  and, 
without  paying  the  least  attention  either  to  the 
interest  or  to  the  inclinations  of  her  people,  entered 
warmly  into  all  his  schemes.  In  ^ain  did  her  privy 
council  remonstrate  against  the  imprudence  as  well 
as  danger  of  involving  the  nation  in  an  unnecessary 
war ;  in  vain  did  they  put  her  in  mind  of  the  sol- 
emn treaties  of  peace  subsisting  between  England 
and  France,  which  the  conduct  of  that  nation  had 
afforded  her  no  pretext  to  violate.  Mary,  soothed 
by  Philip's  caresses,  or  intimidated  by  the  threats 
which  his  ascendant  over  her  emboldened  him  at 
some  times  to  throw   out,   was  deaf  to  everything 


1557.]  EMPEKOH    CHARLES   TlIE   FIFTH.  235 

that  covild  be  urged  in  opposition  to  his  sentiments, 
and  insisted  with  the  greatest  vehemence  on  an 
immediate  declaration  of  war  against  France.  The 
council,  though  all  Philip's  address  and  Marv's 
authority  were  employed  to  gain  or  overawe  them^ 
after  struggling  long,  yielded  at  last,  not  from  con- 
viction, but  merely  from  deference  to  the  wall  of 
their  sovereign.  War  was  declared  against  France, 
the  only  one  perhaps  against  that  kingdom  into 
which  the  English  ever  entered  with  reluctance. 
As  Mary  knew  the  aversion  of  the  nation  to  this 
measure,  she  durst  not  call  a  parliament  in  order 
to  raise  money  for  carrying  on  the  war.  She  sup- 
plied this  want,  however,  by  a  stretch  of  royal  pre- 
rogative, not  unusual  in  that  age;  and  levied  large 
sums  on  her  subjects  by  her  own  authority.  This 
enabled  her  to  assemble  a  sufficient  body  of  troops, 
and  to  send  eight  thousand  men,  under  the  conduct 
of  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  to  join  Philip's  army.^ 

Philip,  who  was  not  ambitious  of  military  glory, 
gave  the  command  of  his  army  to  Emanuel  Pliili- 
bert,  duke  of  Savoy,  and  fixed  his  own  residence 
at  Cambray,  that  he  might  be  at  hand  to  receive 
the  earliest  intelligence  of  his  motions,  and  to  aid 
him  with  his  counsels.  The  duke  opened  the  cam- 
paign Avith  a  masterly  stroke  of  address,  which  jus- 
tified Philip's  choice,  and  discovered  such  a  superi- 
ority of  genius  over  the  French  generals,  as  almost 
insured  success  in  his  subsequent  operations.  He 
appointed  the  general  rendezvous  of  his  troops  at  a 

8  Carte,  iii.  337. 
7  V 


236  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XU 

place  considerably  distant  from  the  country  which 
he  destined  to  be  the  scene  of  action  ;  and  having 
kept  the  enemy  in  suspense  for  a  good  time  with  re- 
gard to  his  intentions,  he  at  last  deceived  them  so 
effectually  by  the  variety  of  his  marches  and  coun- 
termarches, as  led  them  to  conclude  that  he  meant 
to  bend  all  his  force  against  the  province  of  Cham- 
pagne, and  would  attempt  to  penetrate  into  the 
kingdom  on  that  side.  In  consequence  of  this 
opinion,  they  drew  all  their  strength  towards  that 
quarter,  and,  reinforcing  the  garrisons  there,  left 
the  towns  on  other  parts  of  the  frontier  destitute  of 
troops  sufficient  to  defend  them. 

The  duke  of  Savoy,  as  soon  as  he  perceived  that 
this  feint  had  its  full  effect,  turned  suddenly  to 
the  right,  advanced  by  rapid  marches  into  Picar- 
dy,  and  sending  his  cavalry,  in  which  he  was  ex- 
tremely strong,  before  him,  invested  St.  Quentin. 
This  was  a  town  deemed  in  that  age  of  considerable 
strength,  and  of  great  importance,  as  there  were 
few  fortified  cities  between  it  and  Paris.  The  for- 
tifications, however,  had  been  much  neglected  ;  the 
garrison,  weakened  by  draughts  sent  towards  (Cham- 
pagne, did  not  amount  to  a  fifth  part  of  the  num- 
ber requisite  for  its  defence ;  and  the  governor, 
though  a  brave  officer,  was  neither  of  rank  nor 
authority  equal  to  the  command  in  a  place  of  so 
much  consequence,  besieged  by  such  a  formidable 
army.  A  few  days  must  have  put  the  duke  of 
Savoy  in  possession  of  the  town,  if  the  Admiral  de 
Cojigny,   who  thought  it  concerned   his  honor  'to 


1557.1  EMrEIlOR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  237 

attempt  saving  a  place  of  such  importance  to  his 
country,  and  which  lay  within  his  jurisdiction  as 
governor  of  Picardy,  had  not  taken  the  gallant 
resolution  of  throwing  himself  into  it,  with  such 
a  body  of  men  as  he  could  collect  on  a  sudden. 
This  resolution  he  executed  with  great  intrepidity, 
and,  if  the  nature  of  the  enterprise  be  considered, 
with  no  contemptible  success ;  for,  though  one  half 
of  his  small  body  of  troops  was  cut  off,  he  with 
the  other  broke  through  the  enemy,  and  entered 
the  town.  The  unexpected  arrival  of  an  officer 
of  such  higli  rank  and  reputation,  and  who  had 
exposed  himself  to  such  danger  in  order  to  join 
them,  inspired  the  desponding  garrison  with  cour- 
age. Everything  that  the  admiral's  great  skill 
and  experience  in  the  art  of  war  could  suggest, 
for  annoying  the  enemy,  or  defending  the  town, 
was  attempted  ;  and  the  citizens  as  well  as  the  gar- 
rison, seconding  his  zeal  with  equal  ardor,  seemed 
to  be  determined  that  they  would  hold  out  to  the 
last,  and  sacrifice  themselves  in  order  to  save  their 
country.^ 

The  duke  of  Savoy,  whom  the  English,  under 
the  earl  of  Pembroke,  joined  about  this  time, 
pushed  on  the  siege  with  the  greatest  vigor.  An 
army  so  numerous,  and  so  well  supplied  with 
everything  requisite,  carried  on  its  approaches  with 
great  advantage  against  a  garrison  which  was  still 
so  feeble  that  it  durst  seldom  venture  to  disturb 
or  retard  the  enemy's  operations  by  sallies.     The 

9  Thuan.  lib.  xix.  647. 


238  RFJGX  OF   TIIE  [Book  XIL 

admiral,  sensible  of  the  approaching  danger,  and 
unable  to  avert  it,  acquainted  his  uncle,  the  Con- 
stable Montmorency,  who  had  the  command  of  the 
French  army,  with  his  situation,  and  pointed  out 
to  him  a  method  by  which  he  might  throw  relief 
into  the  town.  The  constable,  solicitous  to  save 
a  town,  the  loss  of  which  would  open  a  passage 
for  the  enemy  into  the  heart  of  France,  and  eager 
to  extricate  his  nephew  out  of  that  perilous  situa- 
tion, in  which  zeal  for  the  public  had  engaged  him, 
resolved,  though  aware  of  the  danger,  to  attempt 
what  he  desired.  With  this  view,  he  marched  from 
La  Fere  towards  St.  Quentin  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  which  was  not  by  one  half  so  numerous  as 
that  of  the  enemy,  and  having  given  the  command 
of  a  body  of  chosen  men  to  Coligny's  brother,  Dan- 
delot,  who  was  colonel-general  of  the  French  in 
fantry,  he  ordered  him  to  force  his  way  into  the 
town  by  that  avenue  which  the  admiral  had  rep- 
i-esented  as  most  practicable,  while  he  himself,  with 
the  main  army,  would  give  the  alarm  to  the  ene- 
my's camp  on  the  opposite  side,  and  endeavor  to 
draw  all  their  attention  towards  that  quarter. 
Dandelot  executed  his  orders  with  greater  intre- 
pidity than  conduct.  He  rushed  on  with  such 
headlong  impetuosity,  that,  though  it  broke  the 
first  body  of  the  enemy  which  stood  in  his  way, 
it  threw  his  own  soldiers  into  the  utmost  confu- 
sion ;  and  as  they  were  attacked  in  that  situation 
by  fresh  troops,  which  closed  in  upon  them  on 
every  side,   the  greater  part  of  them  were  cut  in 


1557.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  239 

pieces ;  Dandelot,  with  about  five  hundred  of  the 
Qiost  adventurous  and  most  fortunate,  making  good 
his  entrance  into  the  town. 

Meanwhile  the  constable,  in  executing  his  part 
of  the  plan,  advanced  so  near  the  camp  of  the  be- 
siegers, as  rendered  it  impossible  to  retreat  with 
safety  in  the  face  of  an  enemy  so  much  superior 
in  number.  The  duke  of  Savoy  histantly  perceived 
Montmorency's  error,  and  prepared,  with  the  pres- 
ence of  mind  and  abilities  of  a  great  general,  to 
avail  himself  of  it.  He  drew  up  his  army  in  order 
of  battle,  with  the  greatest  expedition,  and,  watch- 
ing the  moment  when  the  French  began  to  file  off 
towards  La  Fere,  he  detached  all  his  cavalry,  under 
the  command  of  the  count  of  Egmont,  to  fall  on 
their  rear,  while  he  himself,  at  the  head  of  his  in- 
fantry, advanced  to  support  him.  The  French  re- 
tired at  first  in  perfect  order,  and  with  a  good  coun- 
tenance ;  but  when  they  saw  Egmont  draw  near 
with  his  formidable  body  of  cavalry,  the  shock  of 
which  they  were  conscious  that  they  could  not 
withstand,  the  prospect  of  imminent  danger,  added 
to  distrust  of  their  general,  whose  imprudence  every 
soldier  now  perceived,  struck  them  with  general 
consternation.  They  began  insensibly  to  quicken 
their  pace,  and  those  in  the  rear  pressed  so  violently 
on  such  as  were  before  them,  that  in  a  short  time 
their  march  resembled  a  flight  rather  than  a  re- 
treat. Egmont,  observing  their  confusion,  charged 
them  with  the  greatest  fury,  and  in  a  moment  all 
their  men-at-arms,  the  pride  and  strength  of  the 

V2 


240  KEIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XII 

French  troops  in  that  age,  gave  way,  and  fled  with 
precipitation.  The  infantry,  however,  whom  the 
constable,  by  his  presence  and  authority,  kept  to 
their  colors,  still  continued  to  retreat  in  good  order, 
until  the  enemy  brought  some  pieces  of  cannon  to 
bear  upon  their  centre,  which  threw  them  into  such 
confusion,  that  the  Flemish  cavalry,  renewing  their 
attack,  broke  in,  and  the  rout  became  universal. 
About  four  thousand  of  the  French  fell  in  the  field, 
and  among  these  the  duke  of  Enghien,  a  prince  of 
the  blood,  together  with  six  hundred  gentlemen. 
The  constable,  as  soon  as  he  perceived  the  fortune 
of  the  day  to  be  irretrievable,  rushed  into  the  thick- 
est of  the  enemy,  with  a  resolution  not  to  survive 
the  calamity  which  his  ill  conduct  had  brought 
upon  his  country ;  but  having  received  a  dangerous 
wound,  and  being  wasted  with  the  loss  of  blood,  he 
w^as  surrounded  by  some  Flemish  officers  to  whom 
he  was  known,  who  protected  him  from  the  vio- 
lence of  the  soldiers,  and  obliged  him  to  surrender. 
Besides  the  constable,  the  dukes  of  Montpensier 
and  LoDgueville,  the  Marechal  St.  Andre,  many 
officers  of  distinction,  three  hundred  gentlemen, 
and  near  four  thousand  private  soldiers,  were 
taken  prisoners.  All  the  colors  belonging  to  the 
infantry,  all  the  ammunition,  and  all  the  cannon, 
two  pieces  excepted,  fell  into  the  enemy's  hands. 
The  victorious  army  did  not  lose  above  fourscore 
men.^*^ 

This  battle,  no   less   fatal   to    France    than    the 

W  Thuan.  650.     Har^i  Annal.  Brabant,  ii.  692.     Herrera,  ?9/.. 


1557.  J  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  241 

ancient  victories  of  Crecy  and  Agincourt,  gained 
by  the  English  on  the  same  frontier,  bore  a  near 
resemblance  to  those  disastrous  events,  in  the  sud- 
denness of  the  rout ;  in  the  ill  conduct  of  the  cc  m- 
mander-in-chief ;  in  the  number  of  persons  of  note 
slain  or  taken ;  and  in  the  small  loss  sustaiued 
by  the  enemy.  It  filled  France  with  equal  con- 
sternation. Many  inhabitants  of  Paris,  with  the 
same  precipitancy  and  trepidation  as  if  the  enemy 
had  been  already  at  their  gates,  quitted  the  city, 
and  retired  into  the  interior  provinces.  The  khig, 
by  his  presence  and  exhortations,  endeavored  to 
console  and  to  animate  such  as  remained,  and,  ap- 
plying himself  with  the  greatest  diligence  to  repair 
the  ruinous  fortifications  of  the  city,  prepared  to 
defend  it  against  the  attack  which  he  instantly  ex- 
pected. But,  happily  for  France,  Philip's  caution, 
together  with  the  intrepid  firmness  of  the  Admiral 
de  Coligny,  not  only  saved  the  capital  from  the 
danger  to  which  it  was  exposed,  but  gained  the 
nation  a  short  interval,  during  which  the  people 
recovered  from  the  terror  and  dejection  occasioned 
by  a  bloAv  no  less  severe  than  unexpected,  and 
Henry  had  leisure  to  take  measures  for  the  pub- 
lic security,  with  the  spirit  which  became  the  sov- 
ereign of  a  powerful  and  martial  people. 

Philip,  immediately  after  the  battle,  visited  the 
camp  at  St.  Quentin,  where  he  was  received  with 
all  the  exultation  of  military  triumph  ;  and  such 
were  his  transports  of  joy  on  account  of  an  event 
which  threw  so  much  lustre  on  the  beginning  of 

VOL.    Til  31 


242  REIGN  OF   TIIE  [Book  XH. 

his  reign,  that  they  softened  his  severe  and  haughty 
temper  into  an  unusual  flow  of  courtesy.  When 
the  duke  of  Savoy  approached,  and  was  kneeling  to 
kiss  his  hands,  he  caught  him  in  his  arms,  and 
embracing  him  with  warmth,  "  It  becomes  me," 
says  he,  "  rather  to  kiss  your  hands,  which  have 
gained  me  such  a  glorious  and  almost  bloodless 
victory." 

As  soon  as  the  rejoicings  and  congratulations  on 
Philip's  arrival  were  over,  a  council  of  war  was 
held,  in  order  to  determine  how  they  might  im- 
prove their  victory  to  the  best  advantage.  The 
duke  of  Savoy,  seconded  by  several  of  the  ablest 
officers  formed  under  Charles  V.,  insisted  that  they 
should  immediately  relinquish  the  siege  of  St.  Quen- 
tin,  the  reduction  of  which  was  now  an  object  be- 
low their  attention,  and  advance  directly  towards 
Paris ;  that  as  there  were  neither  troops  to  oppose, 
nor  any  town  of  strength  to  retard  their  march, 
they  might  reach  that  capital  while  under  the 
full  impression  of  the  astonishment  and  terror  oc- 
casioned by  the  rout  of  the  army,  and  take  pos- 
session of  it  without  resistance.  But  Philip,  less 
a/1  venturous  or  more  prudent  than  his  generals, 
preferred  a  moderate  but  certain  advantage,  to  an 
enterprise  of  greater  splendor  but  of  more  doubtful 
success.  He  represented  to  the  council  the  infinite 
resources  of  a  kingdom  so  powerful  as  France  ;  the 
great  number  as  well  as  martial  spirit  of  its  nobles  r 
their  attachment  to  their  sovereign ;  the  manifold 
advantages  with  which  they  could  carry  on  war  iu 


1557.1  EMPP:K0R   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  243 

their  own  territories  ;  and  the  unavoidahle  destruc- 
tion wliich  must  be  the  consequence  of  their  pene- 
trating too  rashly  into  the  enemy's  country,  before 
they  had  secured  such  a  communication  with  their 
own  as  might  render  a  retreat  safe,  if,  upon  any 
disastrous  event,  that  measure  should  become  neces- 
sary. On  all  these  accounts,  he  advised  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  siege,  and  his  generals  acquiesced 
the  more  readily  in  his  opinion,  as  they  made  no 
doubt  of  being  masters  of  the  town  in  a  few  days, 
a  loss  of  time  of  so  little  consequence  in  the  execu- 
tion of  their  plan,  that  they  might  easily  repair  it 
by  their  subsequent  activity.^^ 

The  weakness  of  the  fortifications,  and  the  small 
number  of  the  garrison,  Avhich  could  no  longer 
hope  either  for  reinforcement  or  relief,  seemed 
to  authorize  this  calculation  of  Philip's  generals. 
But  in  making  it,  they  did  not  attend  sufficiently 
to  the  character  of  Admiral  de  Coligny,  who  com- 
manded in  the  town.  A  courage  undismayed,  and 
tranquil  amidst  the  greatest  dangers,  an  invention 
fruitful  in  resources,  a  genius  which  roused  and 
seemed  to  acquire  new  force  upon  every  disaster, 
a  talent  of  governing  the  minds  of  men,  together 
with  a  capacity  of  maintaining  his  ascendant  over 
them,  even  under  circumstances  the  most  ad\eise 
and  distressful,  were  qualities  which  Coligny  pos- 
sessed in  a  degree  superior  to  any  general  of  that 
age.  These  qualities  were  peculiarly  adapted  to 
the  station  in  which  he  was  now  placed ;  and  as 

11  Belcar.  Commentar.  de  Reb.  Gallic.  901. 


244  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  Xn. 

he  knew  the  infinite  importance  to  his  country 
of  every  hour  which  he  could  gain  at  this  junc- 
ture, he  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  in  contriv- 
ing how  to  protract  the  siege,  and  to  detain  the 
enemy  from  attempting  any  enterprise  more  dan- 
gerous to  France.  Such  were  the  perseverance 
and  skill  with  which  he  conducted  the  defence, 
and  such  the  fortitude  as  well  as  patience  with 
which  he  animated  the  garrison,  that  though  the 
Spaniards,  the  Flemings,  and  the  English  carried 
on  the  attack  with  all  the  ardor  w^hich  national 
emulation  inspires,  he  held  out  the  town  seven- 
teen days.  He  was  taken  prisoner,  at  last,  on  the 
breach,  overpowered  by  4:he  superior  number  of  the 
enemy. 

Henry  availed  himself,  with  the  utmost  activity, 
of  the  interval  w^hich  the  admiral's  well-timed  ob- 
stinacy had  afforded  him.  He  appomted  officers 
to  collect  the  scattered  remains  of  the  constable's 
army;  he  issued  orders  for  levying  soldiers  in 
every  part  of  the  kingdom ;  he  commanded  the 
ban  and  arriere  ban  of  the  frontier  provinces  in- 
stantly to  take  the  field,  and  to  join  the  duke  of 
Nevers  at  Laon  in  Picardy ;  he  recalled  the  greater 
part  of  the  veteran  troops  which  served  under  the 
Marechal  Brissac  in  Piedmont ;  he  sent  courier 
after  courier  to  the  duke  of  Guise,  requiring  him, 
together  with  all  his  army,  to  return  instantly  for 
the  defence  of  their  country;  he  despatched  one 
envoy  to  the  Grand  Seignior,  to  solicit  the  assistance 
of  his  fleet,  and  the  loan  of  a  sum  of  money ;  he 


1557.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  245 

sent  another  into  Scotland,  to  incite  the  Scots  to 
invade  the  north  of  England,  that,  by  drawing 
Mary's  attention  to  that  quarter,  he  might  prevent 
her  from  reinforcing  her  troops  which  served  under 
Philip.  These  efforts  of  the  king  were  warmly 
seconded  by  the  zeal  of  his  subjects.  The  city 
of  Paris  granted  him  a  free  gift  of  three  hundred 
thousand  livres.  The  other  great  towns  imitated 
the  liberality  of  the  capital,  and  contributed  in 
proportion.  Several  noblemen  of  distinction  en- 
gaged, at  their  own  expense,  to  garrison  and  de- 
fend the  towns  which  lay  most  exposed  to  the 
enemy.  Nor  was  the  general  concern  for  the  pub- 
lic confined  to  corporate  bodies  alone,  or  to  those 
in  the  higher  sphere  of  life ;  but,  diffusing  itself 
among  persons  of  every  rank,  each  individual 
seemed  disposed  to  act  with  as  much  vigor  as  if 
the  honor  of  the  king  and  the  safety  of  the  state 
had  depended  solely  on  his  single  efforts.^^ 

Philip,  who  was  no  stranger  either  to  the  pru- 
dent measures  taken  by  the  French  monarch  for 
the  security  of  his  dominions,  or  to  the  spirit 
with  which  his  subjects  prepared  to  deft^nd  them- 
selves, perceived,  when  it  was  too  late,  that  he 
had  lost  an  opportunity  which  could  never  be  re- 
called, and  that  it  was  now  vain  to  think  of  pene- 
trating into  the  heart  of  France.  He  abandoned, 
therefore,  without  much  reluctance,  a  scheme  which 
was  too  bold  and  hazardous  to  be  perfectly  agree 
able   to    his    cautious    temper;    and  employed  his 

1-2  Mem.  de  Ribier,  ii.  701,  703 


246  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XII. 

army,  during  the  remainder  of  the  campaign,  in 
the  sieges  of  Ham  and  Catelet.  Of  these  he  soon 
became  master;  and  the  reduction  of  two  such 
petty  towns,  together  with  the  acquisition  of  St. 
Quentin,  were  all  the  advantages  which  he  de- 
rived from  one  of  the  most  decisive  victories  gained 
in  that  century.  Philip  himself,  however,  contin- 
ued in  high  exultation  on  account  of  his  success ; 
and  as  all  his  passions  were  tinged  with  super- 
stition, he,  in  memory  of  the  battle  of  St.  Quen- 
tin, which  had  been  fought  on  the  day  consecrated 
to  St.  Laurence,  vowed  to  build  a  church,  a  monas- 
tery, and  a  palace,  in  honor  of  that  saint  and 
martyr.  Before  the  expiration  of  the  year,  he 
laid  the  foundation  of  an  edifice,  in  which  all 
these  were  united,  at  the  Escurial,  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Madrid ;  and  the  same  principle  which 
dictated  the  vow,  directed  the  building.  For  the 
plan  of  the  work  was  so  formed  as  to  resemble  a 
gridiron,  which,  according  to  the  legendary  tale, 
had  been  the  instrument  of  St.  Laurence's  martyr- 
dom. Notwithstanding  the  great  and  expensive 
schemes  in  which  his  restless  ambition  involved 
him,  Philip  continued  the  building  with  such  per- 
severance for  twenty-two  years,  and  reserved  such 
large  sums  for  this  monument  of  his  devotion  and 
vanity,  that  the  monarchs  of  Spain  are  indebted 
to  him  for  a  royal  residence,  which,  though  not 
the  most  elegant,  is  certainly  the  most  sumptuous 
and  magnificent  of  any  in  Europe.^^ 

1^  Colmenar,  Annales  d'Espagne,  torn.  ii.  p.  136. 


1557.]  EMPEKOR   CHARLES   THE   FIPTH  247 

The  first  account  of  that  flital  blow  which  the 
French  had  received  at  St.  Quentin  was  carried 
to  Rome  by  the  courier  whom  Henry  had  sent 
to  recall  the  duke  of  Guise.  As  Paul,  even  with 
the  assistance  of  his  French  auxiliaries,  had  hardly 
been  able  to  check  the  progress  of  the  Spanish 
arms,  he  foresaw  that,  as  soon  as  he  was  deprived 
of  their  protection,  his  territories  must  be  over- 
run in  a  moment.  He  remonstrated,  therefore, 
with  the  greatest  violence,  against  the  departure 
of  the  French  army,  reproaching  the  duke  of 
Guise  for  his  ill  conduct,  which  had  brouaht  him 
mto  such  an  unhappy  situation ;  and  complain- 
ing of  the  king  for  deserting  him  so  ungenerously 
under  such  circumstances.  The  duke  of  Guise's 
orders,  however,  were  peremptory.  Paul,  inflexi- 
ble as  he  w^as,  found  it  necessary  to  accommodate 
his  conduct  to  the  exigency  of  his  affairs,  and  to 
employ  the  mediation  of  the  Venetians,  and  of 
Cosmo  de'  Medici,  in  order  to  obtain  peace.  Philip, 
who  had  been  forced  unwillingly  to  a  rupture  with 
the  pope,  and  who,  even  while  success  crowned 
his  arms,  doubted  so  much  the  justice  of  his  own 
cause,  that  he  had  made  frequent  overtures  of 
pacification,  listened  eagerly  to  the  first  proposals 
of  this  nature  from  Paul,  and  discovered  such 
moderation  in  his  demands,  as  could  hardly  have 
been  expected   from   a  prince  elated  with  victory. 

The  duke  of  Alva    on   the  part  of  Philip,  and 

the  Cardinal  Caraffa  in  the  name  of  his  uncle,  met 

at  Cavi,  and  both  being  equally  disposed  to  peace, 
7  w 


248  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XH 

they,  after  a  short  conference,  terminated  the  war 
by  a  treaty  on  the  following  terms :  That  Paul 
should  renounce  his  league  with  France,  and  main- 
tain for  the  future  such  a  neutrality  as  became  the 
common  father  of  Christendom  ;  that  Philip  should 
instantl)  restore  all  the  towns  of  the  ecclesiastical 
territory  of  which  he  had  taken  possession ;  that 
the  claims  of  the  CarafFas  to  the  duchy  of  Pali- 
ano,  and  other  demesnes  of  the  Colonnas,  should 
be  referred  to  the  decision  of  the  republic  of  Yen- 
ice ;  that  the  duke  of  Alva  should  repair  in  per- 
son to  Eome,  and  after  asking  pardon  of  Paul  in 
his  own  name,  and  in  that  of  his  master,  for  having 
invaded  the  patrimony  of  the  Church,  should  re- 
ceive the  pope's  absolution  from  that  crime.  Thus 
Paul,  through  Philip's  scrupulous  timidity,  finished 
an  unprosperous  war  without  any  detriment  to  the 
papal  see.  The  conqueror  appeared  humble,  and 
acknowledged  his  error;  while  he  who  had  been 
vanquished  retained  his  usual  haughtiness,  and 
^vas  treated  with  every  mark  of  superiority.-^^  The 
duke  of  Alva,  in  terms  of  the  treaty,  repaired  to 
Home,  and,  in  the  posture  of  a  supplicant,  kissed 
the  feet  and  implored  the  forgiveness  of  that  very 
person  w^hom  his  arms  had  reduced  to  the  last  ex- 
tjemity.  Such  was  the  superstitious  veneration  ol 
the  Spaniards  for  the  papal  character,  that  Alva, 
though  perhaps  the  proudest  man  of  the  age,  and 
accustomed  from  his  infancy  to  a  familiar  inter- 
course with  princes,  acknowledged  that,  when  he 

14  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  183.     F.  Paul,  380.     Herrera,  vol.  i.  310 


1557.]  EMPEROU    CHAELES   THE   FIFTH.  249 

approached  the  pope,  he  was  so  much  overawed, 
that  his  voice  failed,  and  his  presence  of  mind 
forsook  him.^^ 

But  though  this  war,  which  at  its  commence- 
ment threatened  mighty  revolutions,  was  brought 
to  an  end  without  occasioning  any  alteration  in 
those  states  which  were  its  immediate  object,  it 
had  produced  during  its  progress  effects  of  con- 
siderable consequence  in  other  parts  of  Italy.  As 
Philip  was  extremely  solicitous  to  terminate  his 
quarrel  with  Paul  as  speedily  as  possible,  he  was 
willing  to  make  any  sacrifice  in  order  to  gain  those 
princes  who,  by  joining  their  troops  to  the  papal 
and  French  army,  might  have  prolonged  the  war. 
With  this  view,  he  entered  into  a  negotiation  with 
Octavio  Farnese,  duke  of  Parma,  and,  in  order  to 
seduce  him  from  his  alliance  with  France,  he  re- 
stored to  him  the  city  of  Placentia,  with  the  terri- 
tory depending  on  it,  which  Charles  V.  had  seized 
in  the  year  1547,  had  kept  from  that  time  in  his 
possession,  and  had  transmitted,  together  with  his 
other  dominions,  to  Philip. 

This  step  made  such  a  discovery  of  Philip's 
character  and  views  to  Cosmo  de'  Medici,  the  most 
sagacious  as  well  as  provident  of  all  the  Italian 
princes,  that  he  conceived  hopes  of  accomplishing 
his  favorite  scheme  of  adding  Siena  and  its  terri- 
tories to  his  dominions  in  Tuscany.  As  his  success 
in  this  attempt  depended  entirely  on  the  delicacy 
of  address  with  which  it  should  be  conducted,  he 

15  Pallav.  lib.  xiii.  185.     Summonte,  Istoria  di  Napoli,  iv.  286. 
VOL.  III.  32 


250  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XII. 

employed  all  the  refinements  of  policy  in  the  nego- 
tiation which  he  set  on  foot  for  this  pnrpose.  He 
began  with  soliciting  Philip,  whose  treasury  he 
knew  to  be  entirely  drained  by  the  expense  of  the 
war,  to  repay  the  great  sums  which  he  had  ad- 
vanced to  the  emperor  during  the  siege  of  Siena. 
When  Philip  endeavored  to  elude  a  demand  which 
he  was  unable  to  satisfy,  Cosmo  affected  to  be  ex- 
tremely disquieted,  and,  making  no  secret  of  his  dis- 
gust, instructed  his  ambassador  at  Pome  to  open  a 
negotiation  with  the  pope,  which  seemed  to  be  the 
effect  of  it.  The  ambassador  executed  his  com- 
mission with  such  dexterity,  that  Paul,  imagining 
Cosmo  to  be  entirely  alienated  from  the  Spanish 
interest,  proposed  to  him  an  alliance  with  France, 
which  should  be  cemented  by  the  marriage  of  his 
eldest  son  to  one  of  Henry's  daughters.  Cosmo 
received  the  overture  with  such  apparent  satisfac- 
tion, and  with  so  many  professions  of  gratitude  for 
the  high  honor  of  which  he  had  the  prospect,  that 
not  only  the  pope's  ministers,  but  the  French  envoy 
at  Pome,  talked  confidently,  and  with  little  reserve, 
of  the  accession  of  that  important  ally,  as  a  mat- 
ter certain  and  decided.  The  account  of  thi*;^  was 
quickly  carried  to  Philip ;  and  Cosmo,  who  fore- 
saw how  much  it  w^ould  alarm  him,  had  despal  ^hed 
his  nephew,  Ludovico  di  Toledo,  into  the  Nether- 
lands, that  he  might  be  at  hand  to  observe  and 
take  advantage  of  his  consternation,  before  ihe 
first  impression  which  it  made  should  in  an}'  »le- 
gree   abate.     Cosmo   was   extremely   fortunate    iu 


I557.I  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTIi.  251 

the  choice  of  the  instrument  whom  he  employed. 
Toledo  waited  with  patience,  until  he  discovere/l 
with  certainty  that  Philip  had  received  such  intel- 
ligence of  his  uncle's  negotiations  at  Rome  as  must 
have  filled  his  suspicious  mind  with  fear  and  jeal- 
ousy ;  and  then,  craving  an  audience,  he  required 
payment  of  the  money  which  had  been  borrowed 
by  the  emperor,  in  the  most  earnest  and  peremp- 
tory terms.  In  urging  that  point,  he  artfully 
threw  out  several  dark  hints  and  ambiguous  decla- 
rations, concerning  the  extremities  to  which  Cosmo 
might  be  driven  by  a  refusal  of  this  just  demand, 
as  well  as  by  other  grievances  of  which  he  had 
good  reason  to  complain. 

Philip,  astonished  at  an  address  in  such  a  strain, 
from  a  prince  so  far  his  inferior  as  the  duke  of  Tus- 
cany, and  comparing  what  he  now  heard  with  the 
information  which  he  had  received  from  Italy,  im- 
mediately concluded  that  Cosmo  had  ventured  to 
assume  this  bold  and  unusual  tone  on  the  prospect 
of  his  union  with  France.  In  order  to  prevent  the 
pope  and  Henry  from  acquiring  an  ally,  who,  by 
his  abilities,  as  Avell  as  the  situation  of  his  do- 
minions, would  have  added  both  reputation  and 
strength  to  their  confederacy,  he  offered  to  grant 
Cosmo  the  investiture  of  Siena,  if  he  would  con- 
sent to  accept  of  it  as  an  equivalent  for  the  sums 
due  to  him,  and  engage  to  furnish  a  body  of  troops 
towards  the  defence  of  Philip's  territories  in  Italy, 
against  any  power  who   should  attack  them.     As 

soon  as  Cosmo  had  brought  Philip  to  make  this 

w  2 


250  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XIL 

concession,  which  was  the  object  of  all  his  artifices 
and  intrigues,  he  did  not  protract  the  negotiation 
by  an  unnecessary  delay,  or  any  excess  of  refine- 
ment, but  closed  eagerly  with  the  proposal ;  and 
Philip,  in  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of  his  ablest 
counsellors,  signed  a  treaty  with  him  to  that  ef- 
fect.i« 

As  no  prince  was  ever  more  tenacious  of  his 
rights  than  Philip,  or  less  willing  to  relinquish 
any  territory  which  he  possessed,  by  what  tenure 
soever  he  held  it,  these  unusual  concessions  to  the 
dukes  of  Parma  and  Tuscany,  by  Avhich  he  wan- 
tonly gave  up  countries  in  acquiring  or  defending 
which  his  father  had  employed  many  years,  and 
wasted  much  blood  and  treasure,  cannot  be  ac- 
counted for  from  any  motive  but  his  superstitious 
desire  of  extricating  himself  out  of  the  war  which 
he  had  been  forced  to  wage  against  the  pope.  By 
these  treaties,  how^ever,  the  balance  of  power  among 
the  Italian  states  was  poised  with  greater  equality, 
and  rendered  less  variable  than  it  had  been  since  it 
received  the  first  violent  shock  from  the  invasion 
of  Charles  VIII.  of  France.  From  this  period, 
Italy  ceased  to  be  the  great  theatre  on  which  the 
monarchs  of  Spain,  France,  and  Germany  con- 
tended for  power  or  for  fame.  Their  dissensions 
and  hostilities,  though  as  frequent  and  violent  as 
ever,  being  excited  by  new  objects,  stained  other 
regions  of  Europe  with  blood,  and  rendered  them 
miserable,  in  their  turn,  by  the  devastations  of  war. 

16  Thuaii.  lib.  xviii.  624.     Herrera,  i.  263,  275.     Paluv.  lib.  xu\  180 


1557.]  EMPEROK   CHAKLES   THE   FIFTli.  253 

The  duke  of  Guise  left  Rome  on  the  same  day 
that  his  adversary,  the  duke  of  Alva  made  his  hu- 
miliating submission  to  the  pope.  He  was  received 
in  France  as  the  guardian  angel  of  the  kingdom. 
His  late  ill  success  in  Italy  seemed  to  be  forgotten, 
while  his  former  services,  particularly  his  defence 
of  Metz,  were  recounted  with  exaggerated  praise ; 
and  he  was  welcomed  in  every  city  through  which 
he  passed,  as  the  restorer  of  public  security,  who, 
after  having  set  bounds  by  his  conduct  and  valor  to 
the  victorious  arms  of  Charles  V.,  returned  now,  at 
the  call  of  his  country,  to  check  the  formidable 
progress  of  Philip's  power.  The  reception  which 
he  met  with  from  Henry  was  no  less  cordial  and 
honorable.  New  titles  were  invented,  and  new  dig- 
nities created,  in  order  to  distinguish  him.  He  was 
appointed  lieutenant-general  in  chief,  both  within 
and  without  the  kingdom,  with  a  jurisdiction  almost 
unlimited,  and  hardly  inferior  to  that  which  was 
possessed  by  the  king  himself  Thus,  through  the 
singular  felicity  which  attended  the  princes  of  Lor- 
rain,  the  miscarriage  of  their  own  schemes  contrib- 
uted to  aggrandize  them.  The  calamities  of  his 
country,  and  the  ill  conduct  of  his  rival,  the  con- 
stable, exalted  the  duke  of  Guise  to  a  height  of 
dignity  and  power,  which  he  could  not  have  ex- 
pected to  attain  by  the  most  fortunate  and  most 
complete  success  of  his  own  ambitious  projects. 

The  duke  of  Guise,  eager  to  perform  something 
suitable  to  the  high  expectations  of  his  country- 
men»  and  that  he  might  justify  the  extraordinary 


25 -i  BEIGN   or   THE  [Book  XU. 

coufidence  which  the  king  had  reposed  in  him, 
ordered  all  the  troops  which  could  be  got  together 
to  assemble  at  Compiegne.  Though  the  winter 
was  well  advanced,  and  had  set  in  with  extreme 
severity,  he  placed  himself  at  their  head,  and  took 
the  field.  By  Henry's  activity,  and  the  zeal  of  his 
subjects,  so  many  soldiers  had  been  raised  in  the 
kingdom,  and  such  considerable  reinforcements  had 
been  drawn  from  Germany  and  Switzerland,  as 
formed  an  army  respectable  even  in  the  eyes  of  a 
victorious  enemy.  Philip,  alarmed  at  seeing  it  put 
in  motion  at  such  an  uncommon  season,  began 
to  tremble  for  his  new  conquests,  particularly  St. 
Quentin,  the  fortifications  of  which  were  hitherto 
but  imperfectly  repaired. 

But  the  duke  of  Guise  meditated  a  more  impor- 
tant enterprise ;  and  after  amusing  the  enemy  with 
threatening  successively  different  towns  on  the  fron- 
tiers of  Flanders,  he  turned  suddenly  to  the  left, 
and  invested  Calais  with  his  whole  army.  Calais 
had  been  taken  by  the  English  under  Edward  HI., 
and  was  the  fruit  of  that  monarch's  glorious  victory 
at  Crecy.  Being  the  only  place  that  they  retained 
of  their  ancient  and  extensive  territories  in  France, 
and  which  opened  to  them,  at  all  times,  an  easy  and 
secure  passage  into  the  heart  of  that  kingdom,  their 
keeping  possession  of  it  soothed  the  pride  of  the 
one  nation  as  much  as  it  mortified  the  vanity  of  the 
other.  Its  situation  was  naturally  so  strong,  and 
its  fortifications  deemed  so  impregnable,  that  no 
monarch  of  France,  how  adventurous  soever,  had 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CILVRLES  THE  FIFTH.  255 

been  bold  enough  to  attack  it.  Even  when  the  do- 
mestic strength  of  England  was  broken  and  ex- 
hausted by  the  bloody  wars  between  the  houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  and  its  attention  entirely  di- 
verted from  foreign  objects,  Calais  had  remained 
undisturbed  and  unthreatened.  Mary  and  her 
council,  composed  chiefly  of  ecclesiastics,  unac- 
quainted with  military  affairs,  and  whose  whole 
attention  was  turned  towards  extirpating  heresy 
oat  of  the  kingdom,  had  not  only  neglected  to  take 
any  precautions  for  the  safety  of  this  important 
place,  but  seemed  to  think  that  the  reputation  of 
its  strength  was  alone  sufhcient  for  its  security. 
Full  of  this  opinion,  they  ventured,  even  after  the 
declaration  of  war,  to  continue  a  practice  which  the 
low  state  of  the  queen's  finances  had  introduced  in 
tunes  of  peace.  As  the  country  adjacent  to  Calais 
was  overflowed  during  the  winter,  and  the  marshes 
around  it  became  impassable,  except  by  one  avenue, 
which  the  forts  of  St.  Agatlia  and  Newnham  Bridge 
commanded,  it  had  been  the  custom  of  the  English 
to  dismiss  the  greater  part  of  the  garrison  towards 
the  end  of  autumn,  and  to  replace  it  in  the  spring. 
In  vain  did  Lord  AVentworth,  the  governor  ot 
Calais,  remonstrate  against  this  ill-timed  parsimony, 
and  represent  the  possibiUty  of  his  being  attacked 
suddenly,  while  he  had  not  troops  sufficient  to  man 
the  works.  The  privy  council  treated  these  remon- 
strances with  scorn,  as  if  they  had  flowed  from  the 
timidity  or  the  rapaciousness  of  the  governor ,  and 
some  of  them,  with  that  confidence  which  is*  the 


256  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

companion  of  ignoi:ance,  boasted  that  they  would 
defend  Calais  with  their  white  rods  against  any 
enemy  who  should  approach  it  during  winter.-^^  In 
vain  did  Philip,  who  had  passed  through  Calais  as 
he  returned  from  England  to  the  Netherlands,  warn 
the  queen  of  the  danger  to  which  it  was  exposed ; 
and,  acquainting  her  with  what  was  necessary  for 
its  security,  in  vain  did  he  offer  to  reinforce  the 
garrison  during  winter  with  a  detachment  of  his 
own  troops.  Mary's  counsellors,  though  obsequious 
to  her  in  all  points  wherein  religion  was  concerned, 
distrusted,  as  much  as  the  rest  of  their  countrymen, 
every  proposition  that  came  from  her  husband  ;  and 
suspecting  this  to  be  an  artifice  of  Philip's  in  order 
to  gain  the  command  of  the  town,  they  neglected 
his  intelligence,  declined  his  offer,  and  left  Calais 
w^ith  less  than  a  fourth  part  of  the  garrison  requi- 
site for  its  defence. 

His  knowledge  of  this  encouraged  the  duke  of 
Guise  to  venture  on  an  enterprise,  that  surprised 
his  own  countrymen  no  less  than  his  enemies.  As 
he  knew  that  its  success  depended  on  conducting 
his  operations  with  such  rapidity  as  would  afford 
the  English  no  time  for  throwing  relief  into  the 
town  by  sea,  and  prevent  Philip  from  giving  him 
any  interruption  by  land,  he  pushed  the  attack 
with  a  degree  of  vigor  little  known  in  carrying  on 
sieges  during  that  age.  He  drove  the  English 
from  Fort  St.  As^atha  at  the  first  assault.  He 
obliged    them    to   abandon   the  fort  of  Newnham 

17  Girte.  iii.  345. 


1558.1  EINIPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  25** 

Bridge,  after  defending  it  only  three  days.  He 
took  the  castle  which  commanded  the  harbor  by 
storm ;  and,  on  the  eighth  day  after  he  appeared 
before  Calais,  compelled  the  governor  to  surrender, 
as  his  feeble  garrison,  which  did  not  exceed  five 
hundred  men,  was  worn  out  with  the  fatigue  of 
sustaining  so  many  attacks,  and  defending  such 
extensive  works. 

The  duke  of  Guise,  without  allowing  the  English 
time  to  recover  from  the  consternation  occasioned 
by  this  blow,  immediately  invested  Guisnes,  the 
garrison  of  which,  though  more  numerous,  defend- 
ed itself  with  less  vigor,  and,  after  standing  one 
brisk  assault,  gave  up  the  town.  The  castle  of 
names  was  abandoned  by  the  troops  posted  there, 
without  waiting  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 

Thus,  in  a  few  days,  during  the  depth  of  winter, 
and  at  a  time  when  the  fatal  battle  of  St.  Quentin 
had  so  depressed  the  sanguine  spirit  of  the  French, 
that  their  utmost  aim  was  to  protect  their  own 
covmtry,  without  dreaming  of  making  conquests  on 
the  enemy,  the  enterprising  valor  of  one  man  drove 
the  English  out  of  Calais,  after  they  had  held  it 
two  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  deprived  them  of 
every  foot  of  land  in  a  kingdom,  where  their  do- 
minions had  been  once  very  extensive.  This  ex- 
ploit, at  the  same  time  that  it  gave  a  high  idea  of 
the  power  and  n^sources  of  France  to  all  Europe, 
set  the  duke  of  Guise,  in  the  opinion  of  his  coun- 
trymen, far  abo^e  all  the  generals  of  the  age.  They 
celebrated  his  conquests  with  immoderate  transports 

VOL.    III.  .S.3 


258  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XII 

of  joy ;  Avhile  the  English  gave  vent  to  all  the  pas- 
sions which  animate  a  high-spirited  people,  when 
any  great  n.ational  calamity  is  manifestly  owing  to 
the  ill  conduct  of  their  rulers.  Mary  and  her  min- 
isters, formerly  odious,  were  now  contemptible  in 
their  eyes.  All  the  terrors  of  her  severe  and  arbi- 
trary administration  could  not  restrain  them  from 
uttering  execrations  and  threats  against  those  who, 
having  wantonly  involved  the  nation  in  a  quarrel 
wherein  it  was  nowise  interested,  had,  by  their  neg- 
ligence or  incapacity,  brought  irreparable  disgrace 
on  their  country,  and  lost  the  most  valuable  posses- 
sion belonging  to  the  English  crown. 

The  king  of  Erance  imitated  the  conduct  of  its 
former  conqueror,  Edward  III.,  with  regard  to 
Calais.  He  commanded  all  the  English  inhabitants 
to  quit  the  town,  and  giving  their  houses  to  his 
own  subjects,  whom  he  allured  to  settle  there  by 
granting  them  various  immunities,  he  left  a  numer- 
ous garrison,  under  an  experienced  governor,  for 
their  defence.  After  this,  his  victorious  army  was 
conducted  into  quarters  of  refreshment,  and  the 
usual  inaction  of  winter  returned. 

During  these  various  operations,  Eerdinand  as- 
sembled the  college  of  electors  at  Erankfort,  in 
order  to  lay  before  them  the  instrument  whereby 
Charles  Y.  had  resigned  the  imperial  crown,  and 
transferred  it  to  him.  This  he  had  hitherto  delayed 
on  account  of  some  difficulties  which  had  occurred 
concerning  the  formalities  requisite  in  supplying  a 
vacancy  occasioned  by  an  event  to  which  thrre  is 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  259 

no  parallel  in  the  annals  of  the  empire.  These 
being  at  length  adjnsted,  the  prince  of  Orange  exe- 
cuted the  commission  with  which  he  had  been  in- 
trusted by  Charles  :  the  electors  accepted  of  his 
resignation ;  declared  Ferdinand  his  lawful  succes- 
sor ;  and  put  him  in  possession  of  all  the  ensigns  of 
the  imperial  dignity. 

But  when  the  new  emperor  sent  Gusman,  his 
chancellor,  to  acquaint  the  pope  with  this  transac- 
tion, to  testify  his  reverence  towards  the  holy  see, 
and  to  signify  that,  according  to  form,  he  would 
soon  despatch  an  ambassador  extraordinary  to  treat 
with  his  holiness  concerning  his  coronation ;  Paul, 
whom  neither  experience  nor  disappointments  could 
teach  to  bring  down  his  lofty  ideas  of  the  papal 
prerogative  to  such  a  moderate  standard  as  suited 
the  genius  of  the  times,  refused  to  admit  the  envoy 
into  his  presence,  and  declared  all  the  proceedings 
at  Frankfort  irregular  and  invalid.  He  contended 
that  the  pope,  as  the  vicegerent  of  Christ,  was  in- 
trusted with  the  keys  both  of  spiritual  and  of  civil 
government;  that  from  him  the  imperial  jurisdic- 
tion was  derived ;  that  though  his  predecessors  had 
authorized  the  electors  to  choose  an  emperor  whom 
the  holy  see  confirmed,  this  privilege  was  confined 
to  those  cases  when  a  vacancy  was  occasioned  by 
death  ;  that  the  instrument  of  Charles's  resignation 
had  been  presented  in  an  improper  court,  as  it 
belonged  to  the  pope  alone  to  reject  or  to  accept 
of  it,  and  to  nominate  a  person  to  fill  the  imperial 
throne  ;  that,  setting  aside  all  these  objections,  Fer- 

7  X 


960  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XU 

dinand's  election  labored  under  two  defects,  which 
alone  weie  sufficient  to  render  it  void,  for  the  Prot- 
estant electors  had  been  admitted  to  vote,  though, 
by  their  apostasy  from  the  Catholic  faith,  they  had 
forfeited  that  and  every  other  privilege  of  the  elec- 
toral office  ;  and  Ferdinand,  by  ratifying  the  con- 
cessions of  several  diets  in  favor  of  heretics,  had 
rendered  himself  unworthy  of  the  imperial  dignity, 
which  was  instituted  for  the  protection,  not  for  the 
destruction,  of  the  Church.  But  after  thundering 
out  these  extravagant  maxims,  he  added,  with  an 
appearance  of  condescension,  that  if  Ferdinand 
would  renounce  all  title  to  the  imperial  crown 
founded  on  the  election  at  Frankfort,  make  pro- 
fessions of  repentance  for  his  past  conduct,  and 
supplicate  him,  with  due  humility,  to  confirm 
Charles's  resignation,  as  well  as  his  own  assump- 
tion to  the  empire,  he  might  expect  every  mark  of 
favor  from  his  paternal  clemency  and  goodness. 
Gusman,  though  he  had  foreseen  considerable  dif- 
ficulties in  his  negotiation  with  the  pope,  little 
expected  that  he  would  have  revived  those  anti- 
quated and  wild  pretensions,  wdiich  astonished  him 
BO  much,  that  he  hardly  knew  in  what  tone  he 
ought  to  reply.  He  prudently  declined  entering 
into  any  controversy  concerning  the  nature  or  ex 
tent  of  the  papal  jurisdiction,  and,  confining  him- 
self to  the  political  considerations  Avhich  should 
determine  the  pope  to  recognize  an  emperor  al- 
ready in  possession,  he  endeavored  to  place  them 
in  such  a  light  as  he  imagined  could  scarcely  fail 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIETH.  261 

to  strike  Paul,  if  he  were  not  altogether  blind  to 
his  own  interest.  Philip  seconded  Gasman's  ar- 
guments with  great  earnestness,  by  an  ambassador 
whom  he  sent  to  Kome  on  purpose,  and  besought 
the  pope  to  desist  from  claims  so  unseasonable, 
as  might  not  only  irritate  and  alarm  Ferdinand 
and  the  princes  of  the  empire,  but  furnish  the 
enemies  of  the  holy  see  with  a  new  reason  for 
representing  its  jurisdiction  as  incompatible  with 
the  rights  of  princes,  and  subversive  of  all  civil 
authority.  But  Paul,  who  deemed  it  a  crime  to 
attend  to  any  consideration  suggested  by  human 
prudence  or  policy,  when  he  thought  himself  called 
upon  to  assert  the  prerogatives  of  the  papal  see, 
remained  inflexible ;  and  during  his  pontificate, 
Ferdinand  was  not  acknowledged  as  emperor  by 
the  court  of  Rome.-^^ 

While  Henry  was  intent  upon  his  preparations 
for  the  approaching  campaign,  he  received  accounts 
of  the  issue  of  his  negotiations  in  Scotland.  Long 
experience  having  at  last  taught  the  Scots  the  im- 
prudence of  involving  their  country  in  every  quar- 
rel between  France  and  England,  neither  the  solici- 
tations of  the  French  ambassador,  nor  the  address 
and  authority  of  the  queen  regent,  could  prevail 
on  them  to  take  arms  against  a  kingdom  with 
which  they  were  at  peace.  On  this  occasion,  the 
ardor  of  a  martial  nobility  and  of  a  turbulent  peo- 
ple was  restrained  by  regard  for  the  public  interest 

18  Godlevous  de  Abdicat.  Car.  V.  ap.  Gold.  Pollt.  Imper.  392.    Pallav 
Ub.  xiii.  189.     Mem.  de  Ribier,  ii.  74C,  759. 


2b'2  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

and  tranquillity,  wliicli,  in  former  deliberations  of 
this  kind,  had  been  seldom  attended  to  by  a  nation 
always  prone  to  rush  into  every  new  war.  But 
though  the  Scots  adhered  with  steadiness  to  their 
pacific  system,  they  were  extremely  ready  to  gratify 
the  French  king  in  another  particular,  which  he 
had  given  in  charge  to  his  ambassador. 

The  young  queen  of  Scots  had  been  affianced  to 
the  dauphin,  in  the  year  1548,  and  having  been 
educated  since  that  time  in  the  court  of  France, 
she  had  grown  up  to  be  the  most  amiable,  and  one 
of  the  most  accomplished  princesses  of  that  age. 
Henry  demanded  the  consent  of  her  subjects  to 
the  celebration  of  the  marriage ;  and  a  parliament, 
which  was  held  for  that  purpose,  appointed  eight 
commissioners  to  represent  the  whole  body  of  ^he 
nation  at  that  solemnity,  with  power  to  sign  such 
deeds  as  might  be  requisite  before  it  was  concluded. 
In  settling  the  articles  of  the  marriage,  the  Scots 
took  every  precaution  that  prudence  could  dictate, 
in  order  to  preserve  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  their  country ;  while  the  French  used  every  art 
to  secure  to  the  dauphin  the  conduct  of  affairs  dur- 
ing the  queen's  life,  and  the  succession  of  the  crown 
on  the  event  of  her  demise.  The  marriage  was  cel- 
ebrated with  pomp  suitable  to  the  dignity  of  the 
parties,  and  the  magnificence  of  a  court  at  that 
time  the  most  splendid  in  Europe.^^  Thus  Henry, 
in  the  course  of  a  few  months,  had  the  glory  of 

'9  Keltli's  History  of  Scotland,  p.  73.     Append.  13.     Corps  Diplom 
V.  21. 


1&58.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  263 

recovering  an  important  possession  which  had  an- 
ciently belonged  to  the  crown  of  France,  and  of 
adding  to  it  the  acquisition  of  a  new  kingdom. 
By  this  event,  too,  the  duke  of  Guise  acquired  new 
consideration  and  importance  ;  the  marriage  of  his 
niece  to  the  apparent  heir  of  the  crown  raising 
him  so  far  above  the  condition  of  other  subjects, 
that  the  credit  which  he  had  gained  by  his  ^reat 
actions  seemed  thereby  to  be  rendered  no  less  per- 
manent than  it  was  extensive. 

When  the  campaign  opened,  soon  after  the  dau- 
phin's marriage,  the  duke  of  Guise  was  placed  at 
the  head  of  the  army,  with  the  same  unlimited 
powers  as  formerly.  Henry  had  received  such 
iiberal  supplies  from  his  subjects,  that  the  troops 
ujder  his  command  were  both  numerous  and 
well  appointed  ;  while  Philip,  exhausted  by  the 
extraordinary  efforts  of  the  preceding  year,  had 
been  obliged  to  dismiss  so  many  of  his  forces  dur- 
ing the  winter,  that  he  could  not  bring  an  army 
into  the  field  capable  of  making  head  against  the 
enemy.  The  duke  of  Guise  did  not  lose  the  favor- 
able opportunity  which  his  superiority  afforded  him. 
He  invested  Thionville  in  the  duchy  of  Luxembourg, 
one  of  the  stron«:est  towns  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  of  great  importance  to  France  by 
its  neighborhood  to  Metz ;  and,  notwithstanding 
the  obstinate  valor  with  which  it  was  defended,  he 
forced  it  to  capitulate  after  a  siege  of  three  weeks.^ 

But  the  success  of  this  enterprise,  which  it  was 

20  TIman.  lib.  xx.  690. 

X2 


264  REIGN    OF    THE  [Book  XII. 

expected  would  lead  to  other  conquests,  was  more 
than  counterbalanced  by  an  event  which  happ'aied 
m  another  part  of  the  Low  Countries.  The  Mare- 
cbal  de  Termes,  governor  of  Calais,  having  pene- 
trated into  Flanders  without  opposition,  invested 
Dunkirk  with  an  army  of  fourteen  thousand  men, 
and  took  it  by  storm  on  the  fifth  day  of  the  siege. 
Hence  he  advanced  towards  Nieuport,  which  must 
have  soon  fallen  into  his  hands,  if  the  approach  of 
the  count  of  Egmont  with  a  superior  army  had  not 
made  it  prudent  to  retreat.  The  French  troops 
were  so  much  encumbered  with  the  booty  which 
they  had  got  at  Dunkirk,  or  by  ravaging  the  open 
country,  that  they  moved  slowly ;  and  Egmont,  who 
had  left  his  heavy  baggage  and  artillery  behind 
him,  marched  with  such  rapidity  that  he  came  up 
with  them  near  Gra\elines,  and  attacked  them  with 
the  utmost  impetuosity.  De  Termes,  who  had  the 
choice  of  the  ground,  having  posted  his  troops  to 
advantage  in  the  angle  formed  by  the  mouth  of  the 
river  Aa  and  the  sea,  received  him  with  great  firm- 
ness. Victory  remained  for  some  time  in  suspense, 
the  desperate  valor  of  the  French,  who  foresaw  the 
unr.. voidable  destruction  that  must  follow  upon  a 
rout  in  an  enemy's  country,  counterbalancing  the 
superior  number  of  the  Flemings,  when  one  of 
those  accidents  to  which  human  prudence  does 
not  extend,  decided  the  contest  in  favor  of  the  lat- 
ter. A  squadron  of  English  ships  of  war,  which 
was  cruising  on  the  coast,  being  drawn  by  the  noise 
of  the  nring  towards  the  place  of  the  engagement, 


1558.1  EMPEROE   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  265 

entered  the  river  Aa,  and  turned  its  great  guns 
against  the  right  wing  of  the  French,  with  such 
effect  as  immediately  broke  that  body,  and  spread 
terror  and  confusion  through  the  whole  army.  Ihe 
Flemings,  to  whom  assistance  so  unexpected  and 
so  seasonable  gave  fresh  spirit,  redoubled  their  ef- 
forts, tliat  they  might  not  lose  the  advantage  which 
fortune  had  presented  them,  or  give  the  enemy  time 
to  recover  from  their  consternation,  and  the  rout  of 
the  French  soon  became  universal.  Near  two  thou- 
sand were  killed  on  the  spot;  a  greater  number  fell 
by  tlie  hands  of  the  peasants,  who,  in  revenge  for 
the  cruelty  with  which  their  country  had  been  plun- 
dered, pursued  the  fugitives,  and  massacred  them 
without  mercy;  the  rest  were  taken  prisoners,  to- 
gether with  De  Termes,  their  general,  and  many 
officers  of  distinction.^^ 

This  signal  victory,  for  which  the  count  of 
Egmont  was  afterwards  so  ill  requited  by  Philip, 
obliged  the  duke  of  Guise  to  relinquish  all  other 
schemes,  and  to  hasten  towards  the  frontiers  of 
Picardy,  that  he  might  oppose  the  progress  of  the 
enemy  in  that  province.  This  disaster,  however, 
reflected  new  lustre  on  his  reputation,  and  once 
more  turned  the  eyes  of  his  countrymen  towards 
him,  as  the  only  general  on  whose  arms  victory 
always  attended,  and  in  whose  conduct,  as  well  as 
good  fortune,  they  could  confide  in  e\ery  danger. 
Henry  reinforced  the  duke  of  Guise  s  army  with  so 
many    troops  drawn  from    the   adjacent  garrisonSv 

21  Thuan.  lib.  xx.  694. 
VOL.  Ill  34 


266  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

that  it  soon  amounted  to  forty  thousand  men.  That 
of  the  enemy,  after  the  junction  of  Egmont  with 
the  duke  of  Savoy,  was  not  inferior  in  number 
They  encamped  at  a  distance  of  a  few  leagues  from 
one  another ;  and  each  monarch  having  joined  his 
respective  army,  it  was  expected,  after  the  vicissi- 
tudes of  good  and  bad  success  during  this  and  the 
former  campaign,  that  a  decisive  battle  would  at 
last  determine  which  of  the  rivals  should  take  the 
ascendant  for  the  future,  and  give  law  to  Europe. 
But  though  both  had  it  in  their  power,  neither  of 
them  discovered  any  inclination  to  bring  the  deter- 
mination of  such  an  important  point  to  depend 
upon  the  uncertain  issue  of  a  single  battle.  The 
fatal  engagements  at  St.  Quentin  and  Gravelines 
were  too  recent  to  be  so  soon  forgotten ;  and  the 
prospect  of  encountering  the  same  troops,  com- 
manded by  the  same  generals  who  had  twice  tri- 
umphed over  his  arms,  inspired  Henry  with  a  de- 
gree of  caution  which  was  not  common  to  him. 
Philip,  of  a  genius  averse  to  bold  operations  in  war, 
naturally  leaned  to  cautious  measures,  and  was  not 
disposed  to  hazard  anything  against  a  general  so 
fortunate  and  successful  as  the  duke  of  Guise. 
Both  monarchs,  as  if  by  agreement,  stood  on  the 
defensive,  and,  fortifying  their  camps  carefull} 
avoided  every  skirmish  or  rencounter  that  might 
bring  on  a  general  engagement. 

While  the  armies  continued  in  this  inaction,  peace 
began  to  be  mentioned  in  each  camp,  and  both 
Henry  and  Philip  discovered  an  inclination  to  lis- 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  267 

ten  to  any  overture  that  tended  to  re-establish  it 
The  kingdoms  of  France  and  Spain  had  been  en- 
gaged during  half  a  century  in  almost  continua] 
wars,  carried  on  at  a  great  expense,  and  produc* 
tive  of  no  considerable  advantage  to  either.  Ex- 
hausted by  extraordinary  and  unceasing  efforts, 
which  far  exceeded  those  to  which  the  nations  of 
Europe  had  been  accustomed  before  the  rivalship 
between  Charles  V.  and  Francis  L,  both  nations 
longed  so  much  for  an  interval  of  repose,  in  order 
to  recruit  their  strength,  that  their  sovereigns  drew 
from  them  with  difficulty  the  supplies  necessary  for 
carrying  on  hostilities.  The  private  inclinations  of 
both  the  kings  concurred  with  those  of  their  people. 
Philip  w^as  prompted  to  wish  for  peace  by  his  fond 
desire  of  returning  to  Spain.  Accustomed  from  his 
infancy  to  the  climate  and  manners  of  that  country, 
he  was  attached  to  it  with  such  extreme  predilec- 
tion, that  he  never  felt  himself  at  ease  in  any  other 
part  of  his  dominions.  But  as  he  could  not  quit 
the  Low  Countries,  either  with  decency  or  safety, 
and  venture  on  a  voyage  to  Spain,  during  the  con- 
tinuance of  w^ar,  the  prospect  of  a  pacification, 
which  w^ould  put  it  in  his  power  to  execute  his 
favorite  scheme,  was  highly  acceptable.  Henry 
Mas  no  less  desirous  of  being  delivered  from  the 
burden  and  occupations  of  war,  that  he  might  have 
leisure  to  turn  his  attention,  and  bend  the  whole 
force  of  his  government,  towards  suppressing  the 
opinions  of  the  Reformers,  which  wTre  spreading 
^ith  such  rapidity  in  Paris,  and  other  great  towns 


268  EEIGN  OP   THE  [Book  XH 

of  l^rance,  that  they  began  to  grow  formidable  to 
the  established  Church. 

Besides  these  public  and  avowed  considerations, 
arising  from  the  state  of  the  two  hostile  kingdoms, 
or  from  the  wishes  of  their  respective  monarchs, 
there  was  a  secret  intrigue  carried  on  in  the  court 
of  France,  which  contributed  as  much  as  either  of 
the  other  to  hasten  and  to  facilitate  the  negotiation 
of  a  peace.  The  Constable  Montmorency,  during 
his  captivity,  beheld  the  rapid  success  and  growing 
favor  of  the  duke  of  Guise  with  the  envy  natural 
to  a  ri^  ai.  Every  advantage  gained  by  the  princes 
of  Lorrain  he  considered  as  a  fresh  wound  to  his 
own  reputation,  and  he  knew  with  what  malevolent 
address  it  would  be  improved  to  diminish  his  credit 
with  the  king,  and  to  augment  that  of  the  duke  of 
Guise.  Tliese  arts,  he  was  afraid,  might,  by  de- 
grees, work  on  the  easy  and  ductile  mind  of  Heury, 
so  as  to  efface  all  remains  of  his  ancient  affection 
tawards  himself  But  he  could  not  discover  any 
remedy  for  this,  unless  he  were  allowed  to  return 
home,  that  he  might  try  whether  by  his  presence 
he  could  defeat  the  artifices  of  his  enemies,  and 
revive  those  warm  and  tender  sentiments  which  had 
long  attached  Henry  to  him,  with  a  confidence  so 
entire,  as  resembled  rather  the  cordiality  of  private 
friendship  than  the  cold  and  selfish  connection  be- 
tween a  monarch  and  one  of  his  courtiers.  While 
Montmorency  was  forming  schemes  and  wishes  for 
his  return  to  France,  with  much  anxiety  of  mind, 
but  with  little  hope  of  success,  an  miexpected  inci 


1558.1  EMPEROK   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  2G9 

dent  prepared  the  Avay  for  it.  The  cardinal  of  I,or- 
ram,  who  had  shared  with  his  brother  in  the  kino-'s 
flivor,  and  participated  of  the  power  which  that 
conferred,  did  not  bear  prosperity  with  the  same 
discretion  as  the  dnke  of  Guise.  Intoxicated  with 
their  good  fortune,  he  forgot  how  much  they  had 
been  indebted  for  their  present  elevation  to  their 
connections  with  the  duchess  of  Valentinois,  and 
vainly  ascribed  all  to  the  extraordinary  merit  of 
their  family.  This  led  him  not  only  to  neglect  his 
benefactress,  but  to  thwart  her  schemes,  and  to  talk 
with  a  sarcastic  liberty  of  her  character  and  person. 
That  singular  woman,  who,  if  we  may  believe  con- 
temporary writers,  retained  the  beauty  and  charms 
of  youth  at  the  age  of  threescore,  and  on  whom  it 
is  certain  that  Henry  still  doted  with  all  the  fond- 
ness of  love,  felt  this  injury  with  sensibility,  and 
set  herself  with  eagerness  to  inflict  the  vengeance 
which  it  merited.  As  there  Avas  no  method  of  sup 
planting  the  princes  of  Lorrain  so  eifectually  as  by 
a  coalition  of  interests  with  the  constable,  she  pro- 
posed the  marriage  of  her  granddaughter  with  one 
of  his  sons,  as  the  bond  of  their  future  union ;  and 
Montmorency  readily  gave  his  consent  to  the  match. 
Having  thus  cemented  their  alliance,  the  duchess 
employed  all  her  influence  with  the  king,  in  order 
to  confirm  his  inclinations  towards  peace,  and  to 
induce  him  to  take  the  steps  necessary  for  attaining 
it.  She  insinuated  that  any  overture  of  that  kind 
would  come  with  great  propriety  from  the  constable, 
and,  if  intrusted  to  the  conduct  of  his  prudence, 
could  hardly  fail  of  success. 


270  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  Xll. 

HeniT,  lonsf  accustomed  to  commit  all  affairs  of 
importance  to  the  management  of  the  constable, 
and  needing  only  this  encouragement  to  return  to 
his  ancient  habits,  wrote  to  him  immediately  with 
his  usual  familiarity  and  affection,  empowering  him, 
at  the  same  time,  to  take  the  first  opportunity  of 
sounding  Philip  and  his  ministers  with  regard 
to  peace.  Montmorency  made  his  application  to 
Philip  by  the  most  proper  channel.  He  opened 
himself  to  the  duke  of  Savoy,  who,  notwithstand- 
ms  the  hio:h  command  to  which  he  had  been 
raised,  and  the  military  glory  which  he  had  ac- 
quired in  the  Spanish  service,  was  weary  of  re- 
maining in  exile,  and  languished  to  return  into  his 
paternal  dominions.  As  there  was  no  prospect  of 
his  recovering  possession  of  them  by  force  of  arms, 
he  considered  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace  between 
France  and  Spain  as  the  only  event  by  which  he 
could  hope  to  obtain  restitution.  Being  no  stranger 
to  Philip's  private  wishes  with  regard  to  peace,  he 
easily  prevailed  on  him,  not  only  to  discover  a  dis- 
position on  his  part  towards  accommodation,  but  to 
permit  Montmorency  to  return,  on  his  parole,  to 
France,  that  he  might  confirm  his  own  sovereign 
in  his  pacific  sentiments.  Henry  received  the  con- 
stable with  the  most  flattering  marks  of  regard ;  ab- 
sence, instead  of  having  abated  or  extinguished  the 
monarch's  friendship,  seemed  to  have  given  it  new 
ardor.  Montmorency,  from  the  moment  of  his  ap- 
pearance in  court,  assumed,  if  possible,  a  higher 
place  than  ever  in  his  affection.,  and  a  more  perfect 


!558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  271 

ascendant  over  his  mind.  The  cardinal  of  Lorrain 
and  the  dnke  of  Guise  prudently  gave  way  to  a 
tide  of  favor  too  strong  for  them  to  oppose,  and 
confining  themselves  to  their  proper  departments, 
permitted,  without  any  struggle,  the  constable  and 
duchess  of  Yalentinois  to  direct  public  affairs  at 
then'  pleasure.  They  soon  prevailed  on  tlie  king 
to  nominate  plenipotentiaries  to  treat  of  peace. 
Philip  did  the  same.  The  abbey  of  Cercamp  was 
fixed  on  as  the  place  of  congress  ;  and  all  military 
operations  w^re  immediately  terminated  by  a  sus- 
pension of  arms. 

While  these  preliminary  steps  were  taking  to- 
wards a  treaty  which  restored  tranquillity  to  Eu- 
rope, Charles  V.,  whose  ambition  had  so  long 
disturbed  it,  ended  his  days  in  the  monastery  of 
8t.  Justus.  When  Charles  entered  this  retreat,  he 
formed  such  a  plan  of  life  for  himself  as  would 
have  suited  the  condition  of  a  private  gentleman 
of  a  moderate  fortune.  His  table  was  neat  but 
plain  ;  his  domestics  few ;  his  intercourse  with 
them  familiar ;  all  the  cumbersome  and  ceremoni- 
ous forms  of  attendance  on  his  person  were  entire- 
ly abolished,  as  destructive  of  that  social  ease  and 
tranquillity  which  he  courted,  in  order  to  soothe 
the  remainder  of  his  days.  As  the  mildness  of  tlie 
climate,  together  with  his  deliverance  from  the  bur- 
dens and  cares  of  government,  procured  him,  at 
first,  a  considerable  remission  from  the  acute  pains 
with  which  he  had  been  long  tormented,  he  enjoyed, 
perhaps,  more  complete  satisfaction  in  this  humble 

7  Y 


272  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XH 

solitude,  than  all  his  grandeur  had  ever  yielded 
him.  'Jlie  ambitious  thoughts  and  projects  which 
had  so  long  engrossed  and  disquieted  him  were 
quite  effaced  from  his  mind ;  far  from  taking  any 
])art  in  tlie  political  transactions  of  the  princes  of 
Europe,  he  restrained  his  curiosity  even  from  any 
inquiry  concerning  them  ;  and  he  seemed  to  view 
the  busy  scene  which  he  had  abandoned  with  all 
the  contempt  and  indifference  arising  from  his 
thorough  experience  of  its  vanity,  as  well  as  from 
the  pleasing  reflection  of  having  disentangled  him 
self  from  its  cares. 

Other  amusements  and  other  objects  now  occu- 
pied him.  Sometimes  he  cultivated  the  plants  in 
his  garden  with  his  own  hands ;  sometimes  he  rode 
out  to  the  neighboring  Avood  on  a  little  horse,  the 
only  one  that  he  kept,  attended  by  a  single  servant 
on  foot.  When  his  infirmities  confined  him  to  his^ 
apartment,  which  often  happened,  and  deprived  him 
of  these  more  active  recreations,  he  either  admitted 
a  few  gentlemen  who  resided  near  the  monastery  to 
visit  him,  and  entertained  them  familiarly  at  his 
table ;  or  he  employed  himself  in  studying  me- 
chanical principles,  and  in  forming  curious  works 
of  mechanism,  of  which  he  had  always  been  re- 
markably fond,  and  to  which  his  genius  was  peculi- 
arly turned.  With  this  view  he  had  engaged  Tur- 
riano,  one  of  the  most  ingenious  artists  of  that  age, 
to  accompany  him  in  his  retreat.  He  labored  to- 
gether with  him  in  framing  models  of  the  most 
useful  machines,  as  well  as  in  making   experirrents 


1558.]  EjMPEROR   CHARLES   THE    FIFTH.  27B 

with  regard  to  their  respective  powers  ;  and  it  was 
not  seldom  that  the  ideas  of  the  monarch  assisted 
or  perfected  the  inventions  of  the  artist.  He  re- 
lieved his  mind,  at  intervals,  with  slighter  and  more 
fantastic  works  of  mechanism,  in  fashioning  pup- 
pets, which,  by  the  structure  of  internal  springs, 
mimicked  the  gestures  and  actions  of  men,  to  the 
astonishment  of  the  ignorant  monks,  who,  behold- 
ing movements  wdiich  they  could  not  comprehend, 
sometimes  distrusted  their  own  senses,  and  some- 
times suspected  Charles  and  Turriano  of  being  in 
compact  Avith  invisible  powers.  He  was  particu- 
larly curious  with  regard  to  the  construction  of 
clocks  and  watches ;  and  having  found,  after  re- 
peated trials,  that  he  could  not  bring  any  two  of 
them  to  go  exactly  alike,  he  reflected,  it  is  said, 
with  a  mixture  of  surprise  as  well  as  regret,  on 
his  own  folly,  in  having  bestowed  so  much  time 
and  labor  on  the  more  vain  attempt  of  bringing 
mankind  to  a  precise  uniformity  of  sentiment  con- 
cerning the  profound  and  mysterious  doctrines  of 
religion. 

But  in  what  manner  soever  Charles  disposed  of 
the  rest  of  his  time,  he  constantly  reserved  a  consid- 
erable portion  of  it  for  religious  exercises.  He  reg- 
ularly attended  divine  service  in  the  chapel  of  the 
monastery,  every  morning  and  evening ;  he  took 
great  pleasure  in  reading  books  of  devotion,  par- 
ticularly the  w^orks  of  St.  Augustine  and  St.  Ber 
nard ;  and  conversed  much  with  his  confessor  and 
the  prior  of  the  monastery  on  pious  subjects.    Thua 

voj    III  3% 


274  REIGN  OF  TIIE  [Book  XU 

did  Charles  pass  the  first  year  of  his  retreat,  in  a 
manner  not  nnbecoming  a  man  perfectly  disen- 
gaged from  the  affairs  of  the  present  life,  and  stand- 
ing on  the  confines  of  a  futnre  world ;  either  in 
innocent  amusements,  which  soothed  his  pains, 
and  relieved  a  mind  worn  out  w^ith  excessive  a|> 
plication  to  business ;  or  in  devout  occupations, 
which  he  deemed  necessary  in  preparing  for  an- 
other state. 

But  about  six  months  before  his  death,  the  gout, 
after  a  longer  intermission  than  usual,  returned, 
with  a  proportional  increase  of  violence.  His  shat- 
tered constitution  had  not  vigor  enough  remaining 
to  withstand  such  a  shock.  It  enfeebled  his  mind 
as  much  as  his  body,  and  from  this  period  we 
hardly  discern  any  tiaces  of  that  sound  and  mas- 
culine understanding  which  distinguished  Charles 
among  his  contemporaries.  An  illiberal  and  timid 
superstition  depressed  his  spirit.  He  had  no  relish 
for  amusements  of  any  kind.  He  endeavored  to 
conform,  in  his  manner  of  living,  to  all  the  rigor 
of  monastic  austerity.  He  desired  no  other  society 
than  that  of  monks,  and  was  almost  continually 
employed  with  them  in  chanting  the  hymns  of  the 
missal.  As  an  expiation  for  his  sins,  he  gave  him- 
self the  discipline  in  secret  with  such  severity,  that 
the  whip  of  cords  which  he  employed  as  the  in- 
strument of  his  punishment  w^as  found,  after  his 
decease,  tinged  with  his  blood.  Nor  was  he  satis- 
fied with  these  acts  of  mortification,  which,  how- 
ever severe,  were  not  unexampled.     The  timorous 


1558.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  275 

and  distrustful  solicitude  which  always  accompanies 
superstition,  still  continued  to  disquiet  him,  and, 
depreciating  all  the  devout  exercises  in  which  he 
had  hitherto  been  engaged,  prompted  him  to  aim 
at  something  extraordinary,  at  some  new  and  singu- 
lar act  of  piety,  that  would  display  his  zeal  and 
merit  the  favor  of  Heaven.  The  act  on  which  he 
fixed  was  as  wild  and  uncommon  as  any  that  super- 
stition ever  suggested  to  a  weak  and  disordered 
fancy.  He  resolved  to  celebrate  his  own  obsequies 
before  his  death.  He  ordered  his  tomb  to  be  erect- 
ed in  the  chapel  of  the  monastery.  His  domestics 
marched  thither  in  funeral  procession,  with  black 
tapers  in  their  hands.  He  himself  followed  in  his 
shroud.  He  was  laid  in  his  coffin,  with  much 
solemnity.  The  service  for  the  dead  was  chant- 
ed, and  Charles  joined  in  the  prayers  which  were 
offered  up  for  the  rest  of  his  soul,  mingling  his 
tears  with  those  which  his  attendants  shed,  as  if 
they  had  been  celebrating  a  real  funeral.  The 
ceremony  closed  with  sprinkling  holy  water  on 
the  coffin  in  the  usual  form,  and,  all  the  assistants 
retiring,  the  doors  of  the  chapel  were  shut.  Then 
Charles  rose  out  of  the  coffin,  and  withdrew  to 
his  apartment,  full  of  those  awful  sentiments  which 
such  a  singular  solemnity  was  calculated  to  inspire. 
But  either  the  fatiguing  length  of  the  ceremony, 
or  the  impression  which  the  image  of  death  lelt 
on  his  mind,  affected  him  so  much,  that  next  day 
he  was  seized  with  a  fever.  His  feeble  frame 
could  not  long  resist  its  violence,  and  he  expired 

¥2 


2T6  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

on  the  2lsi  of  September,  after  a  life  of  fifty-eight 
years,  six  months,  and  twenty-five  days.^^ 

As  Charles  was  the  first  prince  of  the  age  in 
rank  and  dignity,  the  part  which  lie  acted,  whether 
we  consider  the  greatness,  the  variety,  or  the  suc- 
cess of  his  undertakings,  was  the  most  conspicu- 
ous. It  is  from  an  attentive  observation  of  his 
conduct,  not  from  the  exaggerated  praises  of  the 
Spanish  historians,  or  the  undistinguishiiig  cencaire 
of  the  French,  that  a  just  idea  of  Charles's  genius 
and  abilities  is  to  be  collected.  He  possessed 
qualities  so  peculiar,  that  they  strongly  mark  his 
character,  and  not  only  distinguish  him  from  the 
princes  who  were  his  contemporaries,  but  account 
for  that  superiority  over  them  which  he  so  long 
maintained.  In  forming  his  schemes,  he  was  by 
nature,  as  well  as  by  habit,  cautious  and  consid- 
erate. Born  with  talents  which  unfolded  them- 
selves slowly,  and  were  late  in  attaining  maturity, 
he  was  accustomed  to  ponder  every  subject  that 
demanded  his  consideration  with  a  careful  and 
deliberate  attention.  He  bent  the  whole  force  of 
his  mind  towards  it,  and,  dwelling  upon  it  with 
a  serious  application,  undiverted  by  pleasure,  and 
hardly  relaxed  by  any  amusement,  he  revolved  it, 
in  silence,  in  his  own  breast.  He  then  communi- 
cated the  matter  to  his  ministers,  and,  after  hear- 
ing their  opinions,  took  his  resolution  with  a  de- 

22  Strada  de  Bello  Belg.  lib.  i.  p.  11.  Thuan.  723.  Sandov.  ii.  609, 
&o.  Minlana,  Contin.  Marianae,  vol.  iv.  21G.  Vera  y  Ziiiiga,  Vida  de 
Carlos,  p.  111. 


1558.]  EMPEKOR   CHARLES   THE   EIFTH.  27T 

cisive  firmness,  which  seldom  follows  sueh  slow 
and  seemingly  hesitating  consultations.  Of  con 
seqnence,  Charles's  measures,  instead  of  resemblino 
the  desultory  and  irregular  sallies  of  Henry  YIII. 
or  Francis  I.,  had  the  appearance  of  a  consistent 
system,  in  which  all  the  parts  were  arranged,  all 
the  effects  were  foreseen,  and  even  every  accident 
was  provided  for.  His  promptitude  in  execution 
was  no  less  remarkable  than  his  patience  in  delib- 
eration. He  did  not  discover  greater  sagacity  in 
his  choice  of  the  measures  which  it  was  proper 
to  pursue,  than  fertility  of  genius  in  finding  out 
the  means  for  rendering  his  pursuit  of  them  suc- 
cessful. Though  he  had  naturally  so  little  of  the 
martial  turn,  that,  during  the  most  ardent  and 
bustling  period  of  life,  he  remained  in  the  cabinet 
inactive,  yet,  when  he  chose  at  length  to  appear 
at  the  head  of  his  armies,  his  mind  was  so  formed 
for  vigorous  exertions  in  every  direction,  that  he 
acquired  such  knowledge  in  the  art  of  war,  and 
such  talents  for  command,  as  rendered  him  equal 
in  reputation  and  success  to  the  most  able  generals 
of  the  age.  But  Charles  possessed,  in  the  most 
eminent  degree,  the  science  w^hich  is  of  greatest 
importance  to  a  monarch,  that  of  knowing  men, 
and  of  adapting  their  talents  to  the  various  de- 
partments which  he  allotted  to  them.  From  the 
death  of  Chievres  to  the  end  of  his  reign,  he  em 
ployed  no  general  m  the  field,  no  minister  in  the 
cabinet,  no  ambassador  to  a  foreign  court,  no  gov 
ernor  of  a  province,  whose  abilities  were  inadequate 


278  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XIL 

to  the  trr.st  wliicli  he  reposed  in  them.  Though 
destitute  of  that  bewitching  affability  of  manners 
which  gained  Francis  the  hearts  of  all  who  ap- 
proached his  person,  he  was  no  stranger  to  the 
virtues  which  secure  fidelity  and  attachment.  He 
placed  unbounded  confidence  in  his  generals ;  he  re- 
warded their  services  with  munificence ;  he  neither 
envied  their  fame  nor  discovered  any  jealousy  of 
their  powder.  Almost  all  the  generals  who  con- 
ducted his  armies  may  be  placed  on  a  level  with 
those  illustrious  personages  who  have  attained  the 
highest  eminence  of  military  glory ;  and  his  ad- 
vantao-es  over  his  rivals  are  to  be  ascribed  so  mani- 
festly  to  the  superior  abilities  of  the  commanders 
whom  he  set  in  opposition  to  them,  that  this  might 
seem  to  detract,  in  some  degree,  from  his  own  merit, 
if  the  talent  of  discovering,  and  steadiness  in  em- 
ploying, such  instruments  Avere  not  the  most  un- 
doubted proofs  of  a  capacity  for  government. 

There  were,  nevertheless,  defects  in  his  political 
character  wdiich  must  considerably  abate  the  ad- 
miration due  to  his  extraordinary  talents.  Charles's 
ambition  was  insatiable ;  and  though  there  seems 
to  be  no  foundation  for  an  opinion  prevalent  in 
liis  own  asre,  that  he  had  formed  the  chimerical 
project  of  establishing  an  universal  monarchy  in 
Europe,  it  is  certain  that  his  desire  of  being  dis- 
tinguished as  a  conqueror  involved  him  in  contin- 
ual wars,  which  not  only  exhausted  and  oppressed 
his  subjects,  but  left  him  little  leisure  for  giving 
attention  to   the   interior  police  and  improvement 


if»58.j  EMPEPvOR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  279 

of  his  kingdoms,  tlie  great  objects  of  every  prince 
who  makes  the  happiness  of  his  people  the  ena 
of  his  government.  Charles  at  a  very  early  period 
of  life  having  added  the  imperial  crown  to  the 
kingdoms  of  Spain,  and  to  the  hereditary  domin- 
ions of  the  houses  of  Austria  and  Burgundy,  this 
opened  to  him  such  a  vast  field  of  enterprise,  and 
engaged  him  in  schemes  so  complicated  as  well 
as  arduous,  that,  feeling  his  power  to  be  unequal 
to  the  execution  of  them,  he  had  often  recourse 
to  low  artifices,  unbecoming  his  superior  talents, 
and  sometimes  ventured  on  such  deviations  from 
integrity  as  were  dishonorable  in  a  great  prince. 
His  insidious  and  fraudulent  policy  appeared  more 
conspicuous,  and  was  rendered  more  odious,  by  a 
comparison  with  the  open  and  undesigning  charac- 
ter of  his  contemporaries,  Francis  I.  and  Henry 
VIII.  This  difference,  though  occasioned  chiefly 
by  the  diversity  of  their  tempers,  must  be  ascribed, 
in  some  degree,  to  such  an  opposition  in  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  political  conduct,  as  affords  some 
excuse  for  this  defect  m  Charles's  behavior,  though 
it  cannot  serve  as  a  justification  of  it.  Francis 
and  Henry  seldom  acted  but  from  the  impulse  of 
their  passions,  and  rushed  headlong  towards  the 
object  in  view.  Charles's  measures,  being  the  re- 
sult of  cool  reflection,  were  disposed  into  a  regular 
system,  and  carried  on  upon  a  concerted  plan.  Per- 
sons who  act  in  the  former  manner  naturally  pur- 
sue the  end  in  view  without  assuming  any  disguise, 
IT  displaying  much  address.     Such  as  hold  the  lat- 


280  REIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XU 

tor  course  are  apt,  in  forming,  as  well  as  in  ex- 
ecuting their  designs,  to  employ  such  refinements 
as  always  lead  to  artifice  in  conduct,  and  often 
degenerate  into  deceit. 

The  circumstances  transmitted  to  us  with  respect 
to  Charles's  private  deportment  and  character  are 
fewer  and  less  interesting  than  might  have  been 
expected  from  the  great  number  of  authors  who 
have  undertaken  to  wTite  an  account  of  his  life. 
These  are  not  the  object  of  this  history,  which 
aims  more  at  representing  the  great  transactions  of 
the  reign  of  Charles  V.,  and  pointing  out  the  man- 
ner in  which  they  afi'ected  the  political  state  of 
Europe,  than  at  delineating  his  private  virtues  or 
defects. 

The  plenipotentiaries  of  France,  Spain,  and  Eng- 
land continued  their  conferences  at  Cercamp ;  and 
though  each  of  them,  with  the  usual  art  of  negotia- 
tors, made  at  first  very  high  demands  in  the  name 
of  their  respective  courts,  yet,  as  they  were  all 
equally  desirous  of  peace,  they  would  have  con- 
sented reciprocally  to  such  abatements  and  restric- 
tions of  their  claims  as  must  have  removed  every 
obstacle  to  an  accommodation.  The  death  of 
Charles  V.  was  a  new  motive  with  Philip  to  hasten 
the  conclusion  of  a  treaty,  as  it  increased  his  im- 
patience for  returning  into  Spain,  where  there  was 
now  no  person  greater  or  more  illustrious  than 
himself  But,  in  spite  of  the  concurring  wishes  of 
all  the  parties  interested,  an  event  happened  which 
occasioned  an   unavoidable  delay  in  their  negotia 


1658.1  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  281 

tions.  About  a  month  after  the  openino-  of  thb 
conferences  at  Cercanip,  Mary  of  England  ended 
her  short  and  inglorious  reign,  and  Elizabeth,  her 
sister,  was  immediately  proclaimed  queen  with  uni- 
versal joy.  As  the  powers  of  the  English  plenipo- 
tentiaries expired  on  the  death  of  their  mistress, 
they  could  not  proceed  until  they  received  a  com 
mission  and  instructions  from  their  new  sovereign. 

Henry  and  Philip  beheld  Elizabeth's  elevation  to 
the  throne  with  equal  solicitude.  As  during  Mary's 
jealous  administration,  under  the  most  difficult  cir- 
cumstances, and  in  a  situation  extremely  delicate, 
that  princess  had  conducted  herself  with  prudencf^ 
and  address  far  exceeding  her  years,  they  had  con- 
ceived a  high  idea  of  her  abilities,  and  already 
formed  expectations  of  a  reign  very  different  from 
that  of  her  sister.  Equally  sensible  of  the  impor- 
tance of  gaining  her  favor,  both  monarchs  set  them- 
selves with  emulation  to  court  it,  and  employed 
every  art  in  order  to  insinuate  themselves  into  her 
confidence.  Each  of  them  had  something  meritori- 
ous, with  regard  to  Elizabeth,  to  plead  in  his  own 
behalf.  Henry  had  offered  her  a  retreat  in  his 
dominions,  if  the  dread  of  her  sister's  violence 
should  force  her  to  fly  for  safety  out  of  England. 
Philip,  by  his  powerful  intercession,  had  prevented 
Mary  from  proceeding  to  the  most  fatal  extremities 
against  her  sister.  Each  of  them  endeavored  now 
to  avail  himself  of  the  circumstances  in  his  favor. 
Henry  wrote  to  Elizabeth  soon  after  her  accession, 
with  the  w^armest  expressions  of  regard  and  frieud- 

VOL.    IIL  3G 


282  RTJIGN   OF   THE  [Boor  XH 

ship.  lie  represented  the  war  which  had  unhappi- 
ly been  kindled  between  their  kingdoms,  not  as  a 
national  quarrel,  but  as  the  effect  of  Clary's  blind 
partiality  to  her  husband,  and  fond  compliance  with 
all  his  wishes.  He  entreated  her  to  disengage  her- 
self from  an  alliance  which  had  proved  so  unfortu- 
nate to  England,  and  to  consent  to  a  separate  peace 
with  him,  without  mingling  her  interests  with  those 
of  Spain,  from  which  they  ought  now^  to  be  alto- 
gether dis  oined.  Philip,  on  the  other  hand,  un- 
willing to  lose  his  connection  with  England,  the 
importance  of  which,  during  a  rupture  with  France, 
he  had  so  i.^cently  experienced,  not  only  vied  with 
Henry  in  declarations  of  esteem  for  Eliza^beth,  and 
in  professions  of  his  resolution  to  cultivate  the 
strictest  amity  with  her;  but,  in  order  to  confirm 
and  perpetuate  their  union,  he  offered  himself  to 
her  in  marriage,  and  undertook  to  procure  a  dispen- 
sation from  the  pope  for  that  purpose. 

Elizabeth  weighed  the  proposals  of  the  two  mon- 
archs  attentively,  and  with  that  provident  discern- 
ment of  her  true  interest,  which  was  conspicuous 
in  all  her  deliberations.  She  gave  some  encourage- 
ment to  Henry's  overture  of  a  separate  negotiation, 
because  it  opened  a  channel  of  correspondence  with 
France,  which  she  might  find  to  be  of  great  advan- 
tage, if  Philip  should  not  discover  sufficient  zeal 
and  solicitude  for  securing  to  her  proper  terms  in 
the  joint  treaty.  But  she  ventured  on  this  step 
with  the  most  cautious  reserve,  that  she  might  i.ot 
alarm  Philip's  suspicious  temper,  and  lose  an  ally 


1558  I  EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  28^ 

in  attempting  to  gain  an  enemy.^^  Henry  liimself 
by  an  unpardonable  act  of  indiscretion,  prevented 
lier  from  carrying  her  intercourse  with  him  to  such 
a  length  as  might  have  offended  or  alienated  Philip, 
At  the  very  time  when  he  was  courting  Elizabeth's 
fiiendship  witli  the  greatest  assiduity,  he  yielded 
wdth  an  inconsiderate  facility  to  the  solicitations  of 
the  princes  of  Lorrain,  and  alloAved  his  daughter- 
in-law,  the  queen  of  Scots,  to  assume  the  title  and 
arms  of  queen  of  England.  This  ill-timed  preten- 
sion, the  source  of  many  calamities  to  the  unfortu- 
nate queen  of  Scots,  extinguished  at  once  all  the 
confidence  that  might  have  grown  between  Henry 
and  Elizabeth,  and  left  in  its  place  distrust,  resent- 
ment, and  antipathy.  Elizabeth  soon  found  that 
she  must  unite  her  interests  closely  with  Philip's, 
and  expect  peace  only  from  negotiations  carried  on 
in  conjunction  with  liim.^* 

As  she  had  granted  a  commission,  immediately 
after  her  accession,  to  the  same  plenipotentiaries 
whom  her  sister  had  employed,  she  now  instructed 
them  to  act  in  every  point  in  concert  with  the 
plenipotentiaries  of  Spain,  and  to  take  no  step  until 
they  had  previously  consulted  with  them.^^  But 
tliough  she  deemed  it  prudent  to  assume  this  ap- 
pearance of  confidence  in  the  Spanish  monarch,  she 
knew  precisely  h  nv  far  to  carry  it ;  and  discovered 

y3  Forbes,  i.  p.  4. 

24  Strype's  Annals  of  the  Reformation,  i.  11.     Carte's  Hist,  of  Eng- 
land,  vol.  iii.  p.  375. 

«5  Forbes,  Full  View,  i.  pp.  37,  40. 

7  Z 


284  EEIGN  OF  THE  fBooK  XIL 

no  inclination  to  accept  of  that  extraordinary  pro- 
posal of  marriage  which  Philip  had  made  to  her. 
The  English  had  expressed  so  openly  their  detesta- 
tion of  her  sister's  choice  of  him,  that  it  would 
have  been  highly  imprudent  to  have  exasperated 
them  by  renewing  that  odious  alliance.  She  was 
too  well  acquainted  with  Philip's  harsh,  imperious 
temper,  to  think  of  him  for  a  husband.  Nor  could 
she  admit  a  dispensation  from  the  pope  to  be  suffi- 
cient to  authorize  her  marrying  him,  without  con- 
demning her  father's  divorce  from  Catherine  of 
Aragon,  and  acknowledging  of  consequence  that 
her  mother's  marriage  w^as  null,  and  her  own  birth 
illegitimate.  But  though  she  determined  not  to 
yield  to  Philip's  addresses,  the  situation  of  her  af- 
fairs rendered  it  dangerous  to  reject  them ;  she  re- 
turned her  answer,  therefore,  in  terms  which  were 
evasive,  but  so  tempered  with  respect,  that,  though 
they  gave  him  no  reason  to  be  secure  of  success, 
they  did  not  altogether  extinguish  his  hopes. 

By  this  artifice,  as  well  as  by  the  prudence  with 
which  she  concealed  her  sentiments  and  intentions 
concerning  religion,  for  some  time  after  her  acces- 
sion, she  so  far  gained  upon  Philip,  that  he  warmly 
espoused  her  interest  in  the  conferences  which  were 
renewed  at  Cercamp,  and  afterwards  removed  to 
Chateau-Cambresis.  A  definitive  treaty,  which  was 
to  adjust  the  claims  and  pretensions  of  so  many 
princes,  required  the  examination  of  such  a  variety 
of  intricate  points,  and  led  to  such  infinite  and  nij- 
nute  details,  as  drew  out  the  negotiations  to  a  great 


1559.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  285 

length.  But  the  Constable  Montmorency  exerted 
himself  Avith  such  indefatigable  zeal  and  industry, 
repairing  alternately  to  the  courts  of  Paris  ana 
Brussels,  in  order  to  obviate  or  remove  every  diffi- 
culty, that  all  points  in  dispute  were  adjusted  at 
length  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give  entire  satis- 
faction in  every  particular  to  Henry  and  Philip; 
and  the  last  hand  was  ready  to  be  put  to  the  treaty 
between  them. 

The  claims^  of  England  remained  as  the  only 
obstacle  to  retard  it.  Elizabeth  demanded  the 
restitution  of  Calais  in  the  most  peremptory  tone, 
as  an  essential  condition  of  her  consenting  to 
peace.  Henry  refused  to  give  up  that  important 
conquest ;  and  both  seemed  to  have  taken  their  res- 
olution with  unalterable  firmness.  Philip  warmly 
supported  Elizabeth's  pretensions  to  Calais,  not 
merely  from  a  principle  of  equity  towards  the 
English  nation,  that  he  might  appear  to  have 
contributed  to  their  recovering  what  they  had  lost 
by  espo¥ising  his  cause  ;  nor  solely  with  a  view  of 
soothing  Elizabeth  by  this  manifestation  of  zeal 
for  her  interest;  but  in  order  to  render  France 
less  formidable,  by  securing  to  her  ancient  enemy 
this  easy  access  into  the  heart  of  the  kingdom. 
The  earnestness,  however,  with  which  he  sec- 
onded the  arguments  of  the  English  plenipoten- 
tiaries soon  began  to  relax.  During  the  course 
of  the  negotiation,  Elizabeth,  who  now  felt  her- 
self firmly  seated  on  her  throne,  began  to  take 
such   open   and    vigorous    measures,   not   only  for 


286  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  Xn 

ov(  rturninii:  all  that  her  sister  had  done  in  favor 
of  popery,  but  for  establishing  the  Protestant 
Church  on  a  firm  foundation,  as  convinced  Philip 
that  his  hopes  of  a  union  with  her  had  been 
from  the  beginning  vain,  and  were  now  desperate. 
From  that  period  his  interpositions  in  her  favor 
became  more  cold  and  formal,  flowing  merely  from 
a  regard  to  decorum,  or  from  the  consideration  of 
remote  political  interests.  Elizabeth  having  reason 
to  expect  such  an  alteration  in  his  conduct,  quickly 
perceived  it.  But  as  nothing  would  have  been  of 
greater  detriment  to  her  people,  or  more  inconsist- 
ent with  her  schemes  of  domestic  administration, 
than  the  continuance  of  war,  she  saw  the  necessity 
of  submitting  to  such  conditions  as  the  situation  of 
her  affairs  imposed,  and  that  she  must  reckon  upon 
being  deserted  by  an  ally  who  was  now  united  to 
her  by  a  very  feeble  tie,  if  she  did  not  speedily  re- 
duce her  demands  to  what  was  moderate  and  at- 
tainable. She  accordingly  gave  new  instructions 
to  her  ambassadors ;  and  Philip's  plenipotentiaries 
acting  as  mediators  between  the  French  and  them,^^ 
an  expedient  was  fallen  upon,  which,  in  some  de- 
gree, justified  Elizabeth's  departing  from  the  rigoi 
of  her  first  demand  with  regard  to  Calais.  All 
lesser  articles  were  settled  without  much  discussion 
or  delay.  Philip,  that  he  might  not  appear  to  have 
abandoned  the  English,  insisted  that  the  treaty  be- 
tween Henry  and  Elizabeth  should  be  concluded  m 
form,  before  that  between  the  French  monarcn  and 

26  Forbes,  i.  59. 


Ias9.]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  287 

himself.      The   one  was   signed  on  the  2d  day  of 
April,  the  other  on  the  day  following. 

The  treaty  of  peace  between  France  and  England 
contained  no  articles  of  real  importance,  but  that 
which  respected  Calais.  It  was  stipulated,  that 
the  king  of  France  should  retain  possession  of  that 
town,  with  all  its  dependencies,  during  eight  years ; 
that,  at  the  expiration  of  that  term,  he  should  re- 
store it  to  England ;  that,  in  case  of  non-perform- 
ance, he  should  forfeit  five  hundred  thousand 
crowns,  for  the  payment  of  which  sum,  seven  or 
eight  wealthy  merchants,  who  were  not  his  sub- 
jects, should  grant  security  ;  that  five  persons  of 
distinction  should  be  given  as  hostages  until  that 
security  were  provided ;  that,  although  the  forfeit 
of  five  hundred  thousand  crowns  should  be  paid, 
the  right  of  England  to  Calais  should  still  remain 
entire,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the  term  of  eight 
years  were  expired  ;  that  the  king  and  queen  of 
Scotland  should  be  included  in  the  treaty ;  that  if 
they  or  the  French  king  should  violate  the  peace 
by  any  hostile  action,  Henry  should  be  obliged 
instantly  to  restore  Calais;  that,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  any  breach  of  the  treaty  proceeded  from  Eliza- 
beth, then  Henry  and  the  king  and  queen  of  Scots 
were  absolved  from  all  the  engagements  which  they 
had  come  under  by  this  treaty. 

Notwithstanding  the  studied  attention  with  which 
so  many  precautions  were  taken,  it  is  evident  that 
Henry  did  not  intend  the  restitution  of  Calais,  nor 
Is  it  probable  that  Elizabeth  expected  it.     It  waa 

Z2 


288  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XII 

hardly  possible  that  she  could  maintain,  during  the 
course  of  eight  years,  such  perfect  concord  both 
with  France  and  Scotland,  as  not  to  afford  Henry 
some  pretext  for  alleging  that  she  had  violated  the 
treaty.  But,  even  if  that  term  should  elapse  with- 
out any  ground  for  complaint,  Henry  might  then 
choose  to  pay  the  sum  stipulated,  and  Elizabeth 
had  no  method  of  asserting  her  right  but  by  force 
of  arms.  However,  by  throwing  the  articles  in  the 
treaty  with  regard  to  Calais  into  this  form,  Eliza- 
beth satisfied  her  subjects  of  every  denomination ; 
she  gave  men  of  discernment  a  striking  proof  of 
her  address,  in  palliating  what  she  could  not  pre- 
vent ;  and  amused  the  multitude,  to  whom  the  ces- 
sion of  such  an  important  place  would  have  ap- 
peared altogether  infamous,  with  a  prospect  of 
recovering  in  a  short  time  that  favorite  possession. 
The  expedient  which  Montmorency  employed,  in 
order  to  facilitate  the  conclusion  of  peace  between 
France  and  Spain,  was  the  negotiating  two  treaties 
of  marriage,  one  between  Elizabeth,  Henry's  eldest 
daughter,  and  Philip,  who  supplanted  his  son,  the 
unfortunate  Don  Carlos,  to  whom  that  princess  had 
been  promised  in  the  former  conferences  at  Cer- 
camp ;  the  other  between  Margaret,  Henry's  only 
sister,  and  the  duke  of  Savoy.  For,  however  fee- 
ble the  ties  of  blood  may  often  be  among  princes, 
or  how  little  soever  they  may  regard  them  when 
pushed  on  to  act  by  motives  of  ambition,  they 
assume  on  other  occasions  the  appearance  of  being 
so  far  influenced  by  these  domestic  affections,  as  to 


1551).]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  2^[) 

employ  them  to  justify  measures  and  concessions 
which  they  find  to  be  necessary,  but  know  to  be 
impolitic  or  dishonorable.  Such  was  the  use  Henry 
made  of  the  two  marriages  to  which  he  gave  liis 
consent.  Having  secured  an  honorable  establisli- 
ment  for  his  sister  and  his  daughter,  he,  in  con- 
sideration  of  these,  granted  terms  both  to  Philip 
and  the  duke  of  Savoy,  of  which  he  would  not,  on 
any  other  account,  have  ventured  to  approve. 

The  principal  articles  in  the  treaty  between 
France  and  Spain  were,  that  a  sincere  and  per- 
petual amity  should  be  established  between  the 
two  crowns  and  their  respective  allies ;  that  the 
two  monarchs  should  labor  in  concert  to  procure 
the  convocation  of  a  general  council,  in  order  to 
check  the  progress  of  heresy,  and  restore  unity 
and  concord  to  the  Christian  Church ;  that  all 
conquests  made  by  either  party,  in  this  side  ot 
the  Alps,  since  the  commencement  of  the  war  in 
1551,  should  be  mutually  restored  ;  that  the  duchy 
of  Savoy,  the  principality  of  Piedmont,  the  country 
of  Bressy,  and  all  the  other  territories  formerly  sub- 
ject to  the  dukes  of  Savoy,  should  be  restored  to 
Emanuel  Philibert,  immediately  after  the  celebra- 
tion of  his  marriage  with  Margaret  of  France,  the 
towns  of  Turin,  Quiers,  Pignerol,  Chivaz,  and  V^il- 
lanova  excepted,  of  which  Henry  should  keep  pos- 
session until  his  claims  to  these  places,  in  right  of 
his  grandmother,  should  be  tried  and  decided  in 
course  of  law  ;  that,  as  long  as  Henry  retained 
these    places    in    his    hands,   Philip    should  be  at 

VOL.  III.  37 


290  REIGN  OF   THE  {Book  XIL 

liberty  to  keep  garrisons  in  the  towns  of  Vercelli 
and  Asti;  that  the  French  king  should  immediately 
evacuate  all  the  places  which  he  held  in  Tuscany 
and  the  Sienese,  and  renounce  all  future  preten- 
sions to  them  ;  that  he  should  restore  the  marquis- 
ate  of  Montferrat  to  the  duke  of  Mantua  ;  that  he 
should  receive  the  Genoese  into  favor,  and  give  up 
to  them  the  towns  Avhich  he  had  conquered  in  the 
island  of  Corsica  ;  that  none  of  the  princes  or  states 
to  whom  these  cessions  were  made,  should  call 
their  subjects  to  account  for  any  part  of  their 
conduct  while  under  the  dominion  of  their  ene- 
mies, but  should  bury  all  past  transactions  in  ob- 
livion. The  pope,  the  emperor,  the  kings  of  Den- 
mark, Sweden,  Poland,  Portugal,  the  king  and 
queen  of  Scots,  and  almost  every  prince  and  state 
in  Christendom,  were  comprehended  in  this  pacifi- 
cation, as  the  allies  either  of  Henry  or  of  Philip.^^ 

Thus,  by  this  famous  treaty,  peace  was  re-estab- 
Ushed  in  Europe.  All  the  causes  of  discord  which 
had  so  long  embroiled  the  powerful  monarchs  of 
France  and  Spain,  that  had  transmitted  hereditary 
quarrels  and  wars  from  Charles  to  Philip,  and  from 
Francis  to  Henry,  seemed  to  be  wholly  removed  or 
finally  terminated.  The  French  alone  complained 
of  the  unequal  conditions  of  a  treaty,  into  which 
an  ambitious  minister,  in  order  to  recover  his  lib- 
erty, and  an  artful  mistress,  that  she  might  gratify 
her  resentment,  had  seduced  their  too  easy  mon- 
arch.    They  exclaimed  loudly  against  the  folly  of 

27  Recueil  des  Traites,  torn.  ii.  287 


1559]  EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  291 

giving  up  to  the  enemies  of  France  a  hundred  and 
eighty-nine  fortified  places,  in  the  Lo^v  Countries 
or  in  Italy,  in  return  for  the  three  insignificant 
towns  of  St.  Quentin,  Ham,  and  Catelet.  They 
considered  it  as  an  indelible  stain  upon  the  glory 
of  the  nation,  to  renounce  in  one  day  territories  so 
extensive,  and  so  capable  of  being  defended,  that 
the  enemy  could  not  have  hoped  to  wrest  them  out 
of  its  hands,  after  many  years  of  victory. 

But  Henry,  without  regarding  the  sentiments  of 
his  people,  or  being  mo\ed  by  the  remonstrances  of 
his  council,  ratified  the  treaty,  and  executed  with 
great  fidelity  whatever  he  had  stipulated  to  per- 
form. The  duke  of  Savoy  repaired  with  a  numer- 
ous retinue  to  Paris,  in  order  to  celebrate  his  mar- 
riage with  Henry's  sister.  The  duke  of  Alva  was 
sent  to  the  same  capital,  at  the  head  of  a  splendid 
embassy,  to  espouse  Elizabeth  in  the  name  of  his 
master.  They  were  received  with  extraordinary 
magnificence  by  the  French  court.  Amidst  the 
rejoicings  and  festivities  on  that  occasion,  Henry's 
days  were  cut  short  by  a  singular  and  tragical  ac- 
cident. His  son,  Francis  H.,  a  prince  under  age, 
of  a  weak  constitution,  and  of  a  mind  still  more 
feeble,  succeeded  him.  Soon  after,  Paul  ended  his 
violent  and  imperious  pontificate,  at  enmity  with 
all  the  world,  and  disgusted  even  with  his  own 
nephews.  They,  persecuted  by  Philip,  and  de- 
serted by  the  succeeding  pope,  whom  they  had 
raised  by  their  influence  to  the  papal  throne,  Avere 
^'ondemned  to  the  punishment  which  their  crimes 


292  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XH 

Jind  ambition  had  merited,  and  their  death  was  ag 
infamous  as  their  Hves  had  been  criminaL  Thus 
most  of  the  personages  who  had  long  sustained  the 
principal  characters  on  the  great  theatre  of  Europe, 
disappeared  about  the  same  time.  A  more  known 
period  of  history  opens  at  this  era ;  other  actors 
enter  upon  the  stage,  ^vith  different  views,  as  well 
as  different  passions ;  new  contests  arose,  and  new 
schemes  of  ambition  occupied  and  disquieted  man- 
kind. 

Upon  reviewing  the  transactions  of  any  active 
period  in  the  history  of  civilized  nations,  the 
changes  which  are  accomplished  appear  wonder- 
fully disproportioned  to  the  efforts  which  have 
been  exerted.  Conquests  are  never  very  exten- 
sive or  rapid,  but  among  nations  whose  progress 
in  improvement  is  extremely  unequal.  When 
Alexander  the  Great,  at  the  head  of  a  gallant 
people,  of  simple  manners,  and  formed  to  war  by 
admirable  military  institutions,  invaded  a  state 
sunk  in  luxury,  and  enervated  by  excessive  refine- 
ment; when  Genchizcan  and  Tamerlane,  with  their 
armies  of  hardy  barbarians,  poured  in  upon  nation?; 
enfeebled  by  the  climate  in  which  they  lived,  or  by 
the  arts  and  commerce  which  they  cultivated,  these 
conquerors,  like  a  torrent,  swept  everything  before 
them,  subduing  kingdoms  and  provinces  in  as  short 
a  space  of  time  as  was  requisite  to  march  through 
them.  But  when  nations  are  in  a  state  similar  to 
each  other,  and  keep  equal  pace  in  their  advances 
towards  refinement,   they  are  not  exposed  to   the 


Book  XII.]        EMPEUOli   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  29^ 

calamity  of  sudden  conquests.  Their  acquisitions 
of  knowledge,  their  progress  in  the  art  of  war, 
their  political  sagacity  and  address,  are  nearly 
equal.  The  fate  of  states  in  this  situation  depends 
not  on  a  single  battle.  Their  internal  resources 
are  many  and  various.  Nor  are  they  themselves 
alone  interested  in  their  own  safety,  or  active  in 
their  own  defence.  Other  states  interpose,  and 
balance  any  temporary  advantage  which  either 
party  may  have  acquired.  After  the  fiercest  and 
most  lengthened  contest,  all  the  rival  nations  are 
Bxhausted,  none  are  conquered.  At  length  they 
find  it  necessary  to  conclude  a  peace,  which  re- 
stores to  each  almost  the  same  power  and  the  same 
territories  of  which  they  were  formerly  in  posses- 
sion. 

Such  was  the  state  of  Europe  during  the  reign 
of  Charles  V.  No  prince  was  so  much  superior  to 
the  rest  in  power,  as  to  render  his  efforts  irresisti- 
ble, and  his  conquests  easy.  No  nation  had  made 
progress  in  improvement  so  far  beyond  its  neigh- 
bors, as  to  have  acquired  a  very  manifest  pre-emi- 
nence. Each  state  derived  some  advantage,  or  was 
subject  to  some  inconvenience,  from  its  situation  or 
its  climate  ;  each  w^as  distinguished  by  something 
peculiar  in  the  genius  of  its  people,  or  the  consti- 
tution of  its  government.  But  the  advantages  pos- 
sessed by  one  state  w^ere  counterbalanced  by  cir- 
cumstances favorable  to  others ;  and  this  prevented 
any  from  attaining  such  superiority  as  might  have 
been  fatal  to  all.     The  nations  of  Europe  in  tliat 


294  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  XH. 

age,  as  in  the  present,  were  like  one  great  family 
there  were  some  featnres  common  to  all,  which 
fixed  a  resemblance ;  there  were  certain  peculiari- 
ties conspicuous  in  each,  which  marked  a  distinc- 
tion. But  there  was  not  among  them  that  wide 
diA'Crsity  of  character  and  of  genius  whicli,  in 
almost  every  period  of  history,  hath  exalted  the 
Europeans  above  the  inhabitants  of  the  other  quar- 
ters ^of  the  globe,  and  seems  to  have  destined  the 
one  to  rule,  and  the  other  to  obey. 

But  though  the  near  resemblance  and  equality 
in  improvement  among  the  different  nations  of 
Europe  prevented  the  reign  of  Charles  V.  from 
being  distinguished  by  such  sudden  and  extensive 
conquests  as  occur  in  some  other  periods  of  history, 
yet,  during  the  course  of  his  administration,  all  the 
considerable  states  in  Europe  suffered  a  remarkable 
change  in  their  political  situation,  and  felt  the  in- 
fluence of  events  which  have  not  hitherto  spent 
their  force,  but  still  continue  to  operate  in  a 
greater  or  in  a  less  degree.  It  was  during  his 
reign,  and  in  consequence  of  the  perpetual  efforts 
to  which  his  enterprising  ambition  roused  him, 
that  the  different  kingdoms  of  Europe  acquired 
internal  vigor;  that  they  discerned  the  resources 
of  which  they  were  possessed  ;  that  they  came  both 
to  feel  their  oavu  strength,  and  to  know  how  to 
render  it  formidable  to  others.  It  was  during  his 
reign,  too,  that  the  different  kingdoms  of  Europe, 
which  in  former  times  seemed  frequently  to  act  as 
if  they  had  been  single  and  disjoined,  became  bo 


Book  XII. ]        EMPEROR   CHARLES   TITE  EITTH  2J5 

thoroughly  acquainted,  and  so  intimately  connected 
with  each  other,  as  to  form  one  great  political  sys- 
tem, in  which  each  took  a  station,  wherein  it  hath 
remained  since  that  time  with  less  variation  than 
could  have  been  expected  after  the  events  of  two 
active  centuries. 

The  progress,  however,  and  acquisitions  of  the 
house  of  Austria,  were  not  only  greater  than  those 
of  any  other  power,  but  more  discernible  and  con- 
spicuous. I  have  already  enumerated  the  exten- 
sive territories  which  descended  to  Charles  from  his 
Austrian,  Burgundian,  and  Spanish  ancestors.^^  To 
these  he  himself  added  the  imperial  dignity  ;  and, 
as  if  all  this  had  been  too  little,  the  bounds  of  the 
habitable  globe  seemed  to  be  extended,  and  a  new 
w^orld  was  subjected  to  his  command.  Upon  his 
resignation,  the  Burgundian  provinces,  and  the 
Spanisli  kingdoms  with  their  dependencies,  both 
in  the  Old  and  New  Worlds,  devolved  to  Philip. 
But  Charles  transmitted  his  dominions  to  his  son 
in  a  condition  very  different  from  that  in  which 
he  himself  had  received  them.  They  Avere  aug- 
mented by  the  accession  of  new  provinces  ;  they 
were  habituated  to  obey  an  administration  which 
was  no  less  vigorous  than  steady ;  they  were  accus- 
tomed to  expensive  and  persevering  efforts,  which, 
though  necessary  in  the  contests  between  civilized 
nations,  had  been  little  known  in  Europe  before 
the  sixteenth  century.  The  provinces  of  Fries 
land,  Utrecht,  and  Overyssel,  which  he  acquired  by 

28  Vol.  i.  p.  428. 
>T  2A 


296  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XII 

purchase  from  their  former  proprietor?,  and  the 
duchy  of  Gueklres,  of  which  he  made  himself 
master,  partly  by  force  of  arms,  partly  by  the 
arts  of  negotiation,  were  additions  of  great  value 
to  his  Burgundian  dominions.  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  had  transmitted  to  him  all  the  provinces 
of  Spain,  from  the  bottom  of  the  Pyrenees  to  the 
frontiers  of  Portugal ;  but  as  he  maintained  a  per- 
petual peace  with  that  kingdom,  amidst  the  various 
eftbrts  of  his  enterprising  ambition,  he  made  no  ac- 
quisition of  territory  in  that  quarter. 

Charles  had  gained,  however,  a  vast  accession  of 
power  in  this  part  of  his  dominions.  By  his  suc- 
cess in  the  war  with  the  commons  of  Castile,  he 
exalted  the  regal  prerogative  upon  the  ruins  of  the 
privileges  which  formerly  belonged  to  the  people. 
Thouo-h  he  allowed  the  name  of  the  cortes  to  re- 
main,  and  the  formality  of  holding  it  to  be  con- 
tinued, he  reduced  its  authority  and  jurisdiction 
almost  to  nothing,  and  modelled  it  in  such  a  man- 
ner, that  it  became  rather  a  junto  of  the  servants  of 
the  crown,  than  an  assembly  of  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  One  member  of  the  constitution 
being  thus  lopped  off,  it  was  impossible  but  that 
the  other  must  feel  the  stroke,  and  suffer  by  it. 
The  suppression  of  the  popular  pov/er  rendered 
the  aristocratical  less  formidable.  The  grandees, 
prompted  by  the  warlike  spirit  of  the  age,  or 
allured  by  the  honors  which  they  enjoyed  in  a 
court,  exhausted  their  fortunes  in  military  ser- 
vice, or  in  attending  on  the  person  of  their  prince- 


Book  XU.]       EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  297 

They  did  not  dread,  perhaps  did  not  observe,  the 
dangerous  progress  of  the  royal  authority,  which, 
leaving  tliem  the  vain  distinction  of  being  covered 
in  presence  of  their  sovereign,  stripped  them,  by 
degrees,  of  that  real  power  which  they  possessed 
while  they  formed  one  body,  and  acted  in  concert 
w^itJi  the  people.  Charles's  success  in  abolishing 
the  privileges  of  the  commons,  and  in  breaking  the 
power  of  the  nobles  of  Castile,  encouraged  Philip 
to  invade  the  liberties  of  Aragon,  which  w^ere  still 
more  extensive.  The  Castilians,  accustomed  to  sub- 
jection themselves,  assisted  in  imposing  the  yoke 
on  their  more  happy  and  independent  neigh- 
bors. The  w^ill  of  the  sovereign  became  the  su- 
preme law  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Spain ;  and 
princes  who  were  not  checked  in  forming  their 
plans  by  the  jealousy  of  the  people,  nor  controlled 
in  executing  them  by  the  power  of  the  nobles, 
could  both  aim  at  great  objects,  and  call  forth 
the  ^^'hole  strength  of  the  monarchy  in  ordei  to 
attain  them. 

As  Charles,  by  extending  the  royal  prerogative, 
rendered  the  monarchs  of  Spain  masters  at  home, 
he  added  new  dignity  and  power  to  tlieir  crown  by 
his  foreign  acquisitions.  He  secured  to  Spain  the 
quiet  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  which 
Ferdinand  had  usurped  by  fraud,  and  held  with 
difficulty.  He  united  the  duchy  of  Milan,  one  o.t 
the  most  fertile  and  populous  Italian  provinces,  to 
the  Spanish  crown,  and  left  his  successors,  even 
without  taking  their  other  territories  into  the  ac- 

>OL.  III.  38 


29b  REIGN   OF  THE  [Book  Xli. 

count,  the  most  considerable  princes  in  Italy,  which 
had  been  long  the  theatre  of  contention  to  the  great 
powers  of  Enrope,  and  in  which  they  had  struggled 
with  emulation  to  obtain  the  superiority.  AVlien 
the  French,  in  conformity  to  the  treaty  of  Chateau- 
Cambresis,  withdrew  their  forces  out  of  Italy,  and 
finally  relinquished  all  their  schemes  of  conquest 
on  that  side  of  the  Alps,  the  Spanish  dominions 
there  rose  in  importance,  and  enabled  their  kings, 
as  long  as  the  monarchy  retained  any  degree  of 
vigor,  to  preserve  the  chief  sway  in  all  the  transac- 
tions of  that  country.  But  whatever  accession, 
either  of  interior  authority  or  of  foreign  dominion, 
Charles  gained  for  the  monarchs  of  Spain  in  Eu- 
rope, was  inconsiderable  when  compared  Avith  his 
acquisitions  in  the  New  World.  He  added  there, 
not  provinces,  but  empires,  to  his  crown.  He  con- 
quered territories  of  such  immense  extent,  he  dis- 
covered such  inexhaustible  veins  of  wealth,  and 
opened  such  boundless  prospects  of  every  kind,  as 
must  have  roused  his  successor,  and  have  called 
him  forth  to  action,  though  his  ambition  had  been 
much  less  ardent  than  that  of  Philip,  and  must  have 
rendered  him  not  only  enterprising,  but  formidable. 
While  the  elder  branch  of  the  Austrian  family 
rose  to  such  pre-eminence  in  Spain,  the  younger,  ol 
which  Ferdinand  was  the  head,  grew  to  be  consid- 
erable in  Germany.  The  ancient  hereditary  domin- 
ion.", of  the  house  of  Austria  in  Germany,  united 
to  the  kingdom  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  w4iich 
Ferdinand  had  acquired  by  marriage,  formed  a  tc- 


Book  XII.]       EMPEROR   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  299 

spectable  power;  and  when  the  imperial  dignity 
was  added  to  these,  Ferdinand  possessed  territories 
more  extensive  than  had  belonged  to  any  prince, 
Charles  V.  excepted,  who  had  been  at  the  head  of 
the  empire  during  several  ages.  Fortunately  for 
Europe,  the  disgust  which  Philip  conceived  on  ac- 
count of  Ferdinand's  refusing  to  relinquish  the  im- 
perial crown  in  his  favor,  not  only  prevented  for  some 
time  the  separate  members  of  the  house  of  Austria 
from  acting  in  concert,  but  occasioned  between  them 
a  visible  alienation  and  rival  ship.  By  degrees,  how- 
ever, regard  to  the  interest  of  their  family  extin- 
guished this  impolitical  animosity.  The  confidence 
which  was  natural  returned ;  the  aggrandizing  of  the 
house  of  Austria  became  the  common  object  of  all 
their  schemes ;  they  gave  and  received  assistance 
alternately  towards  the  execution  of  them ;  and 
each  derived  consideration  and  importance  from  the 
other's  success.  A  family  so  great  and  so  aspiring 
became  the  general  object  of  jealousy  and  terror. 
All  the  power,  as  w^ell  as  policy,  of  Europe  ^vere 
exerted  during  a  century,  in  order  to  check  and 
humble  it.  Nothing  can  give  a  more  striking  idea 
of  the  ascendant  which  it  had  acquired,  than  that, 
after  its  vigor  was  spent  with  extraordinary  exer- 
tions of  its  strength,  after  Spain  Avas  become  only 
the  shadow  of  a  great  name,  and  its  monarchs  were 
sunk  into  debility  and  dotage,  the  house  of  Austria 
still  continued  to  be  formidable.  The  nations  of 
Europe  had  so  often  felt  its  superior  power,  and 
\iad   bee-"     so    constantly    employed    in    guarding 

2  A  2 


.^00  llEIGN   OF   THE  [Book  XII. 

against  it,  that,  the  dread  of  it  became  a  kind  of 
political  habit,  the  influence  of  which  remained 
when  the  causes  which  had  foi-mcd  it  ceased  to 
exist. 

While  the  house  of  Austria  went  on  with  such 
success  in  enlarging  its  dominions,  France  made  no 
considerable  acquisition  of  new  territory.  All  its 
schemes  of  conquest  in  Italy  had  proved  abortive ; 
it  had  hitherto  obtained  no  establishment  of  conse- 
quence in  the  New  World ;  and,  after  the  contin- 
ued and  vigorous  efforts  of  four  successive  reigns,, 
the  confines  of  the  kingdom  were  much  the  same 
as  Louis  XI.  had  left  them.  But  though  France 
made  not  such  large  strides  towards  dominion  as 
the  house  of  Austria,  it  continued  to  advance  by 
steps  which  were  more  secure,  because  they  were 
gradual  and  less  observed.  The  conquest  of  Calais 
put  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  English  to  invade 
France  but  at  their  utmost  peril,  and  delivered  the 
French  from  the  dread  of  their  ancient  enemies, 
who,  previous  to  that  event,  could  at  any  time  pen- 
etrate into  the  kingdom  by  that  avenue,  and  there- 
by retard  or  defeat  the  execution  of  their  best-co-n- 
certed  enterprises  against  any  foreign  power.  The 
important  acquisition  of  Metz  covered  that  part  of 
their  frontier  which  formerly  was  most  feeble,  and 
lay  most  exposed  to  insult.  France,  from  the  time 
of  its  obtaining  these  additional  securities  against 
external  invasion,  must  be  deemed  the  most  power 
ful  kingdom  in  Europe,  and  is  more  fortunately 
situated  than  any  on  the  continent,  either  fov  cou- 


Book  XII.]        EMPEROR    CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  301 

quest  or  defence.  From  the  confines  of  Artois  to 
the  bottom  of  the  Pyrenees,  and  from  the  British 
Channel  to  the  frontiers  of  Savoy  and  the  coast  of 
the  Mediterranean,  its  territories  lie 'compact  and 
unmingied  with  those  of  any  other  power.  Several 
of  the  considerable  provinces  whicli  had  contracted 
a  spirit  of  independence  by  their  having  been  long 
subject  to  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown,  who  were 
often  at  variance  or  at  war  with  their  master,  were 
now  accustomed  to  recognize  and  to  obey  one  sov- 
ereign. As  they  became  members  of  the  same 
monarchy,  they  assumed  the  sentiments  of  that 
body  into  which  they  were  incorporated,  and  co- 
operated with  zeal  towards  promoting  its  interest 
and  honor.  The  power  and  influence  wrested  from 
the  nobles  were  seized  by  the  crown.  The  people 
were  not  admitted  to  share  in  these  spoils ;  they 
gained  no  new  privilege ;  they  acquired  no  addi- 
tional weiofht  in  the  le«:islature.  It  was  not  for  the 
sake  of  the  people,  but  in  order  to  extend  their 
own  prerogative,  that  the  monarchs  of  France  had 
labored  to  humble  their  great  vassals.  Satisfied 
with  having  brought  them  under  entire  subjection 
to  the  crown,  they  .discovered  no  solicitude  to  free 
the  people  from  their  ancient  dependence  on  the 
nobles  of  whom  they  held,  and  by  whom  they  weie 
often  oppressed. 

A  monarch,  at  the  head  of  a  kingdom  thus  unit- 
ed at  home,  and  secure  from  abroad,  was  entitled 
to  form  ffreat  desio^ns,  because  he  felt  himself  in 
a  condition  to  execute  them.     The  foreign  wars, 


302  REIGN  OF  TIIE  [Book  Xn. 

which  had  continued  with  little  interruption  from 
the  accession  of  Charles  VIII.,  had  not  only  cher- 
ished and  augmented  the  martial  genius  of  the 
nation,  but,  hy  inuring  the  troops  during  the  course 
of  long  service  to  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  accus- 
toming them  to  obedience,  had  added  the  force  of 
discipline  to  their  natural  ardor.  A  gallant  and 
active  body  of  nobles,  who  considered  themselves 
as  idle  and  useless,  unless  when  they  were  in  the 
field,  who  WTre  hardly  acquainted  with  any  pas- 
time or  exercise  but  what  w\as  military,  and  who 
knew  no  road  to  power,  or  fame,  or  wealth,  but 
war,  would  not  ha^'e  suffered  their  sovereign  to 
remain  long  in  inaction.  The  people,  little  ac- 
quainted with  the  arts  of  peace,  and  always  ready 
to  take  arms  at  the  command  of  their  superiors, 
were  accustomed,  by  the  expense  of  long  wars 
carried  on  in  distant  countries,  to  bear  impo- 
sitions, which,  however  inconsiderable  they  may 
seem  if  estimated  by  the  exorbitant  rate  of  mod- 
ern exactions,  appear  immense  when  compared 
with  the  sums  levied  in  France,  or  in  any  other 
country  of  Europe,  previous  to  the  reign  of  Louis 
XI.  As  all  the  members  of  whicli  the  state  was 
composed  were  thus  impatient  for  action,  and  ca- 
pable of  great  efforts,  the  schemes  and  operatic ns 
of  France  must  have  been  no  less  formidable  to 
Europe  than  those  of  Spain.  The  superior  advan- 
tages of  its  situation,  the  contiguity  and  compact- 
uess  of  its  territories,  together  with  the  peculiar 
state  of  its  political  constitution  at  that  juncture. 


Book  XII.]       EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  30;;? 

must  haA^e  rendered  its  enterprises  still  more  alarm- 
ing and  more  decisive.  The  king  possessed  such 
a  degree  of  power  as  gave  him  the  entire  command 
of  his  subjects  ;  the  people  were  strangers  to  those 
occupations  and  habits  of  life  which  render  imrn 
averse  to  war,  or  unfit  for  it ;  and  the  nobles, 
though  reduced  to  the  subordination  necessary  in 
a  regular  government,  still  retained  the  high,  un- 
daunted spirit  which  was  the  effect  of  their  ancient 
independence.  The  vigor  of  the  feudal  times  re- 
mained, their  anarchy  v/as  at  an  end  ;  and  the 
kings  of  France  could  avail  themselves  of  the  mar- 
tial ardor  w^hich  that  singular  institution  had  kin- 
dled or  kept  alive,  without  being  exposed  to  the 
dangers  or  inconveniences  which  are  inseparable 
from  it  when  in  entire  force. 

A  kingdom  in  such  a  state  is,  perhaps,  capable  of 
greater  military  efforts  than  at  any  other  period  in 
its  progress.  But  how  formidable  or  how  fatal 
soever  to  the  other  nations  of  Europe  the  power  of 
such  a  monarchy  might  have  been,  the  civil  wars 
which  broke  out  in  France  saved  them  at  that  junc- 
ture from  feeling  its  effects.  These  wars,  of  which 
religion  was  the  pretext,  and  ambition  the  cause, 
wherein  great  abilities  were  displayed  by  the  leaders 
of  the  different  factions,  and  little  conduct  or  firm- 
ness was  manifested  by  the  crown  under  a  succes- 
sion of  weak  princes,  kept  France  occupied  and 
embroiled  for  half  a  century.  During  these  com- 
motions, the  internal  strength  of  the  kingdom  was 
much   wasted,   and  such  a  spirit  of  anarchy  was 


30^1  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XH 

spread  among  tlie  nobles,  to  \yhom  rebellion  was 
familiar,  and  the  restraint  of  laws  unknown,  that 
a  considerable  interval  became  requisite,  not  only 
for  recruiting  the  internal  vigor  of  the  nation,  but 
for  re-establishing  the  authority  of  the  prince ;  so 
that  it  was  long  before  France  could  turn  her 
whole  attention  toAvards  foreign  transactions,  or 
act  with  her  proper  force  in  foreign  wars.  It  was 
long  before  she  rose  to  that  ascendant  in  Europe 
which  she  has  maintained  since  the  administration 
of  Cardinal  Richelieu,  and  which  the  situation  as 
well  as  extent  of  the  kingdom,  the  nature  of  her 
government,  together  with  the  character  of  her  peo- 
ple, entitle  her  to  maintain. 

"While  the  kingdoms  on  the  continent  grew  into 
power  and  consequence,  England  likewise  made 
considerable  progress  towards  regular  government 
and  interior  strength.  Henry  VIIL,  probably  with- 
out intention,  and  certainly  without  any  consistent 
plan,  of  which  his  nature  was  incapable,  pursued 
the  scheme  of  depressing  the  nobility,  which  the 
policy  of  his  father,  Henry  YH.,  had  begun.  The 
pride  and  caprice  of  his  temper  led  him  to  employ 
chiefly  new  men  in  the  administration  of  affairs, 
because  he  found  them  most  obsequious,  or  leasfc 
scrupulous  ;  and  he  not  only  conferred  on  them 
such  ])lenitude  of  power,  but  exalted  them  to  sucli 
pre-eminence  in  dignity,  as  mortified  and  degraded 
the  ancient  nobility.  By  the  alienation  or  sale  of 
tlie  church  lands,  which  were  dissipated  with  a 
profusion    not   inferior   to   the  rapaciousness  with 


Book  XIL]       E^rPi:ROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  305 

which  they  had  been  seized,  as  well  as  by  the  priv- 
ilege granted  to  the  ancient  landholders  of  selling 
their  estates,  or  disposing  of  them  by  will,  an  im- 
mense property,  formerly  locked  up,  was  brought 
into  circulation.  This  put  the  spirit  of  mdustry 
and  commerce  in  motion,  and  gave  it  some  consid- 
erable degree  of  vigor.  The  road  to  power  and  to 
opulence  became  open  to  persons  of  every  condition. 
A  sudden  and  excessive  flow  of  wealth  from  the 
West  Indies  proved  fatal  to  industry  in  Spain ;  a 
moderate  accession  in  England  to  the  sum  in  cir- 
culation gave  life  to  commerce,  awakened  the  in- 
genuity of  the  nation,  and  excited  it  to  useful 
enterprise.  In  France,  what  the  nobles  lost,  the 
crown  gained.  In  England,  the  commons  were 
gainers  as  well  as  the  king.  Power  and  influence 
accompanied,  of  course,  the  property  which  they 
acquired.  They  rose  to  consideration  among  their 
fellow-subjects  ;  they  began  to  feel  their  own  im- 
portance ;  and,  extending  their  influence  in  the 
legislative  body  gradually,  and  often  Avhen  neither 
they  themselves  nor  others  foresaw  all  the  effects 
of  their  claims  and  pretensions,  they  at  last  attained 
that  high  authority  to  which  the  British  constitu- 
tion is  indebted  for  the  existence,  and  must  owe 
the  preservation,  of  its  liberty.  At  the  same  time 
that  the  English  constitution  advanced  towards  per- 
fection, several  circumstances  brought  on  a  chauge 
in  the  ancient  system  with  respect  to  foreign  pow- 
ers, and  introduced  another  more  beneficial  to  the 
nation.     As  soon  as  Henry  disclaimed  the  suprem- 

VOL.  III.  39 


306  REIGN  OF   TIIE  [Book  XII 

acy  of  the  papal  see,  and  broke  off  all  connection 
witL  the  papal  court,  considerable  sums  were  saved 
to  the  nation,  of  which  it  had  been  annually  drained 
by  remittances  to  Home  for  dispensations  and  in- 
dulgences, by  the  expense  of  pilgrimages  into  for- 
eign countries,^^  or  by  payment  of  annates,  first- 
fruits,  and  a  thousand  other  taxes,  which  that  artful 
and  rapacious  court  levied  on  the  credulity  of  man- 
kind. The  exercise  of  a  jurisdiction  different  from 
that  of  the  civil  power,  and  claiming  not  only  to 
be  independent  of  it,  but  superior  to  it,  a  wild 
solecism  in  government,  apt  not  only  to  perplex 
and  disquiet  weak  minds,  but  tending  directly  to 
disturb  society,  was  finally  abolished.  Govern- 
ment became  more  simple,  as  well  as  more  re- 
spectable, when  no  rank  or  character  exempted 
any  person  from  being  amenable  to  the  same 
courts  as  other  subjects,  from  being  tried  by  the 
same  judges,  and  from  being  acquitted  or  con- 
demned by  the  same  laws. 

By  the  loss  of  Calais,  the  English  were  exclud- 
ed from  the  continent.  All  schemes  for  invading 
Prance  became,  of  course,  as  chimerical  as  they 
had  formerly  been  pernicious.  The  views  of  the 
English  were  confined,  first  by  necessity,  and  after- 

29  The  loss  which  the  nation  sustained  by  most  of  these  articles  is 
obvious,  and  must  have  been  great.  Even  that  by  pilgrimages  was 
not  inconsiderable.  In  the  year  1428,  license  was  obtained  by  no 
fewer  than  916  persons  to  visit  the  shrine  of  St.  James  of  Con)po&' 
tello  in  Spain,  llijmer,  vol.  x.  p.  .  .  In  1434,  the  number  of  pilgrims 
fo  the  same  place  Avas  2,4G0.  Ibid.  p.  .  .  In  1445,  they  were  2,100 
Ibid.  vol.  xi.  p.  . 


Book  XU.]       EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIPTH.  307 

wards  from  choice,  within  their  own  island.  That 
rage  for  conquest  which  had  possessed  the  nation 
during  many  centuries,  and  wasted  its  strength 
in  perpetual  and  fruitless  wars,  ceased  at  length. 
Those  active  spirits  which  had  known  and  followed 
no  profession  but  war,  sought  for  occupation  in  the 
arts  of  peace,  and  their  country  was  benefited  as 
much  by  the  one  as  it  had  suffered  by  the  other. 
The  nation,  which  had  been  exhausted  by  frequent 
expeditions  to  the  continent,  recruited  its  numbers, 
and  acquired  new  strength ;  and  when  roused  by 
any  extraordinary  exigency  to  take  part  in  foreign 
operations,  the  vigor  of  its  efforts  was  proportion- 
ally great,  because  they  were  only  occasional,  and 
of  short  continuance. 

The  same  principle  which  had  led  England  to 
adopt  this  new  system  with  rega];d  to  the  powers 
on  the  continent,  occasioned  a  change  in  its  plan 
of  conduct  with  respect  to  Scotland,  the  only  for- 
eign state  with  which,  on  account  of  its  situation 
in  the  same  island,  the  English  had  such  a  close 
connection  as  demanded  their  perpetual  attention. 
Instead  of  prosecuting  the  ancient  scheme  of  con- 
quering that  kingdom,  which  the  nature  of  the 
country,  defended  by  a  brave  and  hardy  people, 
rendered  dangerous,  if  not  impracticable,  it  ap- 
peared more  eligible  to  endeavor  at  obtaining  such 
influence  in  Scotland  as  might  exempt  England 
from  any  danger  or  disquiet  from  that  quarter. 
The  national   poverty  of  the  Scots,   together  with 

the  violence  and  animosity  of  their  factions,  ren- 

r  2  B 


308  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  Xlt 

dered  the  execution  of  this  phm  easy  to  a  people 
far  superior  to  them  in  wealth.  The  leading  men 
of  greatest  power  and  popularity  were  gained ;  the 
ministers  and  favorites  of  the  crown  were  corrupted; 
and  such  absolute  direction  of  the  Scottish  councils 
was  acquired,  as  rendered  the  operations  of  the  one 
kingdom  dependent,  in  a  great  measure,  on  the 
sovereign  of  the  other.  Such  perfect  external  se- 
curity, added  to  the  interior  advantages  which  Eng- 
land now  possessed,  must  soon  have  raised  it  to 
new  consideration  and  importance ;  the  long  reign 
of  Elizabeth,  equally  conspicuous  for  wisdom,  for 
steadiness,  and  for  vigor,  accelerated  its  progress, 
and  carried  it  with  greater  rapidity  towards  that 
elevated  station  which  it  hath  since  held  among 
the  powers  of  Europe. 

During  the  period  in  which  the  political  state  of 
the  great  kingdoms  underwent  such  changes,  revo- 
lutions of  considerable  importance  happened  in  that 
of  the  secondary  or  inferior  powers.  Those  in  the 
papal  court  are  most  obvious,  and  of  most  extensive 
consequence. 

In  the  preliminary  book,  I  have  mentioned  the 
rise  of  that  spiritual  jurisdiction,  which  the  popes 
claim  as  vicars  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  have  traced  the 
progress  of  that  authority  which  they  possess  as 
temporal  princes.^^  Previous  to  the  reign  of  Charles 
V.  there  was  nothing  that  tended  to  circumscribe  or 
to  moderate  their  authority,  but  science  and  philos- 
ophy, which  began  to  revive  and  to  be  cultivated 

30  Vol.  i.  p.  144,  &c. 


Book  Xn.]       EMPEROR  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH.  309 

The  progress  of  these,  however,  was  still  inconsid- 
erable ;  they  always  operate  slowly ;  and  it  is  long 
before  their  influence  reaches  the  people,  or  can 
produce  any  sensible  effect  upon  them.  They  may 
perhaps  gradually,  and  in  a  long  course  of  years, 
undermine  and  shake  an  established  system  of  false 
religion,  but  there  is  no  instance  of  their  having 
overturned  one.  The  battery  is  too  feeble  to  de- 
molish those  fabrics  which  superstition  raises  on 
deep  foundations,  and  can  strengthen  with  the  most 
consummate  art. 

Luther  had  attacked  the  papal  supremacy  with 
other  weapons,  and  with  an  impetuosity  more  for- 
midable. The  time  and  manner  of  his  attack  con- 
curred with  a  multitude  of  circumstances,  which 
have  been  explained,  in  giving  him  immediate  suc- 
cess. The  charm  which  had  bound  mankind  for  so 
many  ages  was  broken  at  once.  The  human  mind, 
which  had  continued  long  as  tame  and  passive  as  if 
it  had  been  formed  to  believe  whatever  was  taught, 
and  to  bear  whatever  was  imposed,  roused  of  a  sud- 
den, and  became  inquisitive,  mutinous,  and  disdain- 
ful of  the  yoke  to  which  it  had  hitherto  submitted. 
That  wonderful  ferment  and  agitation  of  mind, 
which,  at  this  distance  of  time,  appears  unaccount^ 
able,  or  is  condemned  as  extravagant^  was  so  gen- 
eral, that  it  must  have  been  excited  by  causes  which 
were  natural  and  of  powerful  efficacy.  The  king- 
doms of  Denmark,  Sweden,  England,  and  Scotland, 
and  almost  one  half  of  Germany,  threw  off  their 
allegiance   to   the  pope,  abolished  his  jurisdiction 


310  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XII 

within  their  territories,  and  gave  the  sanction  of 
law  to  modes  of  discipline  and  systems  of  doctrine 
which  were  not  only  independent  of  his  power,  but 
hostile  to  it.  Nor  was  the  spirit  of  innovation  con- 
fined to  those  countries  which  openly  revolted  from 
the  pope ;  it  spread  through  all  Europe,  and  broke 
out  in  every  part  of  it,  with  various  degrees  of  vio- 
lence. It  penetrated  early  into  France,  and  made  a 
quick  progress  there.  In  that  kingdom  the  num- 
ber of  converts  to  the  opinions  of  the  Eeformers 
was  so  great,  their  zeal  so  enterprising,  and  the 
abilities  of  their  leaders  so  distinguished,  that  they 
soon  ventured  to  contend  for  superiority  with  the 
established  Church,  and  were  sometimes  on  the 
point  of  obtaining  it.  In  all  the  provinces  of  Ger- 
many which  continued  to  acknowledge  the  papal 
supremacy,  as  well  as  in  the  Low  Countries,  the 
Protestant  doctrines  were  secretly  taught,  and  had 
gained  so  many  proselytes,  that  they  were  ripe  foi ' 
revolt,  and  were  restrained  merely  by  the  dread  of 
their  rulers  from  imitating  the  example  of  their 
neighbors,  and  asserting  their  independence.  Even 
in  Spain  and  in  Italy,  symptoms  of  the  same  dispo- 
sition to  shake  off  the  yoke  appeared.  The  pre- 
tensions of  the  pope  to  infallible  knowledge  and 
supreme  power  were  treated  by  many  persons  of 
eminent  learning  and  abilities  with  such  scorn,  or 
attacked  with  such  vehemence,  that  the  most  vigi- 
lant attention  of  the  civil  magistrate,  the  highest 
strains  of  pontifical  authority,  and  all  the  rigor  of 
inquisitorial  jurisdiction,  were  requisite  to  check 
and  extinguish  it. 


Book  XII J       EMPEROR  CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  311 

The  defection  of  so  many  opulent  and  powerful 
kingdoms  from  the  papal  see  was  a  fatal  blow  to 
its  grandeur  and  power.  It  abridged  the  domin- 
ions of  the  popes  in  extent ;  it  diminished  their 
revenues,  and  left  them  fewer  rewards  to  bestow  on 
the  ecclesiastics  of  various  denominations,  attached 
to  them  by  vows  of  obedience  as  well  as  by  ties  of 
interest,  and  whom  they  employed  as  instruments 
to  establish  or  support  their  usurpations  in  every 
part  of  Europe.  The  countries,  too,  which  now 
disclaimed  their  authority,  were  those  which  for- 
merly had  been  most  devoted  to  it.  The  empire 
of  superstition  differs  from  every  other  species  of 
dominion ;  its  power  is  often  greatest,  and  most 
implicitly  obeyed,  in  the  provinces  most  remote 
from  the  seat  of  government;  while  such  as  are 
situated  nearer  to  that  are  more  apt  to  discern  the 
artifices  by  which  it  is  upheld,  or  the  impostures 
on  which  it  is  founded.  The  personal  frailties  or 
vices  of  the  popes,  the  errors  as  well  as  corruption 
of  their  administration,  the  ambition,  venality,  and 
deceit  which  reigned  in  their  courts,  fell  imme- 
diately under  the  observation  of  the  Italians,  and 
could  not  fail  of  diminishing  that  respect  which 
begets  submission.  But  in  Germany,  England,  and 
the  more  remote  parts  of  Europe,  these  were  either 
altogether  unknown,  or,  being  only  known  by  re- 
port, made  a  slighter  impression.  Veneration  for 
the  papal  dignity  increased  accordingly  in  these 
countries  in  proportion  to  their  distance  from 
Rome;  and  that  veneration,  added  to  their  gross 

2B2 


312  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XII 

ignorance,  rendered  them  equally  credulous  and 
passive.  In  tracing  the  progress  of  the  papal 
domination,  the  boldest  and  most  successful  in- 
stances of  encroachment  are  to  be  found  in  Ger- 
many and  other  countries  distant  from  Italy.  In 
these  its  impositions  were  heaviest,  and  its  exac- 
tions the  most  rapacious ;  so  that,  in  estimating 
the  diminution  of  power  which  the  court  of  Rome 
suffered  in  consequence  of  the  Reformation,  not 
only  the  number  but  the  character  of  the  people 
who  revolted,  not  only  the  great  extent  of  terri- 
tory, but  the  extraordinary  obsequiousness  of  the 
subjects  which  it  lost,  must  be  taken  into  the  ac- 
count. 

Nor  was  it  only  by  this  defection  of  so  many 
kingdoms  and  states  which  the  Reformation  occa- 
sioned, that  it  contributed  to  diminish  the  power  of 
the  Roman  pontiffs.  It  obliged  them  to  adopt  a 
different  system  of  conduct  towards  the  nations 
which  still  continued  to  recognize  their  jurisdic- 
tion, and  to  govern  them  by  new  maxims  and  with 
a  milder  spirit.  The  Reformation  taught  them,  by 
a  fatal  example,  what  they  seem  not  before  to  have 
apprehended,  that  the  credulity  and  patience  of 
mankind  might  be  overburdened  and  exhausted. 
They  became  afraid  of  venturing  upon  any  such 
exertion  of  their  authority  as  might  alarm  or  ex- 
asperate their  subjects,  and  excite  them  to  a  new 
revolt.  They  saw  a  rival  Church  established  in 
many  countries  of  Europe,  the  members  of  which 
were  on  the  watch  to  observe  any  errors  in  their 


Book  XII. j        EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  313 

administration,  and  eager  to  expose  them.  They 
were  sensible  that  the  opinions,  adverse  to  their 
power  and  usurpations,  were  not  adopted  by  their 
enemies  alone,  but  had  spread  even  among  the 
people  who  still  adhered  to  them.  Upon  all 
these  accounts,  it  was  no  longer  possible  to  lead 
or  to  govern  their  flock  in  the  same  manner  as  in 
those  dark  and  quiet  ages  when  faith  was  implicit, 
when  submission  was  unreserved,  and  all  tamely 
followed  and  obeyed  the  voice  of  their  pastor. 
From  the  era  of  the  Eeformation,  the  popes  have 
ruled  rather  by  address  and  management  than  by 
authority.  Though  the  style  of  their  decrees  be 
still  the  same,  the  effect  of  them  is  very  different. 
Those  bulls  and  interdicts  which,  before  the  Ref- 
ormation, made  the  greatest  princes  tremble,  have, 
since  that  period,  been  disregarded  or  despised  by 
the  most  inconsiderable.  Those  bold  decisions  and 
acts  of  jurisdiction  which,  during  many  ages,  not 
only  passed  uncensured,  but  were  revered  as  the 
awards  of  a  sacred  tribunal,  would,  since  Luther's 
appearance,  be  treated  by  one  part  of  Europe  as 
the  effect  of  folly  or  arrogance,  and  be  detested  by 
the  other  as  impious  and  unjust.  The  popes,  in 
their  administration,  have  been  obliged  not  only  to 
accommodate  themselves  to  the  notions  of  their  ad- 
herents, but  to  pay  some  regard  to  the  prejudices 
of  their  enemies.  They  seldom  venture  to  claim 
new  powers,  or  even  to  insist  obstinately  on  their 
ancient  prerogatives,  lest  they  should  irritate  the 
former;    they  carefully  avoid  every  measure  that 

VOL.  III.  40 


314  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XIL 

may  either  excite  the  indignation  or  draw  on  them 
the  derision  of  the  latter.     The  policy  of  the  court 
of  Home  has  become  as  cautious,  circumspect,  and 
timid,  as  it  was  once  adventurous  and  violent ;  and 
though  their  pretensions  to  infallibility,  on  which 
all  their  authority  is  founded,  do  not  allow  them 
to  renounce  any  jurisdiction  which  they  have  at  any 
time  claimed  or  exercised,  they  find  it  expedient 
to  sufier  many  of  their  prerogatives  to  lie  dormant, 
and  not  to  expose  themselves  to  the  risk  of  losing 
that  remainder  of  power  which  they  still  enjoy,  by 
ill-timed   attempts  towards   reviving  obsolete    pre- 
tensions.    Before  the  sixteenth  century,  the  popes 
were  the  movers  and  directors  in  every  considerable 
enterprise;  they  were  at  the  head  of  every  great 
alliance;  and  being  considered  as  arbiters  in   the 
affairs  of  Christendom,  the  court  of  Rome  was  the 
centre  of  political  negotiation  and  intrigue.     Since 
that  time,  the  greatest  operations  in  Europe  have 
been  carried  on  independent  of  them ;    they  have 
sunk  almost  to  a  level  with  the  other  petty  princes 
of  Italy ;  they  continue  to  claim,  though  they  dare 
not  exercise,   the   same    spiritual  jurisdiction,  but 
hardly  retain  any  shadow  of   the  temporal  power 
which  they  anciently  possessed. 

But  how  fatal  soever  the  Reformation  may  have 
been  to  the  power  of  the  popes,  it  has  contributed 
to  improve  the  Church  of  Rome  both  in  science 
and  in  morals.  The  desire  of  equalling  the  Re- 
formers in  those  talents  which  had  procured  them 
respect;  the  necessity  of  acquiring  tbe  knowledge 


Book  XH.]      EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  315 

requisite  for  defending  their  own  tenets,  oi  refuting 
the  arguments  of  their  opponents,  together  with 
the  emulation  natural  between  two  rival  churches, 
engaged  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  to  apply  them- 
seh^es  to  the  study  of  useful  science,  which  they 
cultivated  with  such  assiduity  and  success,  that  they 
have  gradually  become  as  eminent  in  literature  as 
they  were  in  some  periods  infamous  for  ignorance. 
The  same  principle  occasioned  a  change  no  less 
considerable  in  the  morals  of  the  Romish  clergy. 
Various  causes,  which  have  formerly  been  enumerat- 
ed, had  concurred  in  introducing  great  irregularity, 
and  even  dissolution  of  manners,  among  the  popish 
clergy.  Luther  and  his  adherents  began  their  at- 
tack on  the  Church  with  such  vehement  invectives 
against  these,  that,  in  order  to  remove  the  scandal, 
and  silence  their  declamations,  greater  decency  of 
conduct  became  necessary.  The  Reformers  them- 
selves were  so  eminent,  not  only  for  the  purity,  but 
even  austerity  of  their  manners,  and  had  acquired 
such  reputation  among  the  people  on  that  account, 
that  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  must  have  soon  lost 
all  credit,  if  they  had  not  endeavored  to  conform  in 
some  measure  to  their  standard.  They  knew  that 
all  their  actions  fell  under  the  severe  inspection 
of  the  Protestants,  whom  enmity  and  emulation 
prompted  to  observe  every  vice,  or  even  impro- 
priety, in  their  conduct,  to  censure  them  without 
indulgence,  and  to  expose  them  without  mercy. 
This  rendered  them,  of  course,  not  only  cautious  to 
avoid  such  enormities  as  might  give  offence,  but 


316  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  XH 

studious  to  acquire  the  virtues  which  might  merit 
praise.  In  Spain  and  Portugal,  ^yhere  the  tyran- 
nical jurisdiction  of  the  Inquisition  crushed  the 
Protestant  faith  as  soon  as  it  appeared,  the  spirit 
of  Popery  continues  invariable ;  science  has  made 
small  progress,  and  the  character  of  ecclesiastics 
has  undergone  little  change.  But  in  those  coun- 
tries where  the  members  of  the  two  Churches  have 
mingled  freely  with  each  other,  or  have  carried  on 
any  considerable  intercourse,  either  commercial  or 
literary,  an  extraordinary  alteration  in  the  ideas,  as 
well  as  in  the  morals,  of  the  popish  ecclesiastics,  is 
manifest.  In  France,  the  manners  of  the  digni- 
taries and  secular  clergy  have  become  decent  and 
exemplary  in  a  high  degree.  Many  of  them  have 
been  distinguished  for  all  the  accomplishments  and 
virtues  which  can  adorn  their  profession,  and  differ 
greatly  from  their  predecessors  before  the  Reformat 
tion,  both  in  their  maxims  and  in  their  conduct. 

Nor  has  the  influence  of  the  Reformation  been 
felt  only  by  the  inferior  members  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church ;  it  has  extended  to  the  see  of 
Rome,  to  the  sovereign  pontiffs  themselves.  Viola- 
tions of  decorum,  and  even  trespasses  against  mo- 
rality, which  passed  without  censure  in  those  ages, 
when  neither  the  power  of  the  popes,  nor  the  ven- 
eration of  the  people  for  their  character,  had  any 
bounds,  —  when  there  was  no  hostile  eye  to  observe 
the  errors  in  their 'conduct,  and  no  adversaries  zeal- 
ous to  inveigh  against  them,  — would  be  liable  now 
to  the  severest  animadversion,  and  excite  general 


Book  XII.]        EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  317 

indignation  or  horror.  Instead  of  rivalling  the 
courts  of  temporal  princes  in  gayety,  and  surpassing 
them  in  licentiousness,  the  popes  have  studied  to 
assume  manners  more  severe  and  more  suitable  to 
their  ecclesiastical  character.  The  chair  of  St. 
Peter  hath  not  been  polluted,  during  two  centuries, 
by  any  pontiff  that  resembled  Alexander  VI.,  or 
several  of  his  predecessors,  who  were  a  disgrace  to 
religion  and  to  human  nature.  Throu<j:hout  this 
long  succession  of  popes,  a  wonderful  decorum  of 
conduct,  compared  with  that  of  preceding  ages,  is 
observable.  Many  of  them,  especially  among  the 
pontiffs  of  the  present  century,  have  been  conspicu- 
ous for  all  the  virtues  becoming  their  high  station  ; 
and  by  their  humanity,  their  love  of  literature,  and 
their  moderation,  have  made  some  atonement  to 
mankind  for  the  crimes  of  their  predecessors. 
Thus  the  beneficial  influences  of  the  Reformation 
have  been  more  extensive  than  they  appear  on  a 
superficial  view ;  and  this  great  division  in  the 
Christian  Church  hath  contributed,  in  some  meas- 
ure, to  increase  purity  of  manners,  to  diffuse  science, 
and  to  hispire  humanity.  History  recites  such  a 
number  of  shocking  events,  occasioned  by  religious 
dissensions,  that  it  must  afford  peculiar  satisfaction 
to  trace  any  one  salutary  or  beneficial  effect  to  that 
source  from  which  so  many  fatal  calamities  have 
flowed. 

The  republic  of  Venice,  which,  at  the  beginning 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  had  appeared  so  formida- 
ble, that  almost  all  the  potentates  of  Europe  unit- 


318  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XH 

ed  in  a  confederacy  for  its  destruction,  declined 
gradually  from  its  ancient  power  and  splendor. 
The  Venetians  not  only  lost  a  great  part  of  their 
territory  in  the  war  excited  by  the  League  of  Cam- 
bray,  but  the  revenues  as  well  as  vigor  of  the  state 
were  exhausted  by  their  extraordinary  and  long- 
continued  efforts  in  their  own  defence  ;  and  that 
commerce  by  which  they  had  acquired  their  wealth 
and  power  began  to  decay,  without  any  hopes  of  its 
reviving.  All  the  fatal  consequences  to  their  re- 
public, which  the  sagacity  of  the  Venetian  senate 
foresaw  on  the  first  discovery  of  a  passage  to  the 
East  Indies  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  actually 
took  place.  Their  endeavors  to  prevent  the  Portu- 
guese from  establishing  themselves  in  the  East 
Indies,  not  only  by  exciting  the  soldans  of  Egypt, 
and  the  Ottoman  monarchs,  to  turn  their  arms 
against  such  dangerous  intruders,  but  by  affording 
secret  aid  to  the  infidels  in  order  to  insure  their 
success,^^  proved  ineffectual.  The  activity  and  valor 
of  the  Portuguese  surmounted  every  obstacle,  and 
obtained  such  a  firm  footing  in  that  fertile  country, 
as  secured  to  them  large  possessions,  together  with 
an  influence  still  more  extensive.  Lisbon,  instead 
of  Venice,  became  the  staple  for  the  precious  com- 
modities of  the  East.  The  Venetians,  after  havuig 
possessed  for  many  years  the  monopoly  of  that 
beneficial  commerce,  had  the  mortification  to  be 
excluded  from  almost  any  share  in  it.  The  dis- 
coveries  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  Western  World 

31  Freher.  Script.  Rer.  German,  vol.  ii.  529. 


M  Si  XII.]         EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIFTU.  319 

pir  ved  no  less  fatal  to  inferior  branches  of  tlieir 
coLimerce.  The  original  defects  which  were  for- 
meiiy  pointed  out  in  the  constitution  of  the  Vene- 
tian republic  still  continued,  and  the  disadvantages 
with  which  it  undertook  any  great  enterprise  in- 
creaf«ed  rather  than  diminished.  The  sources  from 
which  it  derived  its  extraordinary  riclies  and  power 
being  dried  up,  the  interior  vigor  of  the  state  de- 
clined, and,  of  course,  its  external  operations  be- 
came less  formidable.  Long  before  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  Venice  ceased  to  be  one  of 
the  principal  powers  in  Europe,  and  dwindled  into 
a  secondary  and  subaltern  state.  But  as  the  senate 
had  the  address  to  conceal  the  diminution  of  its 
power,  under  the  veil  of  moderation  and  caution ; 
as  it  made  no  rash  effort  that  could  discover  its 
weakness ;  as  the  symptoms  of  political  decay  in 
states  are  not  soon  observed,  and  are  seldom  so  ap- 
parent to  their  neighbors  as  to  occasion  any  sudden 
alteration  in  their  conduct  towards  them,  Venice 
continued  long  to  be  considered  and  respected. 
She  was  treated  not  according  to  her  present  con- 
dition, but  according  to  the  rank  which  she  had 
formerly  held.  Charles  V.,  as  well  as  the  kings  of 
France,  his  rivals,  courted  her  assistance  with  emu- 
lation and  solicitude  in  all  their  enterprises.  Even 
do^^n•to  the  close  of  the  century,  Venice  remained 
not  only  an  object  of  attention,  but  a  considerable 
seat  of  political  negotiation  and  intrigue. 

That  authority  which  the  first  Cosmo  de'  Medici, 
and  l4awrence,  his  grandson,  had  acquired  in  the 

7  2C 


320  REIGN  OF   THE  [Book  XII. 

republic  of  Florence,  by  their  beneficence  and  abili- 
ties, inspired  their  descendants  with  the  ambition 
of  usurping  the  sovereignty  in  their  country,  and 
paved  their  way  towards  it.  Charles  V.  placed 
Alexander  de'  Medici  at  the  head  of  the  republic, 
and  to  the  natural  interest  and  power  of  the  family 
added  the  weight  as  well  as  credit  of  the  imperial 
protection.  Of  these,  his  successor  Cosmo,  sur- 
named  the  Great,  availed  himself;  and  establishing 
his  supreme  authority  on  the  ruins  of  the  ancient 
republican  constitution,  he  transmitted  that,  to- 
gether with  the  title  of  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
to  his  descendants.  Their  dominions  were  com- 
posed of  the  territories  which  had  belonged  to  the 
three  commonwealths  of  Florence,  Pisa,  and  Siena, 
and  formed  one  of  the  most  respectable  of  the 
Italian  states. 

The  dukes  of  Savoy,  during  the  former  part  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  possessed  territories  which 
were  not  considerable  either  for  extent  or  value ; 
and  the  French  having  seized  the  greater  part  of 
them,  obliged  the  reigning  duke  to  retire  for  safety 
to  the  strong  fortress  of  Nice,  where  he  shut  him- 
self up  for  several  years,  w^hile  his  son,  the  prince 
of  Piedmont,  endeavored  to  better  his  fortune  by 
serving  as  an  adventurer  in  the  armies  of  S])ain. 
The  peace  of  Chateau-Cambresis  restored  t(3  him 
his  paternal  dominions.  As  these  are  environed 
on  every  hand  by  powerful  neighbors,  all  whose 
motions  the  dukes  of  Savoy  must  observe  with 
the  greatest  attention,  in  order  not  only  to  guard 


Book  XII. ]       EMPEROR   CHARLES   THE  FIETH.  32] 

against  the  danger  of  being  surprised  and  over- 
powered, but  that  they  may  choose  their  side  wita 
discernment  in  those  quarrels  wherein  it  is  impossi- 
ble for  them  to  avoid  taking  part,  this  peculiarity 
of  their  situation  seems  to  have  had  no  inconsider- 
able influence  on  their  character.  By  rousing  them 
to  perpetual  attention,  by  keeping  their  ingenuity 
always  on  the  stretch,  and  engaging  them  in  almost 
continual  action,  it  hath  formed  a  race  of  princes 
more  sagacious  in  discovering  their  true  interests, 
more  decisive  in  their  resolutions,  and  more  dexter- 
ous in  availing  themselves  of  every  occurrence 
which  presented  itself,  than  any,  perhaps,  that  can 
be  singled  out  in  the  history  of  Europe.  By  grad- 
ual acquisitions  the  dukes  of  Savoy  have  added  to 
their  territories,  as  well  as  to  their  own  importance; 
and  aspiring  at  length  to  regal  dignity,  which  they 
obtained  about  half  a  century  ago,  by  the  title  of 
kings  of  Sardinia,  they  hold  now  no  inconsiderable 
rank  among  the  monaichs  of  Europe. 

The  territories  which  form  the  republic  of  the 
United  Netherlands,  were  lost,  during  the  first  part 
of  the  sixteenth  century,  among  the  numerous  prov- 
inces subject  to  the  house  of  Austria;  and  were 
then  so  inconsiderable,  that  hardly  one  opportunity 
of  mentioning  them  hath  occurred  in  all  the  busy 
period  of  this  history.  But  soon  after  the  peace  of 
Chateau-Cambresis,  the  violent  and  bigoted  max- 
ims of  Philip's  government,  being  carried  into  exe- 
tution  with  unrelenting  rigor  by  the  duke  of  Alva, 
exasperated  the  people  of   the  Low  Countries  to 

VOL.   III.  41 


322  REIGN  OF  THE  [Book  TIL 

sudi  a  degree,  that  they  threw  off  the  Spanish 
yoke,  and  asserted  their  ancient  liberties  and  laws. 
These  they  defended  with  persevering  valor,  which 
gave  employment  to  the  arms  of  Spain  during  half 
a  century,  exhausted  the  vigor,  ruined  the  repu- 
tation of  that  monarchy,  and  at  last  constrained 
their  ancient  masters  to  recognize  and  to  treat  with 
them  as  a  free  and  independent  state.  This  state, 
founded  on  liberty,  and  reared  by  industry  and 
economy,  grew  into  great  reputation,  even  while 
struggling  for  its  existence.  But  when  peace  and 
security  allowed  it  to  enlarge  its  views,  and  to  ex- 
tend its  commerce,  it  rose  to  be  one  of  the  most 
respectable  as  well  as  enterprising  powers  in  Eu- 
rope. 

The  transactions  of  the  kingdoms  in  the  North 
of  Europe  have  been  seldom  attended  to  in  the 
course  of  this  history. 

Russia  remained  buried  in  that  barbarism  and 
obscurity,  from  which  it  was  called  about  the  be- 
ginning of  the  present  century,  by  the  creative 
genius  of  Peter  the  Great,  who  made  his  country 
known  and  formidable  to  the  rest  of  Europe. 

In  Denmark  and  Sweden,  during  the  reign  of 
Charles  V.,  great  revolutions  happened  in  their 
constitutions,  civil  as  well  as  ecclesiastical.  In  the 
former  kingdom,  a  tyrant  being  degraded  from  the 
throne,  and  expelled  the  country,  a  new  prince  was 
called  by  the  voice  of  the  people  to  assume  the 
reins  of  government.  In  the  latter,  a  fierce  peo- 
ple, roused  to   arms  by   injuries   and   oppression, 


Book  XH.]       EMPEROR   CHARLES  TIIE  FIFTH.  323 

shook  off  the  Danish  yoke,  and  conferred  the  regal 
dignity  on  its  deliverer,  Gustavus  Ericson,  who 
had  all  the  virtues  of  a  hero  and  of  a  patriot. 
Denmark,  exhausted  by  foreign  wars,  or  weakened 
by  the  dissensions  between  the  king  and  the  nobles, 
became  incapable  of  such  efforts  as  were  requisite 
in  order  to  recover  the  ascendant  which  it  had  long 
possessed  in  the  North  of  Europe.  Sweden,  as 
soon  as  it  was  freed  from  the  dominion  of  stran- 
gers, began  to  recruit  its  strength,  and  acquired  in 
a  short  time  such  internal  vigor,  that  it  became  the 
first  kingdom  in  the  North.  Early  in  the  subse- 
quent century,  it  rose  to  such  a  high  rank  among 
the  powers  of  Europe,  that  it  had  the  chief  merit 
in  forming,  as  well  as  conducting,  that  powerful 
league^  which  protected  not  only  the  Protestant 
religion,  but  the  liberties  of  Germany,  against  the 
bigotry  and  ambition  of  the  house  of  Austria. 


2  C2 


THE    LIFE 


CHARLES    THE    FIF1  H 


AFTER 


HIS     ABDICATION 


In  the  Advertisement,  I  have  noticed  the  existence  of  sundry  doon- 
ments,  in  the  Archives  of  Simancas,  wliich  give  an  entirely  new  com- 
pk^xion  to  the  life  of  Charles  the  Fifth  after  his  abdication.  The 
manner  in  which  these  documents  have  been  broujrht  before  the  public 
forms  a  curious  chapter  in  literary  history ;  and  the  account  which  J 
have  given  of  it  at  the  clos^of  the  First  Book  of  the  History  of  Philip 
the  Second  may  not  be  unacceptable  to  the  reader. 

"  While^the  manuscripts  of  Simancas  were  hidden  from  the  world,  a 
learned  keeper  of  the  archives,  Don  Tomas  Gonzalez,  discontented 
with  the  unworthy  view  which  had  been  given  of  the  latter  days  of 
Charles  the  Fifth,  had  profited  by  the  materials  which  lay  around  him, 
to  exhibit  his  life  at  Yuste  in  a  new  and  more  authentic  light.  To  the 
volume  which  he  comj)iled  for  this  purpose,  he  gave  the  title  of  '  lle- 
tiro,  Estancia  y  Muerte  del  Emperador  Carlos  Qulnlo  en  el  Monnsterio 
de  Yuste.'  The  work,  the  principal  value  of  which  consists  in  the 
copious  extracts  with  which  it  is  furnished  from  the  correspondence  of 
Charles  and  his  household,  was  suffered  by  the  author  to  remain  in 
manuscript;  and,  at  his  death,  it  passed  into  the  hands  of  his  brother, 
who  prepared  a  summary  of  its  contents,  and  endeavored  to  dispose  of 
the  volume  at  a  price  so  exorbitant  that  it  remained  for  many  years 
without  a  purchaser.  It  was  finally  bought  by  the  French  government 
at  a  greatly  reduced  price,  —  four  thousand  francs.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  it  should  have  brought  even  this  sum.,  since  the  time  of  the 
sale  was  that  in  which  the  new  arrangements  were  made  for  giving 
admission  to  the  archives  that  contained  the  original  documents  on 
which  the  Gonzalez  MS.  was  founded.  The  work  thus  bought  by  the 
French  government  was  transferred  to  the  Archives  des  Affaires 
ktrangkres,  then  under  the  direction  of  M.  IMignet.  The  manuscript 
could  not  be  in  better  hands  than  in  those  of  a  scholar  who  has  so  success- 


328  LITE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH 

fully  jarrieA  tlio  torch  of  criticism  into  some  of  the  darkest  passages  of 
Spanish  history.  His  occupations,  however,  took  him  in  another  direc- 
tion ;  and  for  eight  years  the  Gonzalez  MS.  remained  as  completely 
hidden  from  the  world  in  the  Parisian  archives  as  it  had  been  in  those 
of  SImancas.  When,  at  length,  it  was  applied  to  the  historical  uses  for 
■which  it  had  been  intended,  it  was  through  the  agency,  not  of  a  French, 
but  of  a  British  writer.  This  was  Mr.  Stirling,  the  author  of  the  '  An- 
nals of  the  Artists  of  Spain,'  —  a  work  honorable  to  its  author  for  the 
familiarity  it  shows,  not  only  with  the  state  of  the  arts  in  that  country, 
but  also  with  its  literature. 

"Mr.  Stirling,  during  a  visit  to  the  Peninsula,  in  1849,  made  a  pil- 
grimage to  Yuste  ;  and  the  traditions  and  hoary  reminiscences  gatheied 
round  the  spot  left  such  an  impression  on  the  traveller's  mind,  that,  on 
his  return  to  England,  he  made  them  the  subject  of  two  elaborate 
papers  in  Eraser's  Magazine,  in  the  numbers  for  April  and  May,  1851. 
Although  these  spirited  essays  rested  wholly  on  printed  works,  which 
had  long  been  accessible  to  the  scholar,  they  were  found  to  contain 
many  new  and  highly  interesting  details ;  showing  how  superficially 
Mr.  Stirling's  predecessors  had  examined  the  records  of  the  emperor's 
residence  at  Yuste.  Still,  in  his  account  the  author  had  omitted  the 
most  important  feature  of  Charles's  monastic  life,  —  the  influence  which 
he  exercised  on  the  administration  of  the  kingdom.  This  was  to  be 
gathered  from  the  manuscripts  of  Simancas. 

"  Mr.  Stirling,  who  through  that  inexhaustible  repository,  the  Hand- 
book of  Spain,  had  become  acquainted  with  the  existence  of  the  Gon- 
zalez MS.,  was,  at  the  time  of  writing  his  essays,  ignorant  of  its  fate. 
On  learning,  afterwards,  where  it  was  to  be  found,  he  visited  Paris, 
and,  having  obtained  access  to  the  volume,  so  far  profited  by  its  cou- 
tents  as  to  make  them  the  basis  of  a  separate  work,  which  he  entitled 
'  The  Cloister  Life  of  Charles  the  Fifth/  It  soon  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  scholars,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  went  through  several  editions, 
and  was  received,  in  short,  with  an  avidity  which  showed  both  the  im- 
portance attached  to  the  developments  the  author  had  made,  and  the 
attractive  form  in  which  he  had  presented  them  to  the  reader. 

"  The  Parisian  scholars  were  now  stimulated  to  turn  to  account  )he 
treasure  which  had  remained  so  lonfj  neglected  on  their  shelves.  In 
1854,  less  than  two  years  after  the  appearance  of  Mr.  Stirling's  book, 
M.  Amedee  Pichot  published  his  '  Qironique  de  C/iarles- Quint,'  a  work 
which,  far  from  being  confined  to  the  latter  days  of  the  emperor,  covers 
the  whole  range  of  his  biography,  presenting  a  large  amount  of  infor- 
mation in  regard  to  his  personal  habits,  as  well  as  to  the  interior  organi- 


APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  329 

zation  of  bis  government,  and  the  policy  which  directed  it.  The  whole 
is  enriched,  moreover,  bv  a  multitude  of  historical  incidents,  that  may 
be  regarded  rather  as  subsidiary  than  essential  to  the  conduct  of  the 
narrative,  which  is  enlivened  by  much  ingenious  criticism  on  the  state 
of  manners,  arts,  and  moral  culture  of  the  period. 

"  It  was  not  long  after  the  appearance  of  this  work  that  M.  Gachard, 
whom  I  have  elsewhere  noticed  as  having  been  commissioned  tv  the 
Belgian  government  to  make  extensive  researches  in  the  Archives  of 
Siinancas,  gave  to  the  public  some  of  the  fruits  of  his  labors,  in  the 
first  volume  of  his  '  Retmite  et  Mart  de  Charles- Quint:  It  is  devoted 
to  the  letters  of  the  emperor  and  his  household,  which  form  the  staple 
of  the  Gonzalez  MS. ;  thus  placing  at  the  disposition  of  the  future 
biographer  of  Charles  the  original  materials  with  which  to  reconstruct 
the  history  of  his  latter  days. 

"  Lastly  came  the  work,  long  expected,  of  M.  Mignet,  '  Charles- 
Quint;  son  Abdication^  son  Sejour,  et  sa  Mart  au  Monasth-e  de  Yuste.* 
It  was  the  reproduction,  in  a  more  extended  and  elaborate  form,  of  a 
series  of  papers,  the  first  of  which  appeared  shortly  after  the  publica- 
tion of  Mr.  Stirling's  book.  In  this  work,  the  French  author  takes  the 
clear  and  comprehensive  view  of  his  subject  so  characteristic  of  his 
genius.  The  difficult  and  debatable  points  he  discusses  with  acuteness 
and  precision  ;  and  the  whole  story  of  Charles's  monastic  life  he  pre- 
sents in  so  luminous  an  aspect  to  the  reader,  as  leaves  nothing  further 
to  be  desired. 

"  The  critic  may  take  some  interest  in  comparing  the  different  man- 
ners in  which  the  several  writers  have  dealt  with  the  subject,  each 
according  to  his  own  taste,  or  the  bent  of  his  genius.  Thus,  through 
Stirling's  more  free  and  familiar  narrative  there  runs  a  pleasant  vein 
of  humor,  with  piquancy  enough  to  give  it  a  relish,  showing  the  au- 
thor's sensibility  to  the  ludicrous,  for  which  Charles's  stingy  habits,  and 
excessive  love  of  good  cheer,  even  in  the  convent,  furnish  frequent 
occasion. 

"  Quite  a  different  conception  is  formed  by  Mignet  of  the  emperor's 
character,  which  he  has  cast  in  the  true  heroic  mould,  not  deigning  to 
recognize  a  single  defect,  however  slight,  v/hich  may  at  all  impair  the 
majesty  of  the  proportions.  Finally,  Amedee  Pichot,  instead  of  the 
classical,  may  be  said  to  have  conformed  to  the  romantic  school,  in  the 
arrangement  of  his  subject,  indulging  in  various  picturesque  episodes, 
which  he  has,  however,  combined  so  successfully  with  the  main  body  of 
iLe  narrative  as  not  to  impair  the  unity  of  interest. 
"  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  the  comparative  merits  of  these  emi- 

VOL.  lU.  42 


330  LIFE  OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH. 

nont  v.Titers  in  tbe  execution  of  their  task,  the  efTect  of  their  labors  has 
undoubtedly  been  to  make  that  the  plainest  which  was  before  the  most 
obscure  portion  of  the  history  of  Charles  the  Fifth." 

I  may  add  to  this  account,  that,  since  the  publication  of  the  History 
of  Phihp  the  Second,  M.  Gachard  has  given  to  the  world  his  s^c-ond 
volume  of  the  '■"  Retraite  et  Mart  de  Charles- Quint"  containing  some 
additional  information  of  interest  in  regard  to  Charles's  convent^  life, 
by  which  1  have  not  failed  to  profit. 


BOOK    I 


The  Convent  of  Ynste.  —  Charles's  Departure  from  the  Netherlands. 

—  His    A^oyage   to    Spain.  —  His   Progress   through   the    Country. 

—  Reception  at  Valhulolid.  —  Journey  to  Jarandilla.  —  His  Resi- 
dence there.  —  Discontent  of  his  Household.  —  His  Visitors.  — 
Pernicious  Indulgence  of  his  Appetite.  —  His  Removal  to  Yuste. 

The  Emperor  Charles  the  Fifth  had  conceiA^ecl 
the  design  of  resigning  his  sceptre,  and  withdraw- 
ing from  the  world,  many  years  before  he  put  it 
into  execution.  This  appears  from  a  conversation 
which  he  had  soon  after  his  abdication  with  the 
Portuguese  envoy,  Lorenzo  Pires  de  Tavora,  in 
which  the  emperor  remarked  that  soon  after  the 
capture  of  Tunis,  in  1535,  he  had  formed  the 
purpose  of  abdicating  his  crown.  This  was  in 
the  prime  of  life,  in  the  meridian  of  his  glory, 
when  his  arms  had  just  been  crowned  with  a 
brilliant  victory.  The  despondency  into  which 
ho  was  thrown  by  the  death  of  his  beautiful  and 
beloved  consort,  Isabella  of  Portugal,  some  five 
years  later,  heightened  still  further  liis  disgust 
with    the    world.       The    tender    age    of    his    son, 

T  2D 


332  LIFE   OF   CrnVRLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  L 

Philip,  induced  him  to  defer  the  immediate  exe- 
cution of  liis  plan,  Avhich  was  still  further  post' 
poned  by  the  weighty  affairs  that  pressed  on  him, 
and  especially  by  the  religious  wars  in  which  he 
was  involved  in  Germany.  When  at  length  the 
hour  of  his  abdication  did  ariive,  it  found  him 
broken  in  health,  and  with  spirits  greatly  depressed 
by  the  series  of  reverses  which  had  gathered  like 
dark  clouds  round  the  evening  of  his  reign.  He 
lamented  to  the  Portuguese  ambassador  that  he 
had  not  earlier  taken  this  step,  when  he  could  have 
done  it  so  much  more  gracefully,  while  his  fame 
was  not  yet  tarnished  by  defeat. 

The  place  selected  by  Charles  for  his  retreat  was 
the  Jeronymite  monastery  of  Yuste,  in  Spam,  situ- 
ated at  the  base  of  a  mountain  ridge  that  traverses 
the  north  of  Estremadura.  The  order  of  St.  Je- 
rome is  Spanish  in  its  origin,  Avhich  dates  as  far 
back  as  the  latter  part  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
Humble  in  its  beginning,  it  soon  rose,  under  the 
patronage  of  princes  and  the  benefactions  of  the 
pious,  to  high  consideration.  Its  domains  extend- 
ed over  every  part  of  the  Peninsula,  and  its  con- 
vents, occupying  the  most  picturesque  situations, 
sometimes  assumed  the  aspect,  and  almost  the 
dimensions,  of  castellated  towns.  The  growing 
reputation  of  the  brotherhood  kept  pace  with  the 
prosperous  condition  of  their  fortunes.  If  in  point 
of  scholarship  they  could  not  boast  such  names  as 
some  other  fraternities,  they  might  challenge  a 
comparison   witli   any   for   the   decorum,  and   even 


I556.J  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  333 

sanctity,  of  their  lives,  for  the  pomp  and  splendor 
of  their  religious  services,  and  for  the  munificence 
with  which  they  dispensed  their  charities  to  the 
poor.  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  by  no  means  prodi- 
gal of  his  money,  even  towards  the  Church,  en- 
dowed more  than  one  monastery  of  the  order. 
Charles  the  Fifth  honored  it  still  further  bv  se- 
lecting Yuste,  as  we  have  seen,  for  the  place  of 
his  retreat;  and  Philip  the  Second  distinguished 
it  from  every  other  fraternity  by  lodging  its  mem- 
bers in  the  palace-convent  of  the  Escorial. 

The  community  at  Yuste  was  among  the  most 
ancient  houses  of  the  order,  dating  from  the  year 
1404.  The  name,  which  some  writers  have  in- 
correctly called  St.  Just,  or  St.  Justus,  was  de- 
rived from  no  saint,  but  from  a  little  stream  that 
gushed  from  the  neighboring  hills.  The  handful 
of  monks,  of  which  the  convent  consisted  at  the 
beginning,  were  sorely  annoyed  by  the  depreda- 
tions and  insults  to  which  they  were  exposed  from 
a  neighboring  monastery  of  a  rival  order.  They 
were  subsequently  placed  by  their  superior  under 
the  protection  of  the  counts  of  Oropesa,  who  pos- 
sessed large  patrimonial  estates  in  that  quarter  of 
the  country.  In  process  of  time  the  little  com- 
munity grew^  in  opulence  and  strength  so  as 
to  be  able  to  protect  itself  Its  broad  acres  ex- 
tended far  over  the  cultivated  vera ;  its  convent 
was  surrounded  with  orange-gardens  and  orchards ; 
the  buildings  gradually  expanded  from  diminu- 
tive cloisters  into  the  ampler  dimensions  required 


334  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  fBooK  L 

for  the  accommodation  of  the  increased  number 
of  the  inmates,  and  not  long  before  the  arrival  of 
Charles  had  been  enlarged  by  a  spacious  quadran 
gle,  that  displayed  the  more  elegant  style  of  archi- 
tecture  which  had  been  recently  introduced  from 
Italy. 

In  the  hour  of  their  prosperity  the  monks  of 
Yuste  fully  vindicated  the  reputation  for  hospi- 
tality belonging  to  their  order.  Their  doors  were 
freely  opened  to  the  pilgrim ;  their  board  was 
bountifully  spread  for  the  poor  who  craved  alms 
at  the  convent  gate ;  and  the  good  brethren,  to 
whom  long  practice  had  given  a  skill  that  almost 
amounted  to  science,  w^ere  never  weary  of  admin- 
istering relief  to  the  sick  and  the  infirm. 

How  Charles  came  to  choose  this  secluded  spot  in 
Estremadura  as  the  place  of  his  retreat,  is  not  very 
clear.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he  had  ever  seen 
it.  Yet,  as  he  is  known  to  have  resided  more  than 
once  in  its  neighborhood,  he  may  possibly  have 
strayed  over  the  beautiful  vera^  or  at  least  have 
gathered  such  reports  of  it  from  those  in  the  coun- 
try as  pleased  his  fancy.  And  certainly  it  was  the 
place  of  all  others  best  suited  to  his  purpose.  Nest- 
ling among  the  dark  forests  of  oak  and  chestnut 
that  clothed  the  sides  and  descended  to  the  lower 
slopes  of  the  sierra,  the  convent  of  Yuste  looked 
down  on  the  cultivated  plain  which  stretched  for 
some  leagues  in  an  unbroken  expanse  towards  the 
city  of  Plasencia.  In  the  depths  of  these  sylvan 
solitudes   the   monarch  might   mdulge  in  all  the 


1556.1  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  335 

luxury  of  a  life  of  quiet  contemplation,  while  he 
would  not  be  too  far  removed  from  means  of  inter- 
course with  the  world,  with  which,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  he  was  still,  in  his  retirement,  to  main- 
tain a  lively  sympathy. 

Charles  had  obtained  a  plan  from  two  of  the 
best  architects  in  Spain  for  the  construction  of 
such  a  dwelling,  to  be  attached  to  the  convent, 
as  should  answer  for  the  accommodation  of  him- 
self and  the  few  followers  w^ho  were  to  accompany 
him  to  his  retreat.  He  had  advised  Philip  of  his 
intention  to  build,  and  afterwards  had  directed  his 
son  to  visit  the  spot  in  person  and  quicken  the 
operations  of  those  who  had  charge  of  the  work. 
But  it  was  not  in  the  power  either  of  Charles  or 
Philip  to  change  the  laAvs  of  nature,  or  to  acceler- 
ate the  sluggish  movements  of  the  Spaniard.  More 
than  two  years  had  elapsed ;  and,  though  the  plan 
of  the  building  was  extremely  simple,  the  work 
was  far  from  being  completed.  The  emperor's  im- 
patience could  brook  no  further  delay.  But  there 
was  good  reason  to  fear,  that,  on  his  arrival  at 
Yuste,  the  mansion  would  not  be  ready  for  his 
reception. 

On  the  eighth  of  August,  1556,  Charles  quitted 
Brussels,  and  took  his  w^ay  to  the  port  of  Flushing, 
where  a  fleet  of  fifty-six  vessels  was  waiting  to 
escort  him  and  his  retinue  to  Spain.  He  w^as  ac- 
companied by  a  number  of  Flemish  lords,  some 
few  of  whom  were  to  attend  him  on  his  voyage. 
A.mong  these  was  Florence  de  Montmorency,  baron 

2  D  2 


336  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

of  Montigny,  the  unfortunate  nobleman  afterwards 
doomed  by  his  sovereio:n  to  an  obscure  and  icrno- 
mmious  death.  In  the  company  were  also  two  sis- 
ters of  the  emperor,  the  dowager  queens  of  Hungary 
and  Portugal.  The  former  and  younger  of  these, 
Mary,  had  lately  held  the  post  of  regent  of  tlie 
Netherlands,  where  her  vigorous  rule  had  for  many 
years  put  a  curb  on  the  free  and  independent  spirit 
of  the  people.  In  her  masculine  qualities  she 
formed  a  striking  contrast  to  her  amiable  sister, 
the  once  beautiful  Eleanor,  the  ill-assorted  bride 
of  Francis  the  First,  and,  after  his  death,  married 
to  the  king  of  Portugal,  whom  she  had  also  sur- 
vived. She  was  a  year  older  than  the  emperor, 
who  had  always  regarded  her  with  peculiar  affec- 
tion, which  he  intimated,  in  his  correspondence  by 
usually  addressing  her  as  '•  7na  meilleure  soeur.'' 
The  royal  ladies,  who  held  their  brother  in  the 
greatest  reverence,  like  him  Were  Aveary  of  the 
world,  and  wished  for  the  remainder  of  their  days 
to  enjoy  the  sweets  of  domestic  privacy.  They 
would  have  accompanied  Charles  to  his  place  of 
retirement.  But  as  tliat  could  not  be,  they  pro- 
posed to  seek  out  some  quiet  spot  in  the  Penin- 
sula, as  little  removed  as  might  be  from  the  mo 
nastic  residence  of  the  emperor. 

The  imperial  train  was  yet  further  swelled  ])y  a 
considerable  number  of  followers,  who  were  to  be 
permanently  retained  in  the  service  of  the  monarch. 
The  emperor  s  household  had  be(ui  formed  on  tlie 
splendid  model  of  the  Burgundiau  court.     It  had 


1556.]  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  3 3 7 

consisted  of  no  less  than  seven  hundred  and  sixty- 
two  persons.  From  these  he  now  selected  one 
hundred  and  fifty  to  attend  him  to  Spain,  of  whom 
somewhat  more  than  a  third  were  to  remain  with 
him  at  Yuste.  Among  the  number  were  his  ma- 
jor-domo, his  physician,  his  secretaries,  his  cham- 
berlains, and  other  functionaries,  intimating  that, 
though  he  had  chosen  a  monastery  as  the  place 
of  his  residence,  he  had  no  intention  of  leading 
the  life  of  a  monk. 

Philip  joined  his  father  at  Ghent.^  There  the 
emperor,  tenderly  embracing  his  son,  bade  him 
adieu,  and  left  him  to  assume  that  burden  of 
sovereignty  which  had  pressed  so  heavily  on  his 
own  declining  years.  Charles  continued  his  way 
to  the  coast,  where,  on  the  thirteenth  of  September, 
he  embarked  on  board  the  Bertendona,  a  Biscayan 
vessel  of  five  hundred  and  sixty-five  tons,  which 
had  been  fitted  up  expressly  for  his  accommoda- 
tion. The  emperor's  cabin,  which  Avas  on  the  up- 
per deck,  consisted  of  two  large  apartments,  and 
two  smaller  rooms,  or  cabinets.  It  was  furnished 
with  eight  windows,  which  commanded  views  in 
every  direction.  The  wood-work  was  curiously 
carved,  and  hung  with  green  drapery.     The  bed. 


1  So  says  Vandernesse,  in  opposition  to  some  other  authorities.  His 
name,  however,  outweighs  them  all.  He  filled  an  imporbint  office 
in  the  household  of  the  emperor,  and  afterwards  in  that  of  liis  son. 
His  work,  which  is  a  simple  itinerary,  is  still  in  manuscript,  and  copi»^^ 
of  it  are  not  readily  met  with.  My  own  copy  is  from  a  manuscript  in 
♦Jie  Imperial  Library  of  Vienna. 

yoL.  ui.  43 


338  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

as  well  as  some  of  the  heavier  arm-chairs,  was  sus- 
pended by  ropes  from  the  ceiling,  that  the  emper- 
or s  gouty  limbs  might  be  as  little  incommoded 
as  possible  by  the  motion  of  the  vessel.  On  the 
same  deck  accommodations  were  provided  for  some 
of  his  principal  attendants ;  while  below,  ample 
space  was  allotted  to  the  royal  kitchen,  and  to  the 
larder,  which  was  bountifully  supplied  with  stores 
for  the  voyage. 

His  two  sisters,  with  their  retinues,  had  quarters 
prepared  for  them  in  a  Flemish  vessel.  On  the 
thirteenth  the  fleet  weighed  anchor,  but,  encoun- 
tering a  head  wind,  was  detained  at  Rammekens, 
where  Charles,  on  the  morning  of  the  seventeenth, 
received  a  final  visit  from  his  son,  who  had  lingered 
at  Ghent.  On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  the 
fleet  took  its  departure. 

It  was  on  the  seventh  of  September,  1517,  thirty- 
nine  years  before  this,  that  Charles  had  quitted 
these  same  shores  on  a  visit  to  Spain,  whither  he 
was  going  to  receive  the  rich  inheritance  which  had 
descended  to  him  from  his  grandparents,  Ferdinand 
and  Isabella  the  Catholic.  He  was  then  in  the 
morning  of  life,  just  entering  on  a  career  as  splen- 
did as  ever  opened  to  young  ambition.  How  dif- 
ferent must  have  been  the  reflections  which  now 
crowded  on  his  mind,  as  with  wasted  health,  and 
spirits  sorely  depressed,  he  embarked  on  the  same 
voyage !  He  had  run  the  race  of  glory,  had  won 
the  prize,  and  found  that  all  was  vanity.  He  was 
now  returning  to  the  goal  whence  he  had  started, 


1556.1  Ai^TER  HIS   ABDICATION.  339 

anxious   only  to   reach   some  quiet  spot  where  ha 
might  lay  down  his  weary  limbs  and  be  at  rest/'^ 

In  passing  through  the  Channel,  the  course  of 
the  fleet  was  again  interrupted  by  contrary  winds. 
While  it  lay  off  Dover,  the  lord  high  admiral  came 
out  with  a  squadron  of  Ave  ships,  desirous  to  pay 
his  respects  to  the  father-in-law  of  his  queen.  He 
was  received  on  board,  and  permitted  to  kiss  the 
emperor  s  hand.  A  favorable  breeze  sprung  up,  as 
the  fleet  neared  the  Isle  of  Wight,  and,  continuing 
to  blow  for  several  days,  enabled  Charles  to  liold 
his  course  without  further  delay  till  he  reached  the 
coast  of  Spain.  Fortunately  the  propitious  state  of 
the  weather  allowed  the  emperor  to  efl'ect  his  land- 
ing without  inconvenience,  on  the  twenty-eighth  of 
September,  in  the  ancient  port  of  Laredo.  But 
scarcely  had  he  set  foot  on  shore  when  the  wind 
freshened  into  a  tempest,  which  scattered  his  little 
navy,  compelling  the  ship  bearing  the  queens  to 
take  refuge  in  the  neighboring  port  of  Santander, 
and  doing  much  damage  to  some  merchant-vessels 
ofl"  the  coast,  one  of  wdiich,  with  its  crew  on  bo'ard, 
went  to  the  bottom.  This  disaster  is  so  far  embel- 
lished by  the  chroniclers  of  the  time,  that,  giving  a 
touch  of  the  marvellous  to  the  account,  they  repre- 
sent the  lost  ship  to  have  been  the  emperor's,  and 
that  it  went  down  as  soon  as  he  had  left  it.  If 
this  were  so,  it  w^ould  be  still  more  marvellous  that 
'10  allusion  to  the  circumstance  should  be  found  in 
any  of  the  letters  —  of  w^hich  we    have  several  — 

*  I  am  indebted  to  Gachard  for  the  suggestion  of  this  striking  contrast; 


3  40  LIFE  OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  L 

from  members  of  Charles's  household  while  at 
Laredo. 

As  little  do  we  find  mention  made  of  another  ex- 
traordinary circumstance  reported  by  the  historians, 
who  tell  us  that  the  emperor,  on  landing,  prostrated 
himself  on  the  earth,  exclaiming,  "  O  thou  common 
mother  of  mankind,  naked  came  I  from  thy  bosom, 
and  naked  I  return  to  it !  "  The  incident,  however 
edifyuig  in  the  moral  it  may  convey,  has  no  better 
foundation  than  the  invention  of  writers,  who,  far 
removed  from  the  scene  of  action,  and  ignorant  of 
what  really  took  place  there,  were  willing,  by  the 
exhibition  of  startling  contrasts,  to  stimulate  the 
imagination  of  their  readers. 

Charles,  on  landing,  found  his  patience  put  to  a 
severe  trial  by  the  scanty  preparations  made  for  his 
reception.  An  epidemic  had  broken  out  on  the 
voyage,  which  had  carried  off  several  of  the  men, 
while  others  remained  dangerously  ill.  There  were 
no  physicians  in  Laredo,  and  scarcely  accommoda- 
tions for  the  well,  much  less  for  the  sick.  The 
emperor  had  directed  that  six  chaplains  should  be 
there  to  meet  him.  Their  spiritual  services,  in  the 
present  state  of  his  followers,  were  more  than  ever 
required.  He  had  expected,  moreover,  to  find  a 
considerable  sum  of  money  for  the  payment  of  the 
fleet  and  for  defraying  the  expenses  of  the  voyage. 
There  was  nothing  of  all  this  to  be  seen.  The  only 
persons  in  waiting  for  him  were  an  alcalde  named 
Purango,  with  a  posse  of  alguazils,  and  the  bishop 
of  Salamanca.     If  it  had  not  been  for  the  active 


1556.1  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  341 

exertions  of  the  good  prelate,  it  would  lia\o  been 
difficult  for  the  royal  party  to  procure  the  means 
of  subsistence. 

Charles  gave  audible  vent  to  his  displeasure  at 
this  apparent  neglect ;  his  feelings  were  exhibited  hi 
a  manner  not  to  be  mistaken  in  the  letters  addressed 
by  his  orders  to  Valladolid,  where  his  daughter 
Joanna,  the  regent,  w^as  holding  her  court.  This 
neglect  of  a  father  who  had  so  recently  given  all 
that  he  had  to  Philip,  has  brought  much  obloquy 
on  his  head.  But  it  would  seem  to  be  undeserved. 
On  the  fourteenth  of  May  he  had  written  to  his 
sister,  the  regent,  informing  her  of  the  emperor  s 
speedy  return  to  Spain,  and  directing  her  to  have 
everything  in  readiness  for  him  on  his  landing. 
These  commands  he  had  repeated  in  a  second  letter, 
dated  the  twenty-sixth  of  August.  He  had  been 
particular  in  his  instructions,  specifying  the  six 
chaplains  and  the  money  for  the  fleet,  and  enjoin- 
ing on  his  sister  to  make  such  arrangements  as 
were  due  to  their  father  s  rank,  and  would  best 
secure  his  personal  comfort.  These  directions  he 
had  repeated  yet  again  in  a  third  letter,  written 
September  the  eighth,  shortly  before  Charles's  em- 
barkation. Philip,  at  his  distance  from  the  scene 
of  action,  could  do  no  more. 

Joanna,  on  receiving  these  instructions  from  her 
brother,  gave  orders  at  once  to  carry  them  into 
effect.  But  with  the  procrastinating  habits  of  the 
Spaniards,  it  was  much  easier  to  command  than  to 
execute.     Yet  some  of  the  blame  may  be  reason- 


342  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  IBook  I 

ably  laid  at  the  emperor's  own  door,  who,  had  he 
come  earlier,  might  possibly  have  found  things  in  a 
better  state  of  preparation.  But  he  had  postponed 
the  period  of  his  return  so  often,  that  the  minds  of 
his  subjects  were  unsettled  by  the  delay ;  and  when 
at  last  he  did  come,  they  were  taken  unawares. 

When  Joanna  received  the  letter  announcing  her 
father's  presence  in  the  country,  she  at  once  caused 
thanks  to  be  offered  up  in  the  churches  for  his  safe 
arrival.  At  the  same  time  she  despatched  a  mes- 
senger to  the  emperor's  major-domo,  Don  Luis 
Quixada,  then  residing  on  his  estate  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  Valladolid,  ordering  him  to  proceed  with 
all  expedition  to  the  coast,  and  make  the  necessary 
arrangements  for  his  master's  journey  to  the  cap- 
ital. He  w^as  especially  to  ascertain  in  w^iat  man- 
ner her  Either  wished  to  be  received  at  court,  — 
whether  with  the  honors  due  to  his  rank,  or  simply 
as  a  private  citizen.  As  this  personage  is  to  occupy 
a  prominent  place  in  the  remainder  of  our  narrative, 
it  will  be  well  to  acquaint  the  reader  w^th  some 
particulars  of  his  history. 

Luis  Mendez  Quixada  belonged  to  an  ancient 
and  honorable  family  ;  but  as  he  was  a  younger 
son,  the  family  name  was  the  best  part  of  his  in- 
heritance. His  first  introduction  at  court  was  as 
a  page  in  the  imperial  household.  He  afterwards 
entered  the  army,  received  a  commission  as  cap- 
tain of  infantry,  and  in  time  rose  to  the  rank  of 
colonel.  He  followed  the  emperor  to  the  wars,  and 
distinguished  himself  on  various  occasions  by  his 


1556.]  ATTEE  HIS   ABDICATIOiJ.  343 

gallantry.  He  was  a  strict  martinet,  and  was  re- 
marked for  the  perfect  discipline  which  he  main- 
tained among  the  men  under  his  command.  The 
emperor,  with  whose  acute  perception  of  characier 
the  reader  has  become  acquainted,  did  full  justice 
to  the  excellent  qualities,  and  especially  the  trust- 
worthiness and  loyal  devotion,  of  Quixada.  He 
was  appointed  one  of  the  three  major-domos  who 
formed  part  of  the  imperial  household.  In  his  new 
capacity  he  was  brought  into  frequent  intercourse 
with  his  master,  who  soon  bestowed  on  him  more 
of  his  confidence  than  he  gave  to  any  other  man. 
At  least  this  is  true  in  one  remarkable  instance. 
Charles  intrusted  to  his  care  his  illegitimate  son, 
Don  John  of  Austria,  the  famous  hero  of  Lepanto, 
when  a  child  of  three  years  of  age,  at  the  same 
time  confiding  to  Quixada  the  secret  of  his  birth. 
The  major-domo  was  married  to  Dona  Magdalena 
(le  Ulloa,  a  lady  of  illustrious  lineage,  which  she 
graced  by  virtues  so  rare  as  to  be  commemorated 
m  a  special  biography,  that  has  expanded  into  a 
respectable  quarto  under  the  hands  of  one  of  her 
countrymen.  Dona  Magdalena  took  the  boy  to 
her  home  and  her  heart,  supposing  him  the  fruit 
of  some  early  amour  of  her  lord's,  previous  to  his 
Yfiarriage.  Quixada  did  not  think  proper  to  unde- 
ceive the  kind-hearted  lady,  and  faithfully  kept  the 
l)erilous  secret,  which  he  may  have  thought  was 
the  emperor's  secret  rather  than  his  own.  Under 
her  maternal  care  the  young  hero,  who  always 
regarded  his  foster-mother  with  grateful  affection, 

n  2  E 


3M  LITE  OF   CHARLES    THE  Flfc^TH  |Booti  L 

was  carefully  trained  in  those  accomplishments 
which  fitted  him  for  the  hrilliant  career  on  which 
he  was  afterwards  to  enter. 

Quixada  was  a  fine  specimen  of  the  old  Spanish 
hidalgo.  Proud,  punctilious,  precise  in  his  notions, 
he  was  as  nice  in  the  point  of  honor  as  any  paladin 
of  romance.  He  w^as  most  orthodox  in  his  creed  ; 
hut  though  a  true  son  of  the  Church,  he  had  no 
respect  for  monks,  as  he  sho^^cd  rather  plainly 
during  his  residence  at  Yuste.  His  nature  was 
frank  and  honest ;  and  as  he  seems  to  have  been 
somewhat  querulous  in  his  temper,  he  delivered 
his  mind  occasionally  with  a  freedom  that  had  in 
it  something  less  of  courtesy  than  candor.  For 
the  emperor  he  had  the  greatest  reverence.  This 
did  not,  however,  prevent  him  from  addressing  his 
master  at  times  with  a  degree  of  plainness  to  which 
the  royal  ear  was  but  little  accustomed.  Charles 
had  the  good  sense  not  to  be  displeased  w^ith  this 
frankness,  for  he  well  knew  the  sincerity  and  the 
strength  of  Quixada's  attachment.  Pie  had  been, 
moreover,  too  long  on  the  throne  not  to  know  that 
truth  was  the  jewel  of  greatest  price,  and  the  one 
most  rarely  to  be  found  in  the  palaces  of  princes. 
Once,  writing  to  his  son  concerning  his  preceptor, 
Zufliga,  the  emperor  remarked,  "If  he  deals  plainly 
with  you,  it  is  for  the  love  he  bears  you.  If  he 
Mere  to  flatter  you,  he  would  be  like  all  the  rest 
of  the  world,  and  you  would  have  no  one  near 
to  tell  you  the  truth  ;  and  a  worse  tiling  cannot 
happen  to  any  one,  old  or  young."     When  Charles 


1556.]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  345 

had  made  up  his  mind  to  return  to  Spain,  he  set- 
tled on  Quixada  as  the  most  suitable  person  lo 
make  the  arrangements  for  his  journey  throu^^h 
the  country,  and  afterwards  to  take  charge  of  his 
establishment  at  Yuste.  The  result  justified  his 
choice. 

On  receivmg  the  regent's  letter,  the  major-domo 
at  once  threw  himself  into  his  saddle,  and  posted 
with  all  expedition  to  the  coast.  Notwithstanding 
the  bad  condition  of  the  roads,  he  performed  the 
journey  of  fifty-five  leagues  in  something  less  than 
three  days,  making  arrangements  as  he  went  along 
for  the  emperor's  reception. 

Quixada's  arrival  at  Laredo  w^as  greeted  with 
joy  by  the  wdiole  party,  and  by  none  more  than 
Charles,  who  seemed  to  feel  that,  in  the  presence 
of  his  major-domo,  all  difficulties  would  speedily 
vanish.  No  time,  indeed,  was  lost ;  for  on  the 
day  following,  the  sixth  of  October,  the  emperor 
and  his  suite  were  on  the  way  to  Valladolid.  As 
the  road  frequently  passed  across  rough  and  hilly 
tracts  of  uncultivated  country,  the  emperor  trav- 
elled in  a  horse  litter,  and  over  the  more  difficult 
passages  w^as  borne  by  his  attendants  in  a  chair. 
Quixada  rode  by  his  side ;  and  the  rest  of  Kis  train 
followed  on  horseback.  A  long  file  of  mules,  with 
the  baggage,  brought  up  the  rear.  The  van  was 
led  by  the  alcalde,  Durango,  and  his  posse  of 
alguazils,  giving  to  the  whole  procession,  as  Qui- 
Kada  thought,  much  the  appearance  of  a  gang  of 
prisoners  under  the   convoy  of  officers  of  justice 

VOL.  III.  44 


346  LIFE  OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

The  two  queens,  with  their  retinues,  followed  at 
the  distance  of  a  day's  march  in  the  rear,  to  obvi- 
ate the  annoyance  that  might  arise  from  the  want 
of  accommodations  for  so  large  a  party.  For  the 
greater  convenience  of  Charles,  wdio  could  ill  en- 
dure the  fatigue  of  so  long  a  journey,  he  proceed- 
ed by  short  stages,  seldom  exceeding  four  or  five 
leao^ues  in  a  dav. 

As  the  cavalcade  advanced  into  the  country,  and 
the  tidings  spread  abroad  of  the  emperor's  return, 
great  numbers  assembled  on  the  route  to  take  their 
last  look  at  their  sovereign.  At  all  the  principal 
places  where  he  halted,  he  was  met  by  the  great 
lords  of  the  neighborhood,  and  by  deputations 
from  the  councils  and  from  the  authorities  of  the 
cities.  As  he  drew  near  to  Burgos,  the  great  con- 
stable of  Castile,  attended  by  a  gallant  retinue  oi 
followers,  came  out  to  meet  him.  He  would  fain 
have  persuaded  the  emperor  to  allow  arrangements 
to  be  made  by  the  inhabitants  for  giving  him  a 
solemn  reception  ;  but  this  he  positively  declined. 
The  evening  had  set  in  before  Charles  entered 
the  ancient  city  of  the  Cid.  He  ^vas  not  allowed 
to  do  this  w^ith  the  privacy  he  had  desired  ;  and  as 
he  passed  through  its  illuminated  streets,  the  bells 
of  the  churches  sent  forth  a  merry  peal  to  give 
him  welcome.  He  was  conducted  by  the  constable 
to  his  own  mansion,  the  hereditary  halls  of  the 
Velascos.  While  there,  the  admiral  of  Castile,  the 
duke  of  Infantado,  and  the  principal  grajidees  who 
resided  in  that  quarter,  with  others,  like  the  duke 


iiSG.l  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  847 

of  Medina  Sidonia,  and  the  duke  of  Medina  Cceli, 
whose  estates  lay  chiefly  in  the  south,  came  to  paj 
their  obeisance  to  their  ancient  master.  Deputa 
tions  arrived  from  the  chancery  of  Yalladolid,  and 
from  the  diff'erent  cities,  bearing  loyal  addi'csses 
from  their  municipalities.  After  enjoying  for  two 
days  the  hospitalities  of  the  constable,  Charles  again 
set  forward  on  his  journey.  He  w^as  attended  for 
some  distance  by  his  host ;  and  Don  Frances  de 
Beamonde,  at  the  head  of  a  strong  escort,  accom- 
panied him  the  remainder  of  the  w^ay  to  Valladolid. 
This  arrangement  gave  great  satisfaction  to  Qui- 
xada,  as  it  enabled  him  to  dispense  with  the  furthe- 
attendance  of  the  alcalde  and  his  posse. 

On  the  third  evening  after  they  had  quitted  Bur- 
gos, the  travellers  halted  at  Torquemada,  a  town 
pleasantly  situated  in  the  midst  of  a  rich  and  cul- 
tivated country.  Here  the  emperor  was  met  by 
Don  Pedro  de  la  Gasca,  bishop  of  Palencia.  This 
eminent  prelate  had  been  intrusted  by  Charles  wdth 
an  extraordinary  mission  to  the  New  World,  when 
the  rebellion  of  Gonzalvo  Pizarro  threatened  Spain 
with  the  loss  of  Peru.  Gasca,  with  signal  ability 
and  address,  succeeded  in  quashing  the  insurrec- 
tion, in  defeating  its  leaders  and  bringing  them  to 
punishment,  and,  finally,  in  reclaiming  the  totter- 
ing allegiance  of  the  inhabitants,  thus  securing  to 
Castile  the  fairest  of  her  colonies.  In  return  for 
these  services  he  had  been  raised  by  Charles  to  the 
Bee  of  Palencia.  On  learning  his  sovereign's  ap- 
proach,   the  good  bishop  sent  a  liberal  supply  of 

2  E  2 


34:8  LITE   OF   CHARLES    THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

poultry,  fruit,  and  wine,  for  the  refreshment  of  the 
royal  party,  and  on  the  following  morning  came 
in  person  to  pay  his  homage  to  the  emperor. 

At  Cabezon,  a  place  about  two  leagues  from  Val- 
la dolid,  Charles  had  the  satisfaction  of  meeting  his 
grandson,  the  infant  Don  Carlos,  that  unfortunate 
prince,  whose  brief  but  disastrous  career  forms  so 
melancholy  a  page  in  the  chronicles  of  the  tmie. 
The  boy,  who  was  then  eleven  years  old,  had  been 
sent  from  Valladolid  to  meet  his  grandfather.  One 
may  well  believe  that  it  was  with  no  little  interest 
that  Charles  regarded  his  descendant,  the  heir  to 
the  monarchy.  He  had  Carlos  to  sup  with  him 
at  his  own  table  ;  and  as  the  lad  showed  much 
curiosity  in  regard  to  military  affairs,  the  emperor 
entertained  him  with  an  account  of  his  campaigns. 
When  he  described  his  flight  from  Inspruck,  Carlos 
exclaimed,  "  I  never  would  have  fled."  His  grand- 
father endeavored  to  convince  him  of  the  necessity 
of  flight  in  order  to  avoid  falling  into  the  enemy's 
hands.  But  the  boy  only  repeated,  with  more  ear- 
nestness than  before,  "/never  would  have  fled,"  — 
greatly  to  the  delight  of  the  em])eror,  who  saw  in 
this  the  mettle  of  his  o^n  earlier  days. 

But  the  penetrating  eye  of  Charles  was  not  slow 
in  discerning  other  traits  in  his  grandson's  char- 
acter, which  filled  him  with  apprehension.  "  He 
seems  very  restless,"  said  the  emperor  ;  "  neither 
his  behavior  nor  his  temper  pleases  me.  I  know 
not  what  is  to  become  of  him."  The  young  prince 
was  much  taken  with  a  little  portable  stove,  which 


I556.J  AFTER   HIS  ABDICATION.  [549 

his  grandfather  carried  with  him,  in  default  of  lire- 
places,  to  warm  his  apartment.  Carlos  would  will- 
ingly have  appropriated  this  article  to  himself;  but 
the  emperor  gave  him  to  understand  that  this  could 
not  be  till  he  was  dead.  The  care  of  the  prince's 
education  had  been  intrusted  to  his  aunt,  the  regent. 
Charles,  when  he  saw  his  daughter  in  Valladolid, 
plainly  told  her  that,  "  if  she  showed  less  indul- 
gence to  the  child,  the  nation  would  have  more 
reason  to  thank  her." 

Along  the  route  by  which  the  emperor  travelled, 
people  had  assembled  in  great  numbers  to  see  him 
pass.  There  were  two  roads  from  Cabezon,  by 
which  the  capital  was  to  be  approached.  One  was 
more  retired  than  the  other  ;  and  some  of  Charles's 
suite,  knowing  his  aversion  to  crowds,  would  fain 
have  persuaded  him  to  take  it.  He  determined 
to  do  so,  when  the  honest  Quixada  represented 
"  that  it  would  not  be  right  to  hide  himself  from 
his  loyal  subjects,  who  wished  to  look  on  him 
for  the  last  time."  The  major-domo  prevailed ; 
but  Charles  would  by  no  means  consent  that  prep- 
arations should  be  made  for  giving  him  a  public 
reception  in  Valladolid.  This  might  be  done,  he 
said,  for  his  two  sisters,  who  accordingly  made  their 
entrance  in  great  state  into  the  capital,  escorted  by 
a  brave  procession  of  nobles  and  cavaliers,  headed 
by  the  authorities  of  the  city. 

Valladolid  was  at  this  time,  as  indeed  it  had 
been  for  many  years,  the  residence  of  the  court. 
In  this  pre-eminence  it  had  succeeded  Toledo,  the 


350  LIFE    OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Uoor   T 

ancient  capital  of  the  Visigoths.  It  was  not  tiii 
the  reign  of  Philip  the  Second  that  it  lost  this 
distinction,  and  the  seat  of  government  was  trans- 
ferred to  Madrid,  which  thenceforth  became  the  })er- 
manent  capital  of  the  monarchy.  Valladolid  was 
at  this  time,  therefore,  in  tlie  zenith  of  its  glory, 
embellished  with  stately  public  buildings,  and  filled 
with  the  palaces  of  the  great  nobles,  who  natural- 
ly sought  a  residence  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
court. 

Charles  was  received  in  the  most  loving  and 
dutiful  manner  by  his  daughter,  who  conducted 
him  to  the  mansion  of  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva,  Phil- 
ip's favorite  minister.  This  the  emperor  preferred 
to  taking  up  his  quarters  in  the  royal  palace,  which 
was  consequently  assigned  to  his  sisters.  He  spent 
some  time  in  the  fair  city,  enjoying  the  society  of 
his  daughter,  and  recruiting  his  strength  after  the 
fatigues  of  his  journey.  During  his  stay,  his  house 
was  thronged  with  visitors,  among  whom  we  find 
some  of  the  principal  grandees,  and  such  of  the 
prelates  as  were  at  the  court.  These  attentions 
were  the  more  grateful  to  Charles,  since,  now  that 
he  had  resigned  the  sceptre,  they  carried  with  them 
the  appearance  of  being  rendered  to  the  man  ratlier 
than  to  the  monarch.  The  members  of  the  coun- 
cil, the  corregidor,  and  the  municipality  obtained 
an  audience  of  their  ancient  master,  and  were  per- 
mitted to  kiss  his  hand.  To  all  he  showed  that 
gracious  deportment  which  he  knew  so  well  how 
to  assume,  and  which  contrasted  strongly  with  tb** 


I5W.J  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  35  \ 

impassible  reserve  —  the  sosiego,  as  the  Spaniard? 
term  it  —  which  had  so  chilling  an  effect  on  those 
who  were  admitted  to  the  presence  of  his  son.  The 
ladies  of  the  court,  who  came  to  take  leave  of  him, 
were  received  by  Charles  with  the  same  distin- 
guished courtesy.  It  was  on  one  of  these  occa- 
sions that  Perico  de  Sant  Erbas,  one  of  that  privi- 
leged class  of  fools,  or  rather  wits,  who  in  ancient 
times  were  the  necessary  appendage  of  a  court, 
happening  to  pass  across  the  saloon,  Charles,  in  a 
merry  vein,  touched  his  cap  to  him.  "  You  are 
welcome,"  said  the  jester;  "do  you  raise  your  hat 
to  me  because  you  are  no  longer  emperor  ] "  "  No 
Pedro,"  replied  Charles  ;  "  but  because  I  have  noth- 
mg  but  this  poor  courtesy  to  give  you." 

Among  those  who  waited  on  the  monarch  were 
three  of  the  brethren  from  Yuste,  and  at  their  head 
the  general  of  the  order.  The  good  father  acquaint- 
ed him  with  the  progress  that  had  been  made  in 
the  works  at  Yuste.  He  assured  him,  moreover, 
of  the  great  satisfaction  felt  by  the  fraternity  that 
his  majesty  should  have  condescended  to  choose 
their  abode  as  the  place  of  his  retreat.  With  the 
assistance  of  these  monks,  Charles  was  enabled  to 
select  from  the  different  convents  of  the  order  such 
individuals  as  were  best  qualifipd  to  conduct  the 
service  of  the  chapel,  as  well  as  those  whose  piety 
and  learning  fitted  them  to  officiate  as  his  preach- 
ers, -persons,  in  short,  who  might  form  what 
may  be  called  the  religious  part  of  his  establish- 
ment. 


35 'i  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  Fll^TH  [Book  I. 

During  his  stay  at  Valladolid,  the  emperor  at^ 
tended  to  the  despatch  of  some  important  affairs 
of  a  public  nature.  He  had  daily  communication 
with  his  daughter,  and  gave  her  the  benefit  of  his 
large  experience  in  administering  the  government 
of  the  kingdom.  It  was  evident  that,  if  he  was 
willing  to  follow  the  example  of  Diocletian  in 
withdrawing  from  the  world,  he  had  no  mind,  like 
that  monarch,  to  divorce  himself  from  the  great 
interests  of  humanity. 

After  prolonging  his  stay  for  a  fortnight  in  Val- 
ladolid, Charles  prepared  to  resume  his  journey. 
On  the  fourth  of  November  he  consented,  for  the 
last  time,  to  the  ceremony  of  dining  in  public.  On 
that  same  afternoon  he  took  an  affectionate  leave 
of  his  daughter  and  his  grandson,  and  of  his  two 
sisters,  who  were  to  accompany  him  no  farther. 
He  was  attended  by  a  large  train  of  nobles  and 
cavaliers  to  the  gates  of  the  city,  where  he  cour- 
teously dismissed  them,  though  many  would  gladly 
have  followed  him  on  his  route.  He  accepted,  how- 
ever, the  escort  of  a  small  body  of  mounted  horse- 
men and  forty  halberdiers,  w^ho  were  to  continue 
with  him  till  he  arrived  at  Yuste. 

In  quitting  Valladolid,  Charles  seemed  to  turn 
his  back  for  ever  on  the  pomps  and  glories  of  the 
world,  and  in  the  separation  from  his  family  to 
sever  the  last  tie  which  bound  him  to  life.  He 
travelled  in  a  litter,  and  by  easy  stages,  as  before. 
The  second  night  he  passed  at  the  ancient  town 
of  Medina  del  Campo,  famous  ae  the  spot  whicb 


1556  1  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  35;> 

witnessed  the  last  hours  of  the  greatest  and  best  of 
his  ancestral  line,  Isabella  the  Catholic.  He  did 
not,  however,  occupy  the  royal  residence,  which 
probably  had  not  been  made  more  comfortable  b) 
age,  but  took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night  with  a 
wealthy  banker,  named  Rodrigo  de  Duenas.  This 
person,  whether  to  display  his  riches,  or  to  do 
honor  to  his  illustrious  guest,  had  the  emperor  s 
apartment  warmed  by  a  brazier  of  solid  gold,  whicli, 
instead  of  the  usual  fuel,  was  fed  Avith  sticks  of 
cinnamon.  The  perfume  of  the  cinnamon  was  dis- 
agreeable to  Charles,  who,  when  he  went  away  on 
the  following  morning,  in  order  to  rebuke  the  os- 
tentation of  his  host,  would  not  permit  him  to  kiss 
his  hand,  and  caused  him,  moreover,  to  be  paid  for 
the  night's  lodging,  like  any  ordinary  innkeeper. 
Yet  Charles  gave  no  such  sign  of  displeasure  at 
the  similar  compliment  which  he  had  once  received 
from  the  Fuggers,  the  famous  bankers  of  Germa- 
ny. On  his  return  from  his  memorable  expedition 
against  Tunis,  for  which  they  had  advanced  him 
considerable  sums  of  money,  Charles  spent  the 
night  at  their  house  at  Augsburg  ;  and  his  hosts 
filled  the  brazier  in  his  chamber,  in  like  manner, 
with  cinnamon.  But  to  show  their  gratitude  for 
the  service  the  emperor  had  rendered  Christendom 
in  breaking  up  the  nest  of  Barbary  pirates,  they 
threw  Charles's  receipts  for  the  money  they  had 
lent  him  into  the  fire,  which  so  far  qualified  the 
udor  of  the  cinnamon  that  it  gave  no  offence  to 
the  royal  nostrils. 

VOL.  111.  46 


354  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

As  the  travellers  penetrated  farther  into  the 
interior,  and  left  the  great  world  behind  them, 
Cliarles  felt  in  anticipation  all  the  luxury  of  the 
retirement  to  which  he  was  hastening.  "  Heaven 
be  praised ! "  he  exclaimed,  "  after  this  no  more  visits 
of  ceremony,  no  more  receptions ! "  Their  route 
lay  in  a  southerly  direction;  but,  as  it  wound  round 
the  base  of  the  mountain  range  that,  in  its  course 
from  east  to  west,  traverses  the  central  parts  of  the 
Peninsula,  the  keen  air  chilled  the  emperor,  who, 
from  his  delicate  temperament,  was  extremely  sen- 
sitive to  cold.  As  the  luxury  of  fireplaces  was  a 
thing  unknown  in  these  parts,  he  was  obliged  to 
keep  himself  warm  by  means  of  his  portable  stove. 
Everywhere  along  the  route  the  people  gave  all 
the  proofs  in  their  power  of  the  most  loyal  devo- 
tion. They  aided  his  progress  by  clearing  away 
the  obstacles  in  the  road,  which  became  worse  and 
worse  as  it  was  farther  removed  from  the  great 
highways  of  the  country.  They  knew  Charles's 
tastes ;  and  they  searched  the  streams  for  trout, 
eels,  and  other  fish,  of  which  he  was  extremely 
fond,  and  with  which  his  table  was  liberally  sup- 
plied whenever  he  halted. 

On  the  twelfth  of  November,  the  emperor  reached 
Tornavacas,  a  small  place  near  the  northern  confines 
of  Estremadura.  It  was  separated  by  a  bold  sierra 
from  the  Vera,  or  Valley,  of  Plasencia,  on  the  border 
of  which  stood  the  monastery  which  was  the  object 
of  Charles's  pilgrimage.  The  Vera  was  to  be  ap- 
proached in   two   ways.     One   was  by  scaling  the 


1556.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  355 

mountain  barrier  that  separated  it  from  Tornavacas. 
This  might  be  done  in  a  few  hours  ;  but  the  road, 
if  so  it  could  be  called,  which  was  little  more  than 
a  path  affording  means  of  communication  for  the 
peasantry  of  the  neighborhood,  was  rugged  and 
precipitous.  A  more  easy  way  would  lead  the 
travellers  along  the  winding  Xerte  to  the  city  of 
Plasencia,  from  which  the  route  lay  across  a  smooth 
and  level  plain,  that  stretched  nearly  to  the  walls 
of  Yuste.  This,  however,  would  add  four  days  to 
the  journey;  and  Charles,  wearied  with  his  long 
protracted  travel,  determined,  with  characteristic 
energy,  to  brave  the  dangers  of  the  mountain. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  he  began  the 
ascent,  which  was  quite  as  formidable  as  it  had 
been  represented.  Fortunately,  he  was  assisted  by 
the  peasantry,  who  were  familiar  with  the  route. 
A  band  of  these  hardy  rustics  went  before,  armed 
with  pikes,  shovels,  and  other  instruments,  to  clear 
away  the  rubbish  in  the  path.  The  mountain-sides 
had  been  cut  into  deep  gullies  by  the  winter  torrents, 
which  had  swept  down  large  fragments  of  trees 
from  the  forests  above,  and  occasionally  laid  bare  a 
huge  splinter  of  the  rock,  that  seemed  to  defy  all 
farther  progress.  The  narrow  path,  winding  round 
the  edge  of  dizzy  precipices,  afforded  a  precarious 
foothold,  where  a  single  false  step  might  be  fatal  to 
the  traveller.  It  was  a  formidable  adventure  even 
for  the  unencumbered  pedestrian,  and  was  rendered 
the  more  difficult,  in  the  present  instance,  by  the 
helpless  condition  of  the  emperor.  The  peasants 
2F  7 


356  LIEE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

relieved  the  attendants  of  their  royal  burden,  which 
might  have  proved  too  much  for  them.  They  suc- 
ceeded one  another  in  the  task  of  bearing  the  litter; 
while  the  faithful  Quixada,  armed  wdth  his  long 
pike,  strode  by  its  side,  and  gave  general  directions 
for  conducting  the  operations.  In  the  worst  parts 
of  the  road,  the  emperor  was  obliged  to  be  borne  in 
his  chair ;  and  occasionally  the  sturdy  rustics  car- 
ried him  in  their  arms. 

At  length,  after  some  hours  of  excessive  toil,  the 
party  reached  the  most  elevated  point  of  their  route ; 
and,  as  they  emerged  from  the  dark  defiles  of  the 
Puerto  Nuevo,  —  since  called  "  The  Emperor's  Pass," 
—  he  exclaimed,  "  It  is  the  last  pass  I  shall  go 
through  in  this  world,  save  that  of  death." 

The  descent  was  comparatively  easy;  and  Charles's 
eyes  were  soon  gladdened  by  the  sight  of  the  beau- 
tiful Vera  and  its  bright  carpet  of  verdure,  which 
had  not  yet  begun  to  fade  under  the  cold  touch  of 
autumn.  An  occasional  hamlet,  glistening  in  the 
distance,  relieved  the  unbroken  character  of  the 
expanse,  terminated  on  the  west  by  the  stately  city 
of  Flasencia.  Nearer  by  several  leagues  might  be 
dimly  descried  the  gray  walls  of  Yuste,  half  hid- 
den among  the  groves  of  chestnut  which  fringed  the 
skirts  of  the  sierra. 

As  Charles's  dwelling  was  not  yet  fit  for  his 
veception,  it  was  decided  that  he  should  remain  for 
the  present  at  Jarandilla,  a  village  two  leagues  east 
of  Yuste,  where  there  was  a  castle  belonging  to  the 
count  of  Oropesa,  a  nobleman  who,  as  already  men- 


1556.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  35  *) 

tioned,  had  large  estates  in  the  neighborhood.  Tt 
was  a  lordly  pile,  the  ruins  of  which  are  yet  to  be 
seen :  while  the  emperor's  temporary  residence  there 
is  commemorated  by  a  fountain  in  the  garden  which 
still  bears  his  name. 

Charles  met  with  the  most  hospitable  reception 
from  its  loyal  master,  who  had  prepared  for  his  ac* 
commodation  a  spacious  apartm.ent,  with  a  pleasant 
aspect  towards  the  south,  looking  down  upon  a 
garden  of  citron  and  orange  trees.  The  weather 
was  fine ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  fatigues  of  the 
day,  the  emperor,  pleased  with  the  spot,  was  in  ex- 
cellent spirits.  In  the  midst  of  this  fine  Aveather 
at  Jarandilla,  the  Flemings  could  see,  from  the 
windows  of  the  castle,  dense  masses  of  vapor,  roll- 
ing lazily  along  the  sides  of  the  mountain  where 
Yuste  was  situated.  Soon  the  cool  nights  of  au- 
tumn began  to  make  themselves  felt.  The  emperor, 
accustomed  to  the  use  of  fireplaces  in  Flanders,  ex- 
changed his  apartment  for  one  where  he  had  caused 
a  chimney  to  be  made.  Soon  afterwards,  the  count 
of  Oropesa,  surrendering  his  castle  entirely  to  the 
use  of  his  royal  guest,  withdrew  to  another  resi- 
dence on  a  distant  quarter  of  his  estates. 

As  winter  approached,  the  rainy  season  set  ia. 
The  streets  of  Jarandilla  were  saturated  with  water  ; 
and  the  poor  major-domo  with  difficulty  waded 
through  the  mire  in  the  performance  of  his  duties, 
wnich  required  him  to  provide  for  the  accommoda- 
tion of  the  imperial  retinue.  To  add  to  his  vexa- 
tion, the  village  was  but  scantily  provided  with  the 


S5S  LIFE  OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I. 

mean8  of  supporting  so  large  and  unexpected  an 
addition  to  its  usual  population.  The  querulous 
tone  of  Quixada  s  letters  shows  the  perplexities  of 
his  situation.  Yet  it  was  impossible  for  Charles  to 
abridgfe  the  number  of  his  retinue  until  he  was 
supplied  with  the  means  of  paying  their  arrears  by 
a  remittance  from  Valladolid.  The  emperor's  house- 
hold cast  many  a  rueful  glance  at  the  damp  and 
desolate  spot  which  he  had  selected  for  his  abode ; 
where  the  constant  humidity  of  the  atmosphere, 
they  argued,  boded  no  good  to  the  infirmities  of 
their  master.  Quixada  did  not  hesitate  to  intimate 
as  much  to  him.  But  the  emperor  answered,  that, 
"  in  all  parts  of  Spain  where  he  had  been,  he  had 
found  that  it  was  cold  and  rainy  in  the  winter." 

The  major-domo  and  the  secretary,  Gaztelu,  un- 
bosomed themselves  more  freely  in  their  corre- 
spondence with  the  secretary  of  state  at  Valladolid. 
They  vented  their  discontent  in  the  most  doleful 
prognostics  of  the  influence  of  such  a  climate  on 
the  emperor's  constitution,  speaking,  at  the  same 
time,  in  no  very  flattering  terms  of  the  accommoda- 
tions provided  for  him  at  the  convent,  and  of  the 
character  of  its  inmates.  They  requested  that  their 
complaints  might  not  reach  the  ears  of  the  regent ; 
but  in  some  way  or  other  the  emperor's  family 
became  so  far  persuaded  of  their  truth,  that  his 
sister,  the  queen  of  Hungary,  wrote  to  beg  him 
not  to  take  up  his  residence  at  Yuste.  Charles, 
though  somewhat  annoyed  by  this  interference 
witli  his   plans,  good-humoredly  wrote  m  answer, 


556.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  359 

that  "  the  lion  was  not  so  terrible  as  he  was 
painted." 

It  is  strange  that  those  who  knew  him  so  well 
should  have  thought  so  easily  to  turn  him  from  his 
purpose.  Slow,  to  an  uncommon  degree,  in  decid- 
ing on  his  measures,  when  thes''  had  been  once 
settled,  no  power  on  earth  was  strong  enough  to 
make  him  change  them.  He  was  aware  of  this 
trait  in  his  character,  and  once  spoke  of  it  to  the 
Venetian,  Contarini.  The  courtly  envoy  observed, 
it  was  not  obstinacy  to  adhere  to  sound  opinions. 
"  True,"  replied  Charles  ;  "  but  I  sometimes  adhere 
to  those  which  are  unsound." 

Towards  the  latter  part  of  November,  he  availed 
himself  of  a  day  somewhat  more  propitious  than 
usual  to  cross  over  to  Yuste,  and  examine  the  con- 
dition of  the  works  with  his  own  eyes.  He  pro- 
fessed to  be  well  pleased  with  the  appearance  of 
the  place,  and  with  the  arrangements  for  his  ac- 
commodation. He  even  gave  directions  to  provide 
for  more  than  double  the  number  of  persons  he 
had  originally  designed  to  lodge  there ;  and  when 
Brother  Eoger,  to  whom  the  charge  of  making  the 
arrangement  was  intrusted,  ventured  to  suggest  the 
impossibility  of  providing  accommodations  for  so 
large  a  number,  Charles  silenced  him  by  telling 
him  "  to  do  as  he  was  bid,  and  not  give  his  opinion 
in  the  matter."  Charles's  household  came  at  length 
to  comprehend  that  remonstrances,  from  whatever 
quarter,  would  have  no  effect  to  turn  him  from  his 
purpose.     "  The  emperor  will  never  change  his  pur- 

2F2 


56  \)  LIFE   OF   CHAELES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

pose,''  wrote  the  desponding  secretary,  "  though 
heaven  and  earth  should  come  together." 

The  rain  now  continued  to  fall  without  intermis- 
sion, and  with  a  degree  of  violence  exceeding  any- 
thing that  the  Spaniards  had  seen  in  other  parts  of 
the  country.  "  As  much  water  falls  here  in  a  sin- 
gle hour,"  wrote  Quixada,  "  as  in  a  whole  day  in 
Valladolid  ;  in  Yuste  they  tell  me  it  is  still  worse." 
The  secretary's  report  is  not  better.  "  The  fogs," 
he  writes,  "  are  so  thick;  that  one  cannot  distinguish 
a  man  twenty  paces  distant."  The  emperor,  who 
durinsr  the  tine  weather  had  strolled  out  for  exer- 
cise,  and  occasionally  amused  himself  with  his  fowl- 
ing-piece, was  now  imprisoned  in  his  apartment, 
and  could  only  keep  himself  warm  by  sitting  in 
the  chimney-corner,  rolled  up  in  his  robe  ol  eider- 
down, which  had  been  sent  to  him  by  his  daughter 
Joanna.  Here  he  would  sit,  and  listen  greedily  to 
the  despatches  which  came  from  Brussels  or  Valla- 
dolid. 

Spain  was  at  that  time  engaged  in  a  war  with 
Paul  the  Fourth,  a  pontiff  who,  emulating  the  bel- 
ligerent spirit  of  Julius  the  Second,  converted  his 
crosier  into  a  sword,  and  vowed  to  drive  the  bar- 
barians out  of  Italy.  Charles  listened  with  the 
deepest  interest  to  the  accounts  furnished  him  from 
time  to  time  of  the  war,  and  of  the  victorious  career 
of  the  duke  of  Alva.  When  Gaztelu  had  finished 
reading,  he  would  ask,  "  Is  there  nothing  more  I  " 
But  when  he  heard  of  the  truce  made  by  tlie  Span- 
ish commander  at  the  very  time  when   the  fate  of 


1556.]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  361 

Rome  seemed  to  hang  upon  his  sword,  Charles's 
indignation  knew  no  bounds.  He  w^ould  not  so 
much  as  listen  to  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  as  his 
secretary  tells  us.  "  It  was  only  giving  time  to  the 
French,"  he  said,  "  to  unite  their  forces  with  those 
of  the  pope";  muttering  other  things  between  his 
teeth,  not  easy  to  be  understood.  He  delivered  his 
mind  freely  on  the  subject,  in  his  letters  both  to 
Philip  and  Joanna.  When  the  French  war  soon 
after  broke  out,  he  w^rote  in  the  most  pressing  man- 
ner to  his  daughter,  urging  the  necessity  of  placing 
the  frontiers,  especially  Navarre,  in  the  best  state 
of  defence.  He  admonished  her  to  strengthen  the 
fleet  on  the  coasts,  to  pay  off  the  debt  due  to  the 
German  bankers,  that  the  credit  of  the  country,  so 
important  at  such  a  crisis,  might  be  maintained, 
and  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  African  pos- 
sessions,—  for  that  of  Oran,  in  particular,  which, 
with  a  prophetic  eye,  he  pointed  out  as  a  probable 
place  of  attack  ;  "  and  were  this  to  be  lost,"  he 
added,  "I  should  desire  not  to  be  in  Spain,  nor 
the  Indies,  nor  anywhere  on  earth  where  tidings  of 
an  event  so  disastrous  to  the  king  and  to  the  mon- 
archy could  ever  reach  me." 

It  was  clear  that  Charles,  if  he  had  withdrawn 
from  the  world,  was  not  weaned  from  a  lively  in- 
terest in  whatever  touched  the  welfare  of  the  coun- 
try. On  this  and  other  occasions,  he  w^as  ready  to 
fortify  the  inexperience  of  his  successor  by  those 
lessons  of  practical  wisdom  which  had  gained  for 
iiirn  the  reputation  of  being  the  shrewdest  prince 

VOL.  III.  46 


362  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  L 

in  Christendom.  Philip  often  invited  the  emperor's 
interference  in  his  concerns ;  and,  to  do  him  jus- 
tice, he  seems  to  have  shown  the  same  deference  to 
the  ophiions  and  wishes  of  his  father  in  retirement, 
that  he  had  shown  to  him  in  the  fulness  of  his 
power,  when  his  Avishes  were  commands. 

The  tedium  of  Charles's  confinement  to  the  house 
was  occasionally  relieved  by  the  visits  which  he 
consented  to  receive  from  some  of  the  nobles  resi- 
dent in  the  neighborhood,  who  were  desirous  to 
pay  their  respects  to  him.  The  count  of  Oropesa, 
and  his  brother,  who  had  been  viceroy  of  Peru, 
w^ere  constant  in  their  attentions.  He  found  par- 
ticular pleasure  in  a  visit  from  Don  Luis  de  Avila 
y  Zuiiiga,  grand  commander  of  the  order  of  Alcan- 
tara. This  remarkable  man,  after  a  long  and  suc- 
cessful career  in  public  life,  had  come  to  pass  the 
evening  of  his  days  at  his  princely  residence  in 
Plasencia.  In  his  youth  he  had  accompanied  the 
emperor  to  the  wars,  and  had  fought  by  his  side  at 
Tunis  and  in  tlie  German  campaigns,  where  he 
had  achieved  a  high  military  reputation.  He  had 
subsequently  served  his  master  in  a  diplomatic  ca- 
pacity, and  been  intrusted  by  him  with  the  conduct 
of  some  important  negotiations.  Finally,  ambitious 
of  gracing  the  trophies  he  had  Avon  both  as  a  sol- 
dier and  a  statesman  Avith  the  laurels  of  author- 
ship, he  Avrote  a  history  of  the  campaigns  against 
the  Protestants  in  Germany,  in  Avhich  he  had  nim- 
seif  performed  so  distinguished  a  part.  The  Avork 
was  so  successful   that  it   passed    through  several 


I55G.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  363 

editions  in  his  lifetime,  and  was  translated  into 
various  European  languages.  Charles  showed  the 
greatest  kindness  to  his  old  comjianion  in  arms, 
whose  presence  may  well  have  recalled  to  the  em_- 
peror  the  proud  days  of  his  military  renown,  when 
^ictory  was  sure  to  wait  upon  his  banner.  And  we 
may  imagine  that  the  conversation  of  the  old  cam- 
paigners must  have  turned  much  more  on  the  stir- 
ring scenes  of  early  life,  than  on  the  sober,  con- 
templative themes  better  suited  to  the  character  of 
the  recluse. 

Such  themes  formed  a  fitter  topic  for  discus- 
sion with  another  of  Charles's  visitors,  whom  in 
younger  days  he  had  honored  with  his  friendship. 
This  was  the  celebrated  Francisco  de  Borja,  former- 
ly  duke  of  Gandia,  now  a  humble  member  of  the 
Society  of  Jesus.  Born  in  the  highest  rank  of 
the  Spanish  aristocracy,  he  had  early  shown  him- 
self to  be  possessed  of  those  refined  and  elegant 
accomplishments  which  in  a  rough  age  are  less  fre- 
quently to  be  found  than  the  talents  of  the  soldier 
or  the  statesman.  But  these  talents  also  he  pos- 
tsessed  in  an  eminent  degree.  Charles,  quick  to 
discern  merit  in  the  meanest  of  his  subjects,  was 
not  likely  to  be  blind  to  it  in  one  whose  birth 
placed  him  in  so  conspicuous  a  position;  and  he 
testified  his  confidence  in  Borja  by  raising  him 
to  offices  of  the  highest  trust  and  consideration. 
But  although  the  latter  fully  justified  his  sover- 
eign's favor  by  the  ability  with  which  he  filled 
these    offices,   his    heart  was   not   in  his  business. 


^64  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

An  intense  devotional  feeling  had  taken  possession 
of  his  sonl.  He  became  weary  of  the  world  and 
its  vanities,  and  he  proposed  to  abjure  them,  and 
to  dedicate  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  the  great 
work  of  his  salvation.  With  his  master's  consent, 
at  the  age  of  thirty-seven  he  resigned  his  ducal 
title  and  his  large  possessions  to  his  eldest  son, 
and  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus,  which,  then  in 
its  infancy,  had  given  slender  augury  of  the  mag- 
nificent fortunes  that  awaited  it.  Here  the  aus- 
terity of  his  life,  the  generous  sacrifice  he  had 
made  of  worldly  honors,  and  the  indefatigable  zeal 
.which  he  displayed  in  carrying  out  the  objects  of 
the  institution,  gained  him  a  reputation  for  sanc- 
tity that  fell  little  short  of  that  of  Ignatius  Loyola 
liimself,  the  founder  of  the  Jesuits.  In  time  he 
became  general  of  the  order,  being  the  third  who 
filled  that  post;  and  there  was  probably  no  one 
of  its  members  who  did  more  to  establish  the  rep- 
utation of  the  society,  or  to  open  the  way  to  that 
pre-eminence  which  it  afterwards  enjoyed  among 
the  religious  communities  of  Christendom. 

Borja  was  at  this  time  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Plasencia,  where  he  was  employed  in  superintend- 
ing the  establishment  of  a  college  for  his  order. 
On  learning  from  the  count  of  Oropesa  that  the 
emperor  would  be  glad  to  see  him,  he  instantly 
repaired  to  Jarandilla.  When  Father  Francis  "  the 
Sinner" — for  that  was  the  humble  name  he  had 
assumed  —  presented  himself  before  Charles,  he 
showed  that  his    present  way  of  life  had  not  ef- 


1556]  AFTER  IIIS  ABDICATION.  3(55 

faced  from  his  memory  the  courtly  observances  of 
earlier  days.  He  knelt  down  before  the  emperor, 
and  in  that  attitude  would  have  addressed  lam; 
but  the  monarch,  raising  Borja  up,  would  not:  lis- 
ten to  him  till  he  was  both  seated  and  cciered. 
As  the  interview  Avas  private,  we  have  no  authen- 
tic account  of  the  conversation  that  followed.  It 
is  said  to  have  related  chiefly  to  the  character  and 
circumstances  of  the  new  society  which  Borja  had 
entered.  The  selection  had  not  met  with  hiij  mas- 
ter's approbation.  Charles  had  seen  the  humble 
beginnings  of  an  order  in  which  his  eye  did  not 
detect  the  seeds  of  future  greatness.  With  the 
conservative  feelings  natural  to  a  monarch  and  uri 
old  man,  he  was  no  friend  to  innovation. 

The  institution  of  the  Jesuits  had  taken  place 
at  a  time  when  the  Church  of  Home  was  trembling 
under  the  batteries  of  Luther.  Its  avowed  purpose 
was  to  uphold  the  sinking  fortunes  of  the  papacy. 
But  Charles,  bigot  as  he  was  at  heart,  did  not  look 
at  the  new  order  with  a  more  favorable  eye,  that 
it  came  forward  as  the  spiritual  militia  of  the  pope. 
More  than  once  he  had  been  at  feud  with  the  court 
of  Eome ;  and  Spain  was  at  this  very  moment  en- 
gaged in  a  war  with  the  Vatican.  He  would  will- 
ingly have  persuaded  Borja  to  leave  the  Jesuits, 
md  attach  himself  to  the  Jeronymites,  among 
whom  he  was  to  establish  his  own  residence. 

His  visitor  went  into  a  full  discussion  of  the 
matter.  He  stated  to  the  emperor  the  grounds 
of  his    preference,  and  explained  at    great  length 


866  LIFE   OF  CHAKLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  1. 

the  principles  on  which  the  society  had  been  or- 
ganized, and  the  great  objects  it  proposed.  In 
the  end,  if  he  did  not  convert  his  auditor  to  his 
own  way  of  thinking,  which  was  hardly  to  be 
expected,  he  seems  to  have  so  far  reconciled  him 
to  the  course  which  he  had  adopted  for  himself, 
thit  Charles  desisted  from  any  further  attempt 
to  make  him  change  it. 

Borja  remained  three  days  at  Jarandilla,  pass- 
ing most  of  his  time  in  the  emperor  s  apartment. 
When  he  took  his  leave,  the  unusual  compliment 
was  paid  him  of  being  mvited  to  repeat  his  visit 
after  the  emperor  had  removed  to  Yuste.  We 
may  readily  conceive  that  the  monarch  must  have 
taken  much  comfort  in  the  society  of  one  whose 
situation,  in  many  respects,  bore  a  strong  resem- 
blance to  his  own.  For.  like  his  master,  Borja  had 
resigned  fortune,  fame,  exalted  rank,  all  that  men 
most  covet,  that  he  might  dedicate  the  remainder  of 
his  days  to  Heaven.  He  had  not,  however,  waited, 
like  Charles,  till  disease  and  disaster  had  weaned 
him  fiom  the  world,  but  had  carried  his  plans  into 
execution  in  the  freshness  of  life,  in  the  hour  of 
ambition,  when  the  race  of  glory  yet  remained  to 
be  run. 

It  was  not  altogether  in  the  refined  and  intellect- 
ual pleasures  of  reading  and  social  mtercourse  that 
Charles  passed  the  time  of  his  confinement.  He 
had  brought  with  him  into  retirement  the  same 
relish  for  the  pleasures  of  the  table  which  he  had 
indulged  through  life.     His  appetite  was  excessive, 


1566.]  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  367 

rivalling  that  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth,  or  Frederic 
the  Great,  or  any  other  royal  gourmand  whose 
feats  are  recorded  in  history.  The  pertinacity 
with  which  he  gratified  it  under  all  circumstances 
amounts  to  a  trait  of  character.  A  Venetian  en- 
voy at  his  court,  in  the  latter  part  of  Charles's 
reign,  tells  us  that,  before  rising  in  the  morning, 
potted  capon  Avas  usually  served  to  him,  prepared 
wdth  sugar,  milk,  and  spices ;  after  w^hich  he  would 
turn  to  sleep  again.  At  noon  he  dined  on  a  variety 
of  dishes.  Soon  after  vespers  he  took  another  meal, 
and  later  in  the  evening  supped  heartily  on  ancho- 
vies, or  some  other  gross  and  savory  food,  of  which 
he  was  particularly  fond.  The  invention  of  his 
cooks  was  sorely  puzzled  how  to  devise  rich  and 
high-seasoned  dishes  to  suit  his  palate ;  and  his 
maitre  cVhotel^  much  perplexed,  told  his  discontent- 
ed master  one  day,  knowdng  his  passion  for  time- 
pieces, that  "  he  really  did  not  know  what  he 
could  do,  unless  it  were  to  serve  up  his  majesty 
a  fricassee  of  watches."  The  reply  had  the  effect 
of  provoking  a  hearty  laugh  from  the  emperor, — 
a  circumstance  of  rare  occurrence  in  the  latter  days 
of  his  reign. 

To  wash  down  this  extraordinary  quantity  of 
food,  Charles  drank  in  proportion.  Iced  beer  was 
a  favorite  beverage  with  him,  administered  often 
the  first  thing  on  rising  in  the  morning.  When 
stronger  potations  were  required,  he  had  no  ob- 
jection to  E,henish  wdne.  Eoger  Ascham,  when 
in  (jermany,  saw^  the  emperor  on  St.  Andrew's  day, 

7  2G 


fjfiS  LIFE   OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

sitting  at  dinner  at  the  feast  of  the  Golden  Fleece. 
"  He  (h-ank  the  best,"  says  Ascham,  "  that  I  ever 
saw.  He  had  his  head  in  the  glass  five  times  as 
long  as  any  of  us,  and  never  drank  less  than  a 
good  quart  at  once  of  E-henish."  It  was  in  vain 
that  his  physician  remonstrated,  and  that  his 
confessor,  Cardinal  Loaysa,  with  an  independence 
which  did  him  credit,  admonished  him  to  desist 
from  the  pernicious  practice  of  eating  and  drink- 
ing to  excess,  reminding  him  that  his  Creator  had 
not  sent  him  into  the  world  to  indulge  in  sensual 
delights,  but  by  his  diligent  labors  to  save  the 
Christian  commonwealth.  Charles  gave  as  little 
heed  to*  the  warnino^s  of  the  divine  as  to  those  of 
the  doctor.  Unfortunately,  his  position  enabled 
him  too  easily  to  obtain  a  dispensation  from  those 
fasts  of  the  Church  which  might  otherwise  have 
stood  him  in  good  stead.  In  the  end  came  the 
usual  heavy  reckoning  for  such  indulgence.  He 
was  tormented  with  indigestion,  bile,  gout,  and 
various  other  maladies  that  flesh  —  especially  when 
high-fed  and  over-fed  —  is  heir  to.  The  gout  was 
the  most  formidable  of  his  foes.  Its  attacks  were 
incessant.  The  man  who  had  followed  the  chase 
without  fatigue  among  the  roughest  passes  of  the 
Alpuj arras,  who  had  kept  the  saddle  day  and  night 
in  his  campaigns,  and  had  been  esteemed  one  of 
the  best  j ousters  in  Europe,  was  obliged  at  length, 
whenever  he  travelled,  to  be  borne  in  a  litter,  like 
a  poor  cripple.  Care  and  excessive  toil  had  com- 
bined with  his  intemperate  way  of  life  to  break 


1556.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  369 

down  a  constitution  naturally  robust;  and,  before 
he  had  reached  the  age  of  fifty,  Charles  was  al- 
ready an  old  man. 

The  same  mischievous  propensities  accompanied 
him  to  his  monastic  retreat.  In  the  almost  daily 
correspondence  between  Quixada,  or  Gaztelu,  and 
the  secretary  of  state  at  Valladolid,  there  is  scarcely 
a  letter  that  does  not  turn  more  or  less  on  the  em- 
peror's eating  or  his  illness.  The  one  seems  nat- 
urally to  follow,  like  a  running  commentary,  on  the 
other.  It  is  rare  that  such  topics  have  formed  the 
burden  of  communications  with  the  department  of 
state.  It  must  have  been  no  easy  matter  for  the 
secretary  to  preserve  his  gravity  in  the  perusal  of 
despatches  in  which  politics  and  gastronomy  were 
so  strangely  mixed  together.  The  courier  from 
Valladolid  to  Lisbon  was  ordered  to  make  a  detour, 
so  as  to  take  Jarandilla  in  his  route,  and  bring  sup- 
plies for  the  royal  table.  On  Thursdays  he  was  to 
bring  fish  to  serve  for  the  jour  maigre  that  was  to 
follow.  The  trout  in  the  neighborhood  Charles 
thought  too  small ;  so  others,  of  a  larger  size,  were 
to  be  sent  from  Valladolid.  Fish  of  every  kind  was 
to  his  taste,  as,  indeed,  was  anything  that  in  its 
nature  or  habits  at  all  approached  to  fish.  Eels, 
frogs,  oysters,  occupied  an  important  place  in  the 
royal  bill  of  fare.  Potted  fish,  especially  ancho- 
vies, found  great  favor  with  him  ;  and  he  regretted 
that  he  had  not  brought  a  better  supply  of  these 
from  the  Low  Countries.  On  an  eel-pasty  he  par- 
ticularly doated.     Good  supplies  of  these   savory 

VOL.    III.  47 


,^^70  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  1 

abominations  were  furnished,  from  time  to  time, 
from  the  capital,  by  his  daughter,  who  thus  made 
amends  for  the  remissness  which,  according  to 
Gaztelu,  she  had  shown  in  supplying  the  emperor's 
table  on  his  journey  through  the  country.  Soles, 
lampreys,  flounders,  came  in  great  quantities  from 
Seville  and  Portugal.  The  country  round  Jaran- 
dilla  furnished  the  pieces  de  resistance,  in  the  form 
of  pork  and  mutton,  for  the  emperor's  table.  Game 
also  was  to  be  had  in  abundance.  He  had  a  lively 
recollection,  however,  of  some  partridges,  from  a 
place  belonging  to  the  count  of  Ossorno,  formerly 
sent  to  him  in  Flanders.  The  major-domo  ordered 
some  to  be  procured  from  the  same  quarter  now. 
But  Charles  remarked  "they  did  not  taste  now  as 
they  had  formerly  tasted."  The  olives  of  Estre- 
madura  were  too  large  and  coarse  for  his  liking. 
Repeated  directions  were  given  to  procure  a  supply 
from  Perejon,  the  trader  who  had  furnished  some 
of  a  smaller  and  more  delicate  kind,  and  to  obtain 
from  him,  if  possible,  the  receipt  for  pickling  them. 
One  might  have  thought  that  the  land  of  pork, 
in  which,  as  we  have  seen,  Charles  was  living, 
would  be  that  of  sausages ;  but  he  had  not  for- 
gotten those  which  his  mother,  "  now  in  glory," 
was  in  the  habit  of  having  made  for  herself  in 
Tordesillas.  There  the  secretary  of  state  was  di- 
rected to  apply  for  some.  In  case  he  failed  in 
that  quarter,  he  could  easily  obtain  a  receipt  for 
making  them  from  the  kitchen  of  the  marquis  of 
Denia.     Unfortunately,  as  the  major-domo  laments 


1556.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  371 

the  sausages  did  not  reach  Jarandilla  till  Thurs* 
day  night;  and,  as  they  could  not  by  any  con- 
struction come  into  the  category  of  fish,  the  em- 
peror was  obliged  to  defer  his  addresses  to  thera 
for  four  and  twenty  hours,  at  least ;  possibly  much 
longer,  as  the  next  letter  records  a  sharp  attack 
of  gout. 

The  nobles  in  the  vicinity,  who  knew  Charles's 
weak  side,  sent  him  constantly  presents  of  game 
and  vegetables.  The  churchmen  were  equally  at- 
tentive. The  prior  of  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe, 
the  archbishop  of  Saragossa,  the  bishop  of  Plasen- 
cia,  and  the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  were  liberal  in 
their  contributions  ;  the  last  prelate  sending  a  car- 
avan of  mules  laden  with  provisions  for  the  sup- 
ply of  the  emperor  and  his  suite.  The  duch- 
esses of  Bejar  and  Frias,  who  lived  in  that  quar- 
ter, testified  their  devotion  to  their  ancient  lord 
by  presents  of  sweetmeats,  confectionery,  or  some 
little  ornament  or  article  of  dress.  Among  the 
presents  received  from  the  latter  lady  were  some 
delicate  gloves,  then  a  greater  rarity  than  now. 
Charles,  casting  a  glance  at  his  gouty  fingers, 
remarked  that  "  the  duchess  should  have  sent  him 
hands  to  wear  them."  Quixada,  who  had  com- 
plained of  the  scantiness  of  supplies  on  his  first 
arrival  at  Jarandilla,  as  they  now  poured  in  so 
abundantly,  drew  the  most  doleful  auguries  of  the 
effects  on  his  master,  who,  in  his  present  state  of 
inactivity,  might  be  thought  hardly  capable  of 
meeting  even  ihe  ordinary  drafts  on  his   constitu- 


3  72  LITE   OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

tion.  "But  remonstrance,  as  the  major-domo  plain- 
tively Wrote  to  Yalladolid,  was  of  no  avail.  The 
result  justified  his  prognostics. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  December  Charles  had 
a  severe  fit  of  gout,  which,  beginning  with  his 
right  hand  and  arm,  soon  extended  to  the  neck, 
then  to  the  left  arm  and  hand,  and  then  to  the 
knees,  until,  in  fine,  crippled  in  all  his  limbs, 
unable  so  much  as  to  feed  himself,  the  emperor 
took  to  his  bed,  where  he  lay  several  days  in 
great  torment.  He  resorted  to  his  usual  remedies, 
—  his  barley-water,  his  yelks  of  eggs,  and  his 
senna-w^ine.  This  last  nostrum  was  made  of  a 
decoction  of  senna  that  had  been  steeped  for  some 
months  in  a  light  wine  of  excellent  quality.  In- 
deed, the  process  took  a  year  for  its  completion. 
This  beverage  he  considered  as  possessed  of  such 
singular  virtue,  that  he  had  ordered  the  receipt  for 
it  to  be  forwarded  from  Flanders  to  the  secretary 
of  state  at  Valladolid,  under  whose  care  the  prep- 
aration was  to  be  made.  But  it  could  not  save 
him  from  other  troubles ;  and,  while  tlie  gout  was 
still  on  him,  he  had  an  attack  of  fever  and  ague, 
attended  by  a  sore  throat  that  rendered  b.im  almost 
incapable  of  taking  nourishment.  This  had  one 
good  efiect,  however;  and  Quixada  ^omf^vted  his 
master  by  telling  him  that  "  the  be^l  way  to  cure 
the  gout  was  to  keep  the  mouth  shut." 

The  emperor's  physician  was  a  young  mat  :  and 
his  daughter,  the  regent,  sent  him  ker  ot^  n ;  as  older 
and  more  experienced,  to  advise  a^  itli  him      Aiioth- 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  AEDICATION.  373 

er  of  the  faculty  was  also  added  from  Italy,  a  man 
of  some  repute  for  the  treatment  of  the  disorders 
to  which  Charles  was  subject.  He  undertook  to 
relieve  the  emperor  of  his  gout ;  but  he  did  not 
find  his  patient  so  tractable  as  could  be  wished. 
The  Italian's  first,  very  reasonable  injunction  was 
that  he  should  give  up  his  iced  beer.  But  the 
emperor  plainly  told  him  "  he  would  do  no  such 
thing."  The  doctor  then  remonstrated  against  the 
climate  of  Yuste,  as  altogether  too  damp.  Charles 
intimated  that  he  could  leave  it  when  he  liked, 
saying  that  "  he  had  not  yet  taken  the  vows." 
Quixada  seems  to  have  had  an  indifferent  opin- 
ion of  the  doctor's  skill,  and  pevhaps  of  that  of 
the  faculty  in  general ;  for  he  remarked  that  "  the 
emperor,  if  he  chose,  could  prescribe  for  himself 
better  than  any  one  else  could."  Happily  his 
master's  condition  compelled  him  to  resort  to 
that  abstinence  which  was  the  only  effectual  rem- 
edy. Yet  we  can  hardly  accuse  him  of  pushing 
this  to  an  extreme,  when  we  find  him,  on  his 
waking  at  three  in  the  morning,  swallowing  a 
bason  of  capon-broth. 

The  first  attack  of  gout  was  followed  by  a  sec- 
ond, in  the  month  of  January,  1557.  It  w^as  said 
to  have  been  immediately  caused  by  Charles's  vex- 
ation at  the  news  above  referred  to  from  Italy.  It 
was  not  so  severe  or  of  so  long  duration  as  the  pre- 
ceding. As  the  symptoms  grew  more  favorable, 
and  the  gout  gradually  subsided,  the  spirits  of  the 
Bick  man  rallied,  and  he  regaled  himself  with  an 


374  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

omelette  of  sardines,  and  some  other  savory  messes, 
greatly  to  the  dismay  of  the  major-domo,  who,  in 
his  report  to  the  secretary  of  state,  declares  that  "  it 
was  no  fault  of  his  ;  for  any  attempt  to  reason  his 
master  out  of  his  passion  for  fish  was  but  labor 
lost." 

Charles  had  now  prolonged  his  stay  three  months 
at  Jarandilla.  ^leantime  the  buildings  at  Yuste 
were  so  nearly  completed  as  to  be  ready  for  his 
reception.  The  monks  were  impatient  for  his  com- 
ing. "  If  the  emperor  should  not  go,  after  all,  they 
would  hang  themselves,"  wrote  the  secretary,  Gaz- 
telu.  "  Yet,"  he  says,  "  for  myself,  I  shall  never 
believe  that  he  will  go  till  I  have  seen  it." 

The  fact  is,  that  Charles  was  detained  at  Jaran- 
dilla by  the  want  of  funds  to  pay  off  those  of  his 
household  who  were  not  to  accompany  him  to 
Yuste.  For  this  he  had  required  from  Valladolid 
thirty  thousand  ducats.  Weeks  elapsed  without 
the  remittance  of  a  single  ducat ;  and  the  royal 
exchequer  was  reduced  so  low,  that  Quixada  was 
obliged  to  advance  a  hundred  reals  from  his  own 
pocket  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  establishment. 
At  length,  twenty-six  thousand  ducats  were  sent. 
But  Charles  would  not  move  till  he  had  received 
the  full  amount.  Yet  no  blame  for  this  remissness 
seems  to  have  been  imputed  to  the  regent.  The 
emperor  had  learned  from  his  own  experience,  that 
it  Avas  not  always  easy  for  a  king  of  Spain,  with 
the  Indies  at  liis  command,  to  procure  the  neces- 
sary supplies  for  his  own  household. 


1557.J  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  375 

At  length  the  remittances  came.  Quixada  wag 
enabled  to  discharge  all  arrears.  Arrangements 
were  made  for  sending  back  such  of  the  retinue 
as  were  not  to  accompany  their  master  to  Yuste . 
and  the  regent  was  requested  to  charter  the  vessels 
to  convey  them  to  Flanders. 

Out  of  more  than  a  hundred  and  fifty  retainers 
who  had  followed  Charles  to  Jarandilla,  between 
fifty  and  sixty  only  were  reserved  for  his  establish- 
ment at  Yuste.  The  selection  was  attended  with 
some  difficulty.  Several  of  the  principal  Flem- 
ings, whom  their  lord  would  have  retained  in  his 
service,  were  not  disposed  to  remain  with  him. 
They  had  no  mind  to  give  up  their  native  land  and 
their  hopes  of  court  preferment,  in  order  to  bury 
themselves  in  a  convent  of  monks  in  the  wilds  of 
Estremadura.  They  knew,  moreover,  the  parsimo- 
nious temper  of  their  master  too  well  to  count  upon 
any  remuneration  that  would  compensate  for  the 
sacrifices  they  must  make.  "  They  bear  little  love 
to  us,"  writes  Quixada ;  "  it  goes  to  my  heart  to 
hear  them  talk  of  the  long  and  faithful  services 
they  have  rendered,  and  of  the  poor  return  they 
have  received,  or  expect  to  receive,  for  them." 

It  fared  not  much  better  with  those  who  were  to 
remain  with  the  emperor.  It  was  Quixada's  busi- 
ness to  notify  them  of  their  salaries,  and  of  the  pro- 
vision which  their  master  had  made  for  them  after 
his  decease.  "  The  same  thing  happened  in  this 
case,"  writes  the  major-domo,  "  that  usually  hap- 
pens.    Some  were  more  contented  with  what  had 


SI 6  LIFE  OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I 

been  done  for  them  than  others.  No  one  was  al- 
together satisfied ;  and  I  least  of  all,  that  I  should 
find  myself  in  so  disagreeable  a  business,  and  be 
obliged  to  tell  things  to  one  and  another  which 
they  liked  as  little  to  hear  as  I  to  say."  Charles, 
however,  might  derive  some  satisfaction  from  the 
reflection  that,  as  mercenary  motives  were  excluded, 
those  who  remained  in  his  service  must  have  done 
so  for  the  love  they  bore  him.  Indeed,  if  not  a 
generous,  he  was  a  kind  master ;  and  the  courtesy 
of  his  manners,  and  his  considerate  regard  for  his 
dependants,  were  such  as  to  inspire  them  with  a 
strong  feeling  of  loyal  attachment,  independently 
of  the  reverence  in  which  they  naturally  held  him. 
This  was  especially  true  of  the  Flemings,  in  whom 
the  sentiment  of  loyalty  was  heightened  by  the  cir- 
cumstance that  the  emperor  was  their  own  coun- 
tryman, • —  having  been  born  in  Ghent.  When, 
therefore,  they  assembled  round  his  door,  prepara- 
tory to  his  departure,  and  listened  for  the  last 
time  to  the  kind  accents  that  fell  from  his  lips, 
there  were  few  among  them  who  were  not  melt- 
ed to  tears.  In  short,  —  to  borrow  the  words  of 
Mignet,  —  the  regret  of  those  who  were  to  be  for 
ever  separated  from  their  master  was  only  to  be 
equalled  by  the  sorrow  of  those  who  were  to  be 
buried  with  him  in  the  Jeronymite  convent. 

On  the  third  of  February,  at  three  in  the  after* 
noon,  the  emperor,  followed  by  his  retinue,  took 
leave  of  the  hospitable  walls  of  the  lord  ol  Oropesa. 
He  was  carried,  as  usual,  in  a  horse  litter,  his  noble 


1557.]  afteh  his  abdication.  37'7 

host  and  the  trusty  major-domo  riding  by  hi?  sida 
As  he  passed  through  the  files  of  halberdiers  drawn 
up  before  the  castle,  they  threw  their  pikes  on  the 
ground,  in  token  that  their  service  was  ended.  The 
cavalcade  proceeded  across  the  valley,  and  more 
slowly  climbed  the  slopes  of  the  mountain,  shaggy 
witli  woods,  which  the  winter  winds  had  long  since 
stripped  of  their  foliage.  As  they  drew  near  to 
Yuste,  the  sound  of  the  convent  bells  ringing  mer- 
rily came  through  the  woods.  The  brethren  were 
assembled  in  the  church,  which  was  decorated  in 
the  gayest  manner,  as  for  a  festival ;  and  the  gath- 
ering shadows  of  evening  were  dispelled  by  numer- 
ous tapers,  with  which  the  chapel  was  illuminated. 
As  the  emperor  entered  the  outer  gates,  the  whole 
body  of  the  monks,  forming  a  procession,  with  the 
prior  bearing  a  crucifix  at  their  head,  came  forward, 
chanting  the  Te  Deum,  to  w^elcome  their  royal  guest 
to  his  new  abode.  Charles,  alighting  from  his  lit- 
ter, and  accompanied  by  the  count  of  Oropesa  and 
by  Quixada,  was  borne  in  a  chair  by  his  attendants 
to  the  foot  of  the  high  altar.  Here  he  remained, 
absorbed  in  his  devotions,  till  the  service  was  con- 
cluded, and  the  last  tones  of  the  organ  had  died 
away.  He  then  courteously  received  the  saluta- 
tions of  the  brotherhood,  who  gathered  round  him, 
addressing  a  kind  word  to  each  of  the  monks,  as 
they  came  forward  to  kiss  his  hand.  The  prior, 
somewhat  embarrassed  by  the  august  presence  into 
which  he  was  now  brought,  in  a  complimentary 
speech  addressed  Charles  by  the  title  of  ''pater- 
VOL.  m.  48 


G^iS  LIFE   OF  CmVRLES   THE  FIFTH.  [Book  I 

nidad,''  which  the  good  fjither  hastily  corrected, 
as  one  of  tlie  brethren,  in  a  whisper,  suggested 
the  propriety  of  "  magestad:' 

This  ceremony  being  concluded,  the  emperor  had 
sufficient  strength  to  go  through  the  monastery,  as 
well  as  every  part  of  his  own  mansion,  to  examine 
the  accommodations  for  his  followers,  and  finally  to 
be  carried  m  his  arm-chair  to  the  little  hermitage  of 
Bethlehem,  in  the  woods,  at  the  distance  of  two 
bow-shots  from  the  convent.  He  was  in  good 
spirits,  professing  himself  pleased  with  all  that 
he  saw ;  and  in  this  contented  frame  of  mind  he 
took  possession  of  the  simple  residence  in  which 
he  was  to  pass  the  brief  remainder  of  his  days. 
The  monks,  m  their  turn,  were  overjoyed  at  seeing 
that  which  they  had  hardly  believed  would  ever 
come  to  pass.  "  Pray  Heaven,"  writes  the  secre- 
tary, Gaztelu,  "  that  his  majesty  may  continue  to 
endure  the  friars  as  patiently  as  he  does  now. 
This  will  be  no  easy  matter.  They  are  all  an  im- 
portunate race ;  and  the  more  importunate  in  pro- 
portion to  their  ignorance,  of  which  there  is  no 
lack  among  the  brotherhood  of  Yuste," 


BOOK     II 


Chai'las's  Mrtns.on  at  Yuste. — Furniture  and  Works  of  Art. — Yan 
Male.  —  (marles's  Household  and  Expenditure.  —  His  Way  of  Life. 
—  His  Confessor.  —  His  Mechanical  Pursuits.  —  His  Observance  of 
Religious  Kites.  —  His  Contentment  at  Yuste. 

The  emperor's  dwelling  at  Yuste,  notwithstand- 
ing it  had  been  contrived  by  one  of  the  best  archi- 
tects in  Spain,  had  little  pretensions  to  the  name 
of  "  palace,"  by  which  the  monkish  chroniclers,  in 
their  reverence  for  its  occupant,  are  wont  to  distin- 
guish it.  It  was  a  simple  structure,  of  very  mod- 
erate dimensions,  and  stood  on  the  steep  side  of 
the  mountain,  with  its  back  against  the  southern 
wall  of  the  monastery.  It  consisted  of  only  eight 
rooms,  four  on  each  floor,  which  were  of  a  uniform 
size,  being  twenty-five  feet  long  by  twenty  broad. 
They  all  opened  into  corridors,  tliat  crossed  tlie 
building  and  terminated  in  two  deep  porticos,  or 
galleries,  that  flanked  it  on  the  east  and  west. 
These  led  out  upon  terraces,  for  which  the  sloping 
land  was  eminently  favorable,  and  which  the  cm 
peror    afterwards    embellished   with   flowers,   foun- 

7  2H 


380  LIFE   OF   CHAKLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  II 

tains,  and  fish-ponds,  fed  by  the  streams  from  the 
surrounding  hills.  From  the  western  terrace  a 
gently  sloping  path,  suited  to  the  monarch's  feeble 
limbs,  led  to  the  garden,  which  spread  out  below 
the  house.  This  was  of  considerable  extent ;  and 
a  high  wall,  which  enclosed  it,  separated  it  from 
the  domain  of  the  monks.  A  small  part  of  it  was 
reserved  for  raising  the  vegetables  for  the  royal 
table.  The  remainder  was  laid  out  as  a  pleasure- 
ground,  with  parterres  of  flowers,  and  pleasant 
walks  shaded  with  orange,  citron,  and  mulberry 
trees,  that  in  this  sheltered  spot,  screened  from  the 
rude  winds  of  the  north,  grew  as  luxuriantly  as  in 
a  more  southern  latitude.  One  of  these  alleys  led 
to  a  light  and  tasteful  summer-house,  the  ruins  of 
which  may  be  detected  by  the  traveller  among  the 
rubbish  that  covers  the  ground  at  the  present  day. 
Another  walk,  bordered  with  cypresses,  led  to  a 
gate  which  opened  into  the  neighboring  forest, 
where  two  cows  were  pastured  that  supplied  milk 
for  the  emperor's  dairy. 

Charles  took  for  his  bed-chamber  the  northeast- 
ern room  on  the  second  floor,  contiguous  to  the 
chapel,  which,  indeed,  was  the  part  of  the  monas- 
tery against  which  his  mansion  was  erected.  The 
apartment  was  so  situated  that  a  window,  or  glass 
door,  opened  from  it  directly  into  the  chancel,  giv- 
ing him,  while  he  lay  in  bed,  a  complete  view  of 
the  high  altar,  and  enabling  him,  when  confined  to 
his  chamber,  to  take  part  in  the  service.  In  the  op- 
posite corner  of  the  building  was  the  cabinet  whej'e 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  381 

he  passed  the  day  in  transacting  business,  wliich 
still  followed  him  to  Yuste,  and  in  receiving  envoys 
and  visitors  who  came  to  pay  their  respects  to  him 
in  his  retirement. 

The  northern  chambers  must  have  been  dark  and 
dreary,  with  no  light  but  what  found  its  way  under 
the  deep  porticos  that  protected  the  sides  of  the 
dwelling.  But  on  the  south  the  rooms  lay  open 
to  the  sun,  and  looked  pleasantly  dow^n  upon  the 
garden.  Here  the  vines,  clambering  up  the  walls, 
hung  their  colored  tassels  around  the  casements, 
and  the  white  blossoms  of  the  orange-trees,  as  they 
were  shaken  by  the  breeze,  filled  the  apartment 
with  delicious  odors.  From  the  windows  the  eye 
of  the  monarch  ranged  over  a  magnificent  prospect. 
Far  above  rose  the  bold  peaks  of  the  sierra,  dark 
with  its  forests  of  chestnut  and  oak,  while  below, 
for  many  a  league,  was  spread  out  the  luxuriant 
savanna,  like  a  sea  of  verdure,  its  gay  colors  con- 
trasting with  the  savage  character  of  the  scenery 
that  surrounded  it.  Charles,  who  had  an  eye  for 
the  beautiful  in  nature  as  well  as  in  art,  loved  to 
gaze  upon  this  landscape  ;  and  in  the  afternoon  he 
would  frequently  take  his  seat  in  the  western  gal- 
lery, when  warm  with  the  rays  of  the  declining  sun, 
as  it  was  sinking  in  glory  behind  the  mountains. 

Charles,   as  we  have  seen,  was  careful  to  guard 

■himself  against    cold,    always    travelling   with   his 

stove,  and  causing  chimneys  to  be  built  in  houses 

where  he  prolonged  his  residence.      We  may  be 

sure  that  he  did  not  omit  this  practice  in  a  place 


382  LIFE   OF   CHAKLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  n 

like  Yuste,  where  the  dampness  of  the  atmosphere 
rendered  fireplaces,  although  little  in  vogue  among 
the  natives,  as  important  as  in  a  colder  region.  lie 
had  chimneys  constructed  for  every  room  in  the 
house.  Indeed,  he  seemed  to  possess  the  consti- 
tution of  a  salamander,  and  usually  kept  his  apart- 
ments in  a  sort  of  furnace  heat,  by  no  means  agree- 
able to  his  household.  With  all  this,  and  with 
the  further  appliances  of  furs  and  wrappings  of 
eider-down,  he  would  often  complain,  especially 
when  the  gout  was  on  him,  that  he  was  chilled  to 
the  bone. 

The  furniture  and  decorations  of  Charles's  dwell- 
ing seem  not  to  have  been  altogether  in  keeping 
with  the  plainness  of  the  edifice.  Yet  Sandoval, 
the  emperor  s  historian,  assures  us  that  "  the  apart- 
ments were  so  ill  provided  in  respect  to  these,  that 
they  looked  as  if  they  had  been  sacked  by  an  enemy, 
instead  of  being  the  residence  of  a  great  monarch  ; 
that  the  walls  were  hung  with  nothing  better  than 
black  cloth,  as  if  for  mourning,  and  with  this  only 
in  his  bed-chamber  ;  that  he  had  but  one  arm- 
chair, or  rather  half  a  chair,  so  old  and  rickety  that 
it  w^ould  not  have  fetched  four  reals  at  auction; 
finally,  that  his  wardrobe  w^as  on  the  same  humble 
scale,  consisting  of  a  single  black  suit,  and  that  of 
poor  quality."  The  same  account,  with  more  or  less 
variation,  is  echoed  by  Vera  y  Figueroa,  Valparay- 
so,  Strada,  and  other  writers  of  authority.  That 
Charles  had  not  much  to  boast  of  in  the  way  of 
dress  may  well  be  believed ;  for  during  the  latter 


1557.3  AETER  HIS  ABDICATION.  3g3 

years  of  his  life,  he  had  been  singularly  indifferent 
to  his  apparel.  "  When  he  rode  into  the  towns," 
says  a  contemporary,  "  amidst  a  brilliant  escort  of 
courtiers  and  cavaliers,  the  emperors  person  was 
easy  to  be  distinguished,  among  the  crowd,  by  the 
plainness  of  his  attire."  In  the  latter  part  of  his 
reign,  he  dressed  wholly  in  black.  Roger  Ascham, 
who  was  admitted  to  an  audience  by  him  in  his  privy 
chamber  some  five  years  before  his  abdication,  says 
that  the  emperor  "  had  on  a  gown  of  black  taffety, 
and  looked  somewhat  like  the  parson  at  Epurstone." 
His  natural  parsimony  came  in  aid  of  his  taste.  It 
is  told  of  him  that  once,  being  overtaken  by  a  storm 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Naumburg,  he  took  off  his 
new  velvet  cap,  and  remained  uncovered  while  he 
sent  into  the  tow^i  for  an  old  one.  "  Poor  emperor," 
thought  one  of  the  company,  who  tells  the  anecdote, 
"  spending  tons  of  gold  on  his  wars,  and  standing 
bareheaded  in  the  rain  for  the  sake  of  his  velvet 
bonnet !  "  The  reflection  is  a  natural  one ;  but  not 
more  natural  than  the  inconsistency  which  gave  rise 
to  it. 

That  Charles  w^as  not  altogether  unmindful  of 
his  \\'earing-apparel  in  Yuste,  may  be  inferred  from 
the  fact,  that  his  w^ardrobe  contained  no  less  than 
sixteen  robes  of  silk  and  velvet,  lined  with  ermine, 
or  eider-down,  or  the  soft  hair  of  the  Barbary  goat. 
As  to  the  furniture  and  upholstery  of  his  apart- 
ments, how  little  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the 
reports  so  carelessly  circulated  about  these,  may  be 
gathered  from   a  single  glance  at  the  inventory  of 

2H2 


84  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 


his  eftucts,  prepared  by  Q.uixada  and  Gaztelu  soou 
after  their  master's  death.  *  Among  the  items  we 
find  carpets  from  Turkey  and  Alcaraz,  canopies  of 
velvet  and  other  stuffs,  hangings  of  fine  black  cloth, 
which,  since  his  mother's  death,  he  had  always 
chosen  for  his  own  bedroom ;  while  the  remaining 
apartments  were  provided  with  no  less  than  twenty- 
five  suits  of  tapestry,  from  the  looms  of  Flanders, 
richly  embroidered  with  figures  of  animals  and 
with  landscapes.  Instead  of  the  crazy  seat  that  is 
spoken  of,  we  find,  besides  a  number  of  sofas  and 
chairs  of  carved  walnut,  half  a  dozen  arm-chairs 
covered  with  black  velvet,  and  two  others,  of  a 
more  elaborate  Avorkmanship,  for  the  emperors  es- 
pecial use.  One  of  these  was  garnished  with  six 
cushions  and  a  footstool,  for  the  accommodation  of 
his  tender  joints,  and  the  other  Avell  stuffed  and  pro- 
vided Avith  handles,  by  which,  without  annoyance 
to  himself,  he  could  be  borne  out  upon  the  terrace, 
where,  in  fine  weather,  he  often  preferred  to  take 
his  repasts.  The  accommodations  of  his  sleeping 
apartment  showed  an  equal  attention  to  his  per- 
sonal comfort;  for,  besides  two  beds,  of  different 
ilimensions,  we  find  such  an  ample  supply  of  bol- 
sters, pillows,  blankets,  and  bed-gear  of  all  descrip- 
tions, as  would  have  rejoiced  the  heart  of  the  most 
ambitious  housekeeper. 

With  the  article  of  plate,  he  was  no  less  gener- 
ously provided,  though  we  are  assured  by  the  au- 
thorities above  quoted,  that  he  had  but  three  or 
four  pieces,  and  those  of  the  plainest  pattern.     'Ihe 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  3,S5 

service  of  his  oratory  was  uncommonly  ample,  and 
was  mostly  of  silver-gilt.  His  table  service  was 
also  of  silver,  as  were  the  articles  for  his  toilet, 
the  vases,  the  pitchers,  the  basins,  and  even  the 
humblest  utensil  in  his  bed-chamber.  The  vessels 
in  his  apothecary's  room  were  of  the  same  precious 
material,  as  well  as  most  of  the  articles  hi  the  pan- 
try and  the  kitchen.  Among  the  different  pieces  of 
plate  we  find  some  of  pure  gold,  and  others  espe- 
cially noted  for  their  curious  workmanship ;  and  as 
this  was  an  age  in  which  the  art  of  working  the 
precious  metals  was  carried  to  the  highest  perfec- 
tion, we  cannot  doubt  that  some  of  the  finest  speci- 
mens had  come  into  the  emperor's  possession.  The 
whole  amount  of  plate  was  estimated  at  between 
twelve  and  thirteen  thousand  ounces  in  weight. 

The  emperor's  inventory  makes  no  great  display 
of  jewels.  Such  trinkets,  worthless  in  the  monas- 
tery, he  left  to  those  who  had  still  their  showy 
parts  to  play  on  the  theatre  of  the  world.  He 
brought  with  him,  however,  a  number  of  richly 
mounted  caskets  of  gold,  silver,  and  enamel,  con- 
taining different  articles  which  still  had  value  in 
his  eyes.  Among  these  were  several  collars  and 
badges  of  the  Golden  Fleece,  the  proud  BurgundicUi 
order  of  which  the  Spanish  sovereign  was  now  the 
head.  But  most  of  these  jewelled  coffers  were 
filled  with  relics  or  amulets.  Among  the  former 
was  a  bit  of  the  true  cross.  It  afterwards  passed 
as  a  precious  legacy  to  Philip  ;  as  did  also  the  con- 
tents of  another  casket,  a  crucifix  which  his  mother, 

/Ol,.  III.  49 


386  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 

the  Empress  Isabella,  had  in  her  hands  in  the  hour 
of  death,  and  which  ^vas  after\vards  to  solace  the 
last  moments  of  her  husband  and  her  son.  The 
other  boxes  were  chiefly  devoted  to  talismans,  which 
the  superstition  of  the  times  had  invested  with  mar- 
vellous properties  for  warding  off  disease.  There 
were  stones  set  in  gold,  sure  styptics  for  stopping 
blood ;  nine  English  rings,  a  specific  against  cramp ; 
a  blue  stone,  richly  chased,  for  expelling  the  gout  ; 
four  bezoar  stones,  in  gold  settings,  of  singular  effi- 
cacy in  curing  the  plague ;  and  other  charms  of  the 
same  kind.  It  may  surprise  one  that  a  person  of 
so  strong  a  mind  as  Charles  the  Fifth  should 
have  yielded  so  far  to  the  popular  superstition 
as  to  put  faith  in  such  trumpery.  That  he  did 
so  is  evident  from  the  care  with  which  he  pre- 
served these  amulets,  and  from  his  sending  one  of 
them  —  a  bezoar  stone  —  to  his  chamberlain,  Van 
Male,  when  supposed  to  be  ill  of  the  plague.  Yet 
this  should  not  be  set  down  so  much  to  superstition 
as  to  the  credulity  which  grew  out  of  an  ignorance 
of  the  real  properties  of  matter,  —  an  ignorance 
which  the  emperor  shared  with  the  best  instructed 
men  of  the  age,  who,  in  whatever  related  to  physi- 
cal science,  were  constantly  betrayed  into  errors  of 
which  a  schoolboy  at  the  present  day  would  be 
ashamed. 

There  was  one  decoration  for  his  dwelling  which 
the  abdicated  monarch  brouoht  with  him  to  Yuste, 
of  more  w^orth  than  his  plate  or  his  jewels.  This 
was  a  small  but  choice  collection  of  pictures,  som-e 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  387 

of  which  ranked  as  the  noblest  master-pieces  of  art 
They  were  variously  painted,  on  canvas,  Avood,  and 
stone,  mostly  of  the  size  of  life,  and  hung  in  rich 
frames  round  the  walls  of  his  apartments.  Some 
were  in  miniature,  and  among  these  were  no  less 
than  three  of  the  empress;  while  an  elaborate  al- 
tar-piece, displaying  pictures  of  the  Virgin  and  the 
Child,  was  ornamented  with  gold  medallions  that 
contained  likenesses  of  the  different  members  of 
the  imperial  family. 

But  the  gems  of  the  collection  were  eight  paint- 
ings from  the  pencil  of  Titian.  Charles  was  a  true 
lover  of  art,  and,  for  a  crowned  head,  no  contempti- 
ble connoisseur.  He  fully  appreciated  the  merits  of 
the  great  Venetian,  had  him  often  near  his  person 
at  the  court,  and  at  all  times  delighted  to  do  homage 
to  his  genius.  There  is  a  story  that,  on  one  occa- 
sion, the  monarch  picked  up  a  pencil  which  Titian 
had  dropped  while  painting,  and  restored  it  to  him, 
saying  that  "  so  great  an  artist  should  be  served  by 
an  emperor."  This  is  too  like  some  well  attested 
anecdotes  of  Charles  to  be  rejected  as  altogether 
improbable.  However  this  may  be,  he  showed  his 
estimation  of  the  artist  by  conferring  on  him  the 
honor  of  knighthood,  and  by  assigning  him  a  yearly 
pension  on  the  revenues  of  Naples,  of  two  hundred 
gold  crowns.  He  may  be  thought  to  have  done 
some  violence  to  his  nature,  moreover,  by  never 
paying  him  a  less  sum  than  eight  hundred  crowns 
for  each  of  his  portraits.  There  were  several  of 
himself  at  Yuste,  from  the  hand  of  Titian ;  one  a 


388  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  jBooK  11. 

full-length,  representing  the  emperor  in  complete 
mail.  He  was  painted  many  times  by  the  Vene- 
tian artist ;  for  it  was  by  his  pencil  that  he  de- 
sired his  likeness  should  be  transmitted  to  posterity. 
He  had  his  wish.  Some  of  these  portraits  are 
among  the  best  productions  of  Italian  art ;  and  the 
emperor  lives  immortal  on  the  canvas  of  Titian,  no 
less  than  in  the  pages  of  history. 

There  are  several  pictures  also  of  the  empress 
by  the  same  master ;  and  others  of  Philip  and  the 
different  members  of  the  royal  family.  But  the 
most  remarkable  in  the  collection,  and  one  that 
Charles  had  caused  to  be  painted  a  few  years  be- 
fore, that  he  might  take  it  with  him  to  his  retreat, 
was  the  celebrated  "  Gloria,"  in  which  he  appears 
with  the  empress  m  the  midst  of  the  heavenly  host, 
and  supported  by  angels,  in  an  attitude  of  solemn 
adoration.  This  superb  picture,  which,  after  the 
monarch's  death,  accompanied  his  remains  to  the 
Escorial,  is  reported  by  tradition  to  have  been 
placed  over  the  great  altar  in  the  church  of  Yuste. 
That  this  was  the  case  is  rendered  probable  by  the 
size  of  the  painting,  which  made  it  better  suited 
to  a  church  than  a  private  apartment.  In  the  space 
above  the  altar,  Charles  could,  moreover,  readily  see 
it  through  the  window  of  his  chamber ;  and,  from 
his  sick-bed,  his  eyes  might  still  rest  on  the  features 
of  the  sainted  being  who  had  been  dearest  to  him 
on  earth. 

There  were  other  pictures  by  different  artists,  the 
principal  of  whom  was  "  Master  Michael,"  as  he 


1557.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  •JSf) 

is  termed,  respecting  whose  identity  historians  are 
somewhat  puzzled.  The  subjects  of  his  pieces  were 
chiefly  of  a  religious  character,  and  celebrated  dif- 
ferent passages  in  the  life  of  Our  Lord.  The  whole 
collection  was  one  well  suited  to  the  condition  of 
the  monarch,  who  had  withdrawn  from  the  tumult 
of  the  world  to  a  life  of  holy  meditation.  "While 
surrounded  by  the  images  of  those  who  were  asso- 
ciated in  his  memory  with  the  most  tender  recollec- 
tions, his  religious  sensibilities  were  kindled  by  the 
sight  of  those  scenes  which  commemorated  the  sor- 
rows and  the  sufferings  of  his  Saviour. 

Charles  had  brought  but  a  meagre  array  of  books 
to  adorn  his  shelves  at  Yuste.  He  was  never  a 
great  reader.  His  life  had  been  too  busy  to  allow 
the  leisure  for  it.  It  was  his  misfortune  in  his 
youth  not  to  have  acquired  a  fondness  for  books, — 
that  best  source  of  enjoyment  in  prosperity,  as  it  is 
the  unfailing  solace  in  the  hour  of  trouble.  The 
learned  Adrian  of  Utrecht  was,  indeed,  his  precep- 
tor. But  Chievres,  the  politic  Flemish  minister, 
who  had  the  direction  of  his  affairs,  considered 
letters  as  belonging  to  gownsmen,  and  that  a 
prince  could  better  bestow  his  time  on  manly  and 
chivalrous  exercises.  Charles's  whole  library  did 
not  exceed  thirty-one  volumes.  These  were  mostly 
of  a  religious  character,  as  psalters,  missals,  brevi- 
aries, commentaries  on  the  Scriptures,  and  the  Med- 
itations of  St.  Augustine.  Of  the  Consolations  of 
Boethius,  —  a  work  once  so  popular,  —  there 
were  copies  in  three  different  languages.     He  had 


390  LIFE  OF  Charles'  the  fieth        [Book  n. 

a  few  scientific  worKs,  among  them  the  Almagesta 
of  Ptolemy,  which  contained  whatever  was  known, 
or  rather  not  known,  of  astronomy  in  that  day. 

One  might  have  expected  that  history,  at  least, 
would  have  found  fav^or  wdth  the  emperor.  But  he 
was  too  busy  in  furnishing  materials  for  history  to 
find  time  for  reading  it.  He  possessed  a  fragment 
of  the  unfinished  manuscript  of  Florian  de  Ocampo's 
Cronica  de  EspaJia  ;  a  work  in  which  the  author, 
starting  from  the  Deluge,  —  as  usual  with  the  Span- 
ish chronicler  in  that  day,  —  was  interrupted  by 
death  before  he  had  groped  his  way  through  the 
Dark  Ages.  A  copy  of  Caesar's  Commentaries 
graced  the  shelves.  But  it  was  in  an  Italian  trans- 
lation, as  Charles  had  a  very  imperfect  knowledge 
of  Latin.  He  took  more  pleasure  in  the  Commen- 
taries of  his  friend  the  Grand  Commander  Avila, 
which  celebrated  the  wars  in  Germany  in  which 
the  eDiperor  played  the  principal  part. 

But  the  work  which  had  the  greatest  interest  for 
the  monarch  was  a  French  poem,  "  Le  Chevalier 
Delihcre,'"  which  had  great  success  in  its  day.  It 
was  chiefly  devoted  to  celebrating  the  glories  of 
the  house  of  Burgundy,  and  especially  that  prince 
of  fire-eaters,  Charles  the  Bold.  The  emperor, 
pleased  with  the  work,  and  the  more  so,  no  doubt, 
that  it  commemorated  the  achievements  of  his  own 
ancestral  line,  had  formerly  amused  his  leisure 
hours  by  turning  it  into  Spanish.  He  afterwards 
employed  his  chamberlain,  William  Van  Male,  to 
revise  it.  and  correct  the  style  for  him.     Thus  pu- 


1537.1  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  39 

nned,  it  was  handed  over  to  a  poet  of  the  court, 
named  Acuila,  who  forthwith  did  it  into  set  Cas- 
tilirin  yei^e. 

Van  Male,  the  chamberlain,  who  had  thus  per- 
formed the  same  office  for  his  master  which  Vol- 
taire used  to  intimate  he  had  rendered  to  Frederic 
the  Great,  by  saying  he  had  washed  out  the  king's 
dirty  linen,  was  a  person  who  held  too  important  a 
place  in  the  emperor's  household  to  be  passed  oA^er 
in  sihiice.  He  was  born  in  Flanders,  of  an  ancient 
but  decayed  family.  He  early  followed  the  wars, 
and  tov.k  service  under  the  duke  of  Alva.  But  the 
profession  of  arms  was  not  suited  to  his  quiet  and 
studiouy  tastes  ;  and  when  peace  came,  he  quitted 
the  army,  with  the  design  of  entering  the  Church. 
The  poor  gentleman,  however,  had  no  patron  to 
push  him  for^vard  in  the  path  of  preferment,  and, 
satisfied  of  this,  he  gladly  embraced  an  offer,  which 
he  obtained  through  the  interest  of  Charles's  min- 
ister, De  Praedt,  of  the  post  of  chamberlain  in  the 
imperial  household. 

In  his  new  situation  Van  Male  was  necessarily 
brought  into  close  relations  with  his  master,  to 
whom  his  various  accomplishments  enabled  him 
to  render  other  services  than  those  strictly  de- 
manded by  his  office.  When  Charles's  fingers 
were  too  much  crippled  by  gout  to  hold  the  pen, 
the  chamberlain  aded  as  his  secretary,  and  some- 
times wrote  his  despatches.  If  the  monarch,  op- 
pressed with  care,  or  tormented  by  bodily  pain, 
was   unable   to    compose   himself    to    sleep,   Van 

7  21 


39^  LIFE   OF   CHAELES   THE   FIFTH  [Boor  II 

Male  beguiled  the  time  by  reading  aloud  to  him  ; 
and  many  a  weary  hour,  and  often  far  into  the 
niglit,  did  the  chamberlain  stand  by  his  master's 
bedside,  engaged  in  his  unenviable  office.  It  was 
in  such  intervals  as  he  could  snatch,  during  this 
occupation,  that  he  wrote  those  letters  to  his  friend 
the  minister  De  Praedt,  which  have  recently  been 
published,  and  v/hich  throw  many  gleams  of  light 
on  the  emperor's  personal  character  and  way  of 
life.  In  their  constant  intercourse.  Van  Male's 
guileless  character,  his  integrity,  and  his  amiable 
disposition,  won  the  regard  of  his  master,  who 
seems  to  have  honored  him  with  a  greater  de- 
gree of  confidence  than  any  other  of  his  house- 
hold, except  Quixada.  But  for  all  that,  and  not- 
withstanding the  important  services  he  received 
from  him,  Charles  did  little  for  the  advancement 
of  the  chamberlain's  fortunes.  When  the  latter 
announced  that  he  was  about  to  marry,  the  em- 
peror looked  graciously  on  the  plan,  and  favored 
him  with  some  prudent  counsels  in  regard  to  his 
housekeeping.  The  simple-hearted  chamberlain 
overflowed  with  gratitude  at  this  mark  of  conde- 
scension, which  he  does  not  fliil  to  communicate 
in  his  letters  to  De  Praedt.  But  these  prudent 
counsels  were  all  that  Charles  had  to  give  him. 
At  length  the  time  came  when  the  emperor  could 
be  generous  to  Van  Male,  and  that  without  any 
cost   to   himself. 

He  determined  to  present  him  with   the  manu- 
ec]"ipt    containing     the     Castilian    version     of    the 


1557.1  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  29$^ 

"  Chevalier  Delihere,''  and  to  have  a  large  edi- 
tion of  it  struck  off  at  once.  This  was  to  be 
done  at  the  chamberlain's  expense,  who  Avould 
be  abundantly  i-emunerated  by  the  sale  of  the 
poem.  "It  will  put  five  hundred  gold  crowns 
into  his  pocket,"  exclaimed  a  wicked  wag,  the 
historian  Avila.  "And  William  is  well  entitled 
to  them,"  said  the  emperor,  "for  he  has  sweat 
hard  over  the  work."  But  the  subject  of  the 
royal  bounty  took  a  very  different  view  of  the 
matter.  Nothing  seemed  certain  to  him  but  the 
cost,  —  especially  as  Charles  positively  declined  to 
propitiate  the  public  by  making  known  the  part 
which  he  had  taken  in  the  composition  of  the 
work.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  poor  chamberlain 
protested.  His  master  would  not  be  balked  in 
his  generous  purpose,  and  in  that  same  year,  1555, 
an  edition  of  two  thousand  copies  of  the  book  ap- 
peared from  the  press  of  Jean  Steeltz,  in  Antwerp. 
Whether  the  result  justified  the  ominous  presages 
of  Van  Male,  we  are  not  told.  He  was  one  of 
the  Flemings  who  followed  their  master  to  Yuste. 
He  survived  him  but  two  years;  and,  as  there  is 
no  appearance  that  his  affairs  were  in  a  very  flour- 
ishing condition  at  the  time  of  his  own  death,  we 
have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  manuscript  of 
the  "  Cahallero  Determinado "  proved  a  gold  mine 
to  him.  Charles  had  brought  with  him  to  Yuste 
two  copies  of  the  epic,  which  he  probably  regarded 
with  more  complacency  than  that  with  which  they 
were  viewed  by  Van  Male.     One  was  in  the  origi- 

voL.  III.  50 


394  LIFE   OF   CHARLES  THE   FIFTH  [Book  II 

nal  Frencli,  the  otlicr  in  the  Castilian  version,  and 
both  were  ornamented  with  colored  drawings,  and 
rii  hly  bound  in  crimson  velvet,  with  clasps  and  cor- 
ners of  silver,  like  many  of  the  other  books  in  the 
collection, 

The  imperial  household  consisted  of  about  fifty 
persons,  —  a  number  not  greater  than  belonged  to 
the  family  of  many  a  private  gentleman.  But  the 
titles  of  some  of  the  officials  intimated  the  state 
maintained  in  the  establishment.  There  were  the 
major-domo,  the  almoner,  the  johysician,  the  apoth- 
ecary, the  secretary,  four  gentlemen  of  the  chamber, 
the  keeper  of  the  wardrobe,  and  the  like.  There 
were  also  cooks,  confectioners,  fruiterers,  bakers, 
brewers,  gumekeepers,  and  a  number  of  menials  for 
the  inferior  offices.  Charles,  as  w^e  have  seen,  had 
been  disappointed  in  not  being  able  to  retain  the 
services  of  some  of  the  more  distinguished  Flem- 
ino-s  in  his  monastic  retreat.  Their  attachment  to 
their  master  was  not  strong  enough  to  make  them 
renounce  the  world,  and  bury  themselves  in  the 
solitudes  of  Yuste.  With  the  exception,  there- 
fore, of  a  few  men  of  family  and  education,  who 
filled  the  higlier  posts,  the  establishment  was  made 
up  of  illiterate  persons,  suited  to  the  humblest  sta- 
tion. Even  one  of  the  chamberlains,  as  we  gather 
from  the  emperor's  will,  was  unable  either  to  read 
or  write. 

The  emperor's  family  was  variously  distributed. 
Quixada,  Gaztelu,  Moron,  keeper  of  the  ward- 
robe, and  some  others  of  the  pruicipal  attendants, 


1557.1  AFTER  IIIS   ABDICATION.  395 

were  lodged  in  the  neighboring  village  of  Cuacos, 
half  a  league  from  the  monastery,  —  a  place,  as 
the  secretary  pathetically  complains,  "even  worse 
than  Yuste."  Much  the  greater  number  found 
accommodations  in  a  part  of  the  new  cloisters,  to 
which  the  avenues  from  the  rest  of  the  monas- 
tery were  carefully  closed,  while  easy  communica- 
tions were  opened  with  "  the  palace."  Thus  tlie 
emperor's  establishment,  in  the  words  of  Mignet, 
was  complete  in  itself,  supplying  him  not  only 
with  all  that  was  required  in  the  Avay  of  personal 
service,  but  with  Avhatever  was  necessary  for  his 
use,  —  from  the  bread  for  his  table  to  the  various 
medicines  for  his  maladies  ;  from  the  wdne  and  beer 
of  his  cellar  to  the  wax-lights  for  his  oratory. 

The  salaries  of  the  attendants  varied  accord- 
ing to  the  nature  of  their  services.  Quixada,  as 
head  of  the  establishment,  was  to  receive  the  same 
yearly  stipend  wdth  that  assigned  to  the  marquis  of 
Denia,  wdio  had  held  the  post  of  chamberlain  in 
Queen  Joanna's  household.  The  amount  is  not 
stated.  Gaztelu,  the  secretary,  and  Mathys,  the 
physician,  received  each  seven  hundred  and  fifty 
florins  a  year.  Moron  had  four  hundred  fiorms, 
as  master  of  the  w^ardrobe  ;  Torriano,  the  mech- 
anician, three  hundred  and  fifty  ;  Van  Male,  and 
the  other  chamberlains  of  the  first  class,  three 
hundred  each.  The  whole  amount  of  the  wages 
somewhat  exceeded  ten  thousand  florins.^ 

1  The  Flemish  florin,  according  to  Mignet  ("  Charles  Quint,"  p.  227), 
c-ontained  an  amount  of  silver  equivalent  to  that  of  six  francs  ninety- 

212 


396  LIFE   OF   CHAKLES  THE  FIFTH       ■      [Book  U. 

Charles  had  estimated  his  probable  expenses  at 
al^oiit  sixteen  thousand  gold  ducats  a  year.  He 
ibuad,  however,  that  he  ■  should  require  twenty 
tlioiisand  ;  and  he  ordered  the  secretary  Vazquez 
to  remit  to  him  that  amount,  in  quarterly  pay- 
ments of  five  thousand  each.  Gaztelu  urged  the 
importance  of  punctuality  in  the  remittances  ;  for 
"  the  emperor,"  he  said,  "  is  the  man  of  all  others 
who  requires  to  be  served  with  punctuality  ;  and 
the  least  want  of  it  causes  him  the  greatest  an- 
noyance." One  might  have  thought  that  the  lord 
of  Spain  and  the  Indies  would  have  long  been 
familiar  with  such  sources  of  annoyance. 

The  abdicated  monarch  had  reserved  for  himself 
the  proceeds  of  certain  taxes  called  Jos  seis  y  onzt 
al  miUm\  and  a  right  in  the  mmes  of  Guadalcanal. 
These,  which  were  of  silver,  and  situated  in  the 
south,  not  far  from  Cordova,  were  of  daily  increas- 
ing value ;  though  it  was  not  till  some  years  later, 
wdien  leased  to  the  Tuggers  of  Augsburg,  that  their 
productiveness  was  fully  established.  Besides  these 
sources  of  revenue,  Charles  had  laid  aside  for  him- 
self thirty  thousand  gold  ducats,  which  he  deposit- 
ed in  the  fortress  of  Simancas.  His  daughter  Joan- 
na, more  than  once,  when  hard  pushed  for  money 

seven  centimes  of  the  present  day.  But  silver  has  greatly  depreciated 
since  the  sixteenth  century.  Taking  three  as  the  multiple  indicating  the 
depreciation,  the  Flemish  florin  would  be  equal  to  nearly  twenty-one 
francs  of  the  present  currency.  There  are  so  many  embarrassments, 
however,  in  the  way  of  forming  a  correct  estimate  of  the  relative  value 
of  money  in  ditferent  ages,  that  any  conclusion  at  ♦vku  h  we  may  ar- 
rive must  be  received  with  diffidence. 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  AEDTCATION.  397 

for  the  public  service,  tried  to  persuade  him  to 
allow  her  to  borrow  from  this  lioard  on  the  faith 
of  the  national  credit.  But  her  father,  wno  knew 
from  experience  that  government  paper  was  by  no 
means  as  good  as  gold,  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  ap- 
plication, and  kept  his  treasure  untouched  to  the 
day  of  his  death. 

(])harles's  way  of  life  at  Yuste  was  of  that  regu- 
lar kind  to  have  been  expected  in  one  who  lived 
in  the  atmosphere  of  a  convent.  He  rose  early, 
and  immediately  breakfasted.  His  stomach  ab- 
horred a  vacuum,  even  for  the  shortest  space  of 
time.  When  the  door  was  thrown  open,  his  con- 
fessor, Father  Juan  de  Eegla,  appeared.  The  his- 
tory of  this  man  affords  one  of  the  many  examples 
of  the  wise  policy  with  which  tlie  Catholic  Church 
opens  a  career  to  talent  and  desert  wherever  found, 
instead  of  making  rank  the  only  path  to  prefer- 
ment. Regla  was  the  son  of  a  poor  Aragonese 
peasant.  While  a  lad,  he  Avent  to  Saragossa,  where 
he  lived  for  some  time  on  charity,  especially  on  the 
alms  doled  out  at  the  convent  gate  of  St.  Engracia. 
He  performed  also  some  menial  offices ;  and  the 
money  he  thus  picked  up  he  spent  on  books.  The 
brethren  of  the  convent  aided  him  by  their  spiritual 
teachings,  and  by  their  recommendation  of  bim  to 
a  wealthy  patron,  Avho  gave  him  the  charge  of  his 
eons  in  the  University  of  Salamanca.  Rcgla  seems 
CO  have  fully  shared  in  all  the  advantages  for  educa- 
lion  afforded  by  this  seat  of  science.  He  profited 
by  them  to  the  utmost,  made  himself  well  acquaint- 


398  LIEE   OE   CHARLES  THE  EIETH  [Book  II. 

ed  with  the  ancient  tongues,  especially  Greek  and 
Hebrew,  and  went  still  deeper  into  the  canon  law, 
as  he  had  determined  to  devote  himself  to  the 
Church.  At  the  age  of  thirty-six  he  entered  the 
order  of  St.  Jerome,  making  his  profession  in  the 
old,  familiar  convent  of  St.  Engracia.  He  distin- 
guished himself  by  the  strictness  with  which  he 
conformed  to  the  discipline  of  the  society.  Though 
a  subtle  and  dexterous  casuist,  he  seems  to  have 
had  no  great  success  as  a  preacher.  But  he  was 
the  most  popular  confessor  in  Saragossa.  His 
learning  and  exemplary  way  of  life,  recommended 
by  plausible  manners,  gradually  acquired  for  him 
such  consideration  with  the  brotherhood,  that  he 
was  raised  to  the  office  of  prior  in  the  very  convent 
at  whose  gate  he  had  once  received  charity. 

The  first  term  of  his  office  liad  just  expired,  and 
he  was  about  to  be  re-elected  for  another,  when  he 
received  a  summons  to  attend  the  emperor  as  his 
confessor  at  Yuste.  However  gratifying  the  ap- 
pointment may  have  been  to  his  feelings,  he  seems 
to  have  preferred  to  remain  in  the  independent 
position  which  he  held  as  head  of  the  Jeronymite 
monastery.  At  least,  he  showed  no  alacrity  in 
complying  with  the  summons.  When  at  length  he 
presented  himself  before  the  emperor,  the  latter, 
who  had  been  impatient  of  his  delay,  inquired  the 
cause  of  it;  to  which  the  Jeronymite,  with  a  down- 
cast look,  replied,  "  It  was  because  he  did  not  think 
himself  worthy,  or  indeed  qualified,  to  take  charge 
of  his  majesty's   conscience."      Charles,   who   per- 


1557.J  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  399 

haps  did  not  give  the  monk  credit  for  as  much  hu- 
mility as  he  professed,  told  him  to  take  courage ; 
"  for,"  said  he,  "  I  have  had  five  learned  divines, 
Avho  have  been  busy  with  my  conscience  for  this 
year  past  in  Flanders ;  -and  all  with  which  you 
will  have  to  concern  yourself  will  be  my  life  in 
Yuste." 

The  meek  and  austere  deportment  of  the  confes- 
sor soon  established  him  in  the  good  opinion  of  the 
monarch,  who,  in  one  instance,  showed  him  a  sin- 
gular proof  of  consideration.  He  not  only  allowed, 
but  commanded,  Regla  to  be  seated  in  his  pres- 
ence,—  an  act  of  condescension  which  greatly  scan- 
dalized the  loyal  Quixada,  who  regarded  it  in  the 
light  of  an  indignity  that  a  poor  friar  should  thus 
be  placed  on  a  level  with  his  august  sovereign. 
Kegla  himself  felt  the  awkwardness  of  his  situa- 
tion, for  much  the  same  etiquette  was  observed  to- 
^vards  Charles  in  his  retirement  as  when  on  the  im- 
perial throne.  The  monk  saw  the  odium  to  which 
his  master's  favor  would  expose  him ;  and  on  his 
knees  he  besought  the  emperor  to  allow  him  to 
stand  in  his  presence.  "When  any  one  enters 
the  room,  it  makes  me  feel,"  said  the  poor  man, 
"like  a  criminal  on  the  scaffold,  dressed  in  his 
san-henitoy  "Be  in  no  pain  about  that,"  said 
Charles  to  him;  "you  are  my  father-confessor. 
I  am  glad  that  people  should  find  you  sitting 
when  they  come  into  the  room;  and  it  does  not 
displease  me,"  he  coolly  added,  "  that  you  should 
change  countenance  sometimes  at  being  found  so." 


400  LIFE   OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  II 

Notwithstanding  this  show  of  deference  to  his 
confessor,  or  to  the  cloth,  Regla  soon  found  that 
humility  was  not  a  cardinal  virtue  of  his  royal 
penitent,  and  that,  if  he  had  resigned  the  sceptre, 
he  still  retained  a  full  measure  of  the  imperious 
temper  with  which  he  had  swayed  it.  On  one  oc- 
casion, the  monk  having  gone  on  his  own  affairs  to 
the  neighboring  town  of  Plasencia,  Charles,  as  soon 
as  he  learned  it,  sent  a  courier  to  order  him  back. 
"  I  would  have  you  know,  brother  Juan,"  said  the 
emperor  to  him,  on  his  return,  "  that  it  is  my 
pleasure  you  go  not  hence  w^ithout  my  express 
permission.  You  are  not  to  quit  me  for  a  single 
moment."  Regla  received  the  rebuke  wath  pa- 
tience, and  from  that  hour  never  left  the  monas- 
tery  so  long  as  his  master  lived. 

After  the  confessor  had  assisted  Charles  in  his 
morning  devotions,  the  latter  amused  himself  with 
some  occupation,  —  often  of  a  mechanical  kind,  for 
which  he  had  a  taste.  His  companion  at  these 
times  was  Torriano,  the  meclianician  whom  we 
have  mentioned  as  forming  one  of  the  household. 
He  w^as  a  native  of  Cremona,  in  Italy,  a  man  of 
singular  ingenuity,  who  afterwards  gained  himself 
a  name  as  an  engineer  by  the  construction  of  the 
celebrated  hydraulic  works  of  Toledo.  He  was 
well  skilled  in  the  manufacture  of  timepieces,  and, 
as  we  have  seen,  made  those  elaborate  clocks  which 
adorned  the  apartments  at  Yuste.  He  Avas  en- 
gaged, at  this  time,  on  an  astronomical  timepiece 
of  a  most  complicated  construction,  which  required 


1&57.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  4Q1 

more  tlian  three  years  for  its  completion.  Charle? 
is  said  to  have  observed  the  progress  of  this  c-urions 
piece  of  mechanism  with  great  interest.  He  had 
brought  with  him  to  Yiiste  a  number  of  watches 
made  by  the  same  hand.  Pocket  "watches  were  a 
great  rarity  at  that  period,  for  their  invention  was 
of  recent  date,  going  back  no  farther  than  the  be- 
ginning of  the  century. 

Charles  had  a  passion  for  timepieces,  though  one 
might  have  thought  that  he  would  have  cared  little 
for  the  precise  measurement  of  the  hours  as  they 
glided  away  in  the  monotonous  routine  of  the 
monastery.  The  difficulty  which  he  found  in  ad- 
justing his  clocks  and  watches  is  said  to  have 
drawn  from  the  monarch  a  philosophical  reflection 
on  the  absurdity  of  his  having  attempted  to  bring 
men  to  anything  like  uniformity  of  belief  in  mat- 
ters of  faith,  when  he  could  not  make  any  two 
of  his  timepieces  agree  with  each  other.  But  that 
he  never  reached  the  degree  of  philosophy  required 
for  such  a  reflection,  is  abundantly  shown  by  more 
than  one  sentiment  that  fell  from  his  pen,  as  well 
as  his  lips,  during  his  residence  at  Yuste. 

Charles  had  a  turn  for  the  mathematical  sciences; 
and  his  inventory  contains  a  number  of  geometrical 
and  other  instruments,  which  he  had  brought  with 
him  to  his  retreat.  In  the  catalogue  we  find, 
moreover,  mention  made  of  no  less  than  thirty-six 
pairs  of  spectacles.  He  had  a  decided  taste,  and, 
as  it  Avould  seem,  talent,  for  mechanical  pursuits, 
and  when  in  Germany  had  invented  a  carriage  fot 

VOL.  in.  51 


402  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 

his  own  accommodation,  in  whicli  he  used  to  take 
his  airings  in  the  country.  He  would  often  amuse 
himself  with  Torriano  in  maldng  little  puppets,  — 
soldiers  performing  their  exercises,  girls  dancing 
with  their  tamhourines,  and,  if  the  account  he  true, 
wooden  hirds  that  could  fly  m  and  out  at  the  win- 
dow !  —  all  which,  in  the  eyes  of  the  simple  monks, 
savored  of  necromancy.  But  what  satisfied  them 
beyond  a  doubt  that  Torriano  was  an  adept  in  the 
black  art  was  his  invention  of  a  hand-mill  small 
enough  to  be  tucked  away  in  the  sleeve  of  a  friar, 
but  of  sufficient  power  to  grind  enough  meal  in  a 
day  to  feed  a  man  for  a  week.  It  may  have  been 
some  such  piece  of  witchcraft  that  furnished  an  ar- 
gument for  his  prosecution  afterwards  by  the  Holy 
Office. 

At  ten  o'clock  some  of  the  emperor's  ai/udas  de 
cdmara  or  of  his  harheros,  —  gentlemen  of  the 
chamber  of  the  first  and  second  class,  —  came  to 
assist  him  at  his  toilette.  At  noon  he  heard  mass. 
When  well  enough,  he  always  attended  the  service 
in  person,  occupying  his  place  in  the  choir.  At 
other  times  he  w^ould  sit  at  his  chamber-window, 
which,  as  we  have  seen^  opened  on  the  chancel, 
where  the  clear,  sonorous  tones  of  his  voice  might 
be  heard,  mingling  with  those  of  the  choristers 
below.  He  had  a  great  fondness  for  music,  and 
understood  the  principles  of  the  art.  When  on  the 
throne,  the  music  of  his  chapel  was  unsurpassed  by 
that  of  any  church  in  Christendom.  On  his  com- 
ing to  Yuste,  the  greatest  pains  had  been  taken  to 


IM7.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  i03 

select  for  him  tlie  best  voices  from  the  different 
convents  of  the  order.  No  person  was  admitted 
into  the  choir  except  those  who  regularly  belonged 
to  it.  On  one  occasion  a  professional  singer  from 
Plasencia  having  joined  in  the  chant,  the  unaccus- 
tomed tones  soon  drew  the  emperor's  attention ; 
and  the  intruder  was  compelled  to  beat  a  hasty 
retreat.  Charles  had  a  quick  ear;  and  sometimes, 
when  a  false  note  jarred  on  it,  he  would  break  into 
a  passion,  and  salute  the  offender  with  one  of  those 
scurrilous  epithets  which  he  had  picked  up  in  the 
wars,  and  which  were  much  better  suited  to  a  mili- 
tary life  than  to  a  monastic. 

Immediately  after  mass  he  dined,  —  an  important 
meal,  which  occupied  much  time  with  him  always, 
at  the  convent  as  well  as  at  the  court.  At  Yuste, 
he  still  retained  the  unsocial  privilege  claimed  by 
royalty  of  eating  alone.  He  beguiled  the  time, 
however,  by  conversing  with  some  one  of  his 
household,  who  was  present  during  the  repast. 
Sometimes  it  was  Mathys,  the  physician,  a  man  of 
science,  but  who  unfortunately  did  not  possess  the 
authority  exercised  by  Sanclio  Panzas  island-doc- 
tor, to  order  off  the  unwholesome  dishes  from  the 
table.  Sometimes  it  was  the  learned  chamberlain, 
Van  Male,  who  was  present.  Frequently  both  re- 
mained ;  and  the  emperor  conversed  with  them  on 
different  topics,  usually  those  relating  to  science, — 
to  anything  but  politics.  The  subject  often  turned 
on  natural  history,  of  which  Charles  Avas  fond, 
when  Pliny  would,  of  course,  he  cited  as  sovereign 


7 


2  K 


404  LIFE   OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  II. 

authority ;  and,  if  a  passage  chanced  to  puzzle  the 
disputants,  the  confessor  —  a  good  scholar,  as  we 
have  seen  —  would  sometimes  be  sent  for  to  settle 
the  dispute. 

After  dinner,  the  monk  read  to  his  master  some 
portion  of  St.  Bernard  or  St.  Jerome,  pausing  fre- 
quently while  his  auditor  made  a  running  commen- 
tary on  the  text ;  so  that  the  exercise,  as  the  narra- 
tor adds,  partook  rather  of  the  nature  of  "  a  sweet 
and  heavenly  communion."  At  other  times  the 
conversation  turned  on  lighter  and  more  familiar 
topics.  Then  came  a  short  siesta  ;  after  which  the 
emperor  repaired  to  the  church,  where  three  days 
in  the  week  he  listened  to  a  discourse  from  one 
of  his  chaplains.  There  were  three  of  these,  men 
selected  for  their  piety  and  learning  from  the  dif- 
ferent houses  of  the  order.  Among  the  number 
Fray  Francisco  de  Villalva  was  especially  endowed 
with  a  rare  and  touching  eloquence,  which  made 
him  one  of  the  most  popular  preachers  of  the  day ; 
and  as  his  discourses  found  great  favor  with  Charles, 
he  was  selected  to  deliver  the  sermon  much  oftener 
than  either  of  his  brethren.  Occasionally  assist- 
ance was  not  refused  from  other  quarters ;  and  if 
any  member  of  the  order  belonging  to  some  other 
convent,  wdio  had  a  gift  for  preaching,  happened  to 
visit  Yuste,  he  was  invited  to  mount  the  pulpit,  and 
display  his  eloquence  before  the  emperor.  When 
ever  there  was  preaching,  Charles  made  it  a  point 
to  be  present.  If  prevented  by  illness,  or  by  the 
necessity  of  preparing  despatches  for  Brussels  or 


1557.]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  405 

Valladolid,  he  expected  to  hear  from  his  confessor 
on  the  same  evenmg,  a  full  report  of  the  discoures. 

On  the  other  afternoons  of  the  week,  he  listened 
to  some  portion  of  the  Scriptures  from  Fray  Ber- 
nardo de  Salinas,  a  learned  divine,  who  had*re- 
ceived  his  degree  of  doctor  from  the  University  of 
Paris.  The  part  most  frequently  selected  for  this 
exercise  was  the  Epistle  to  the  Eomans,  which  the 
emperor  preferred,  says  a  monkish  historian,  as 
containing  the  sum  and  substance  of  all  the  other 
epistles,  and  comprehending  within  itself  all  the 
sound  doctrines  and  dogmas  of  the  Church.  The 
remainder  of  the  day  he  was  occupied  with  such 
affairs  as  claimed  his  attention.  After  vespers,  and 
before  retiring  to  rest,  he  refreshed  himself  with  a 
supper,  in  which  fish,  dressed  in  some  rich  and  un- 
wholesome way,  was  pretty  sure  to  make  part  of 
the  repast. 

A  religious  sentiment,  which  unhappily  was 
deeply  tinctured  with  bigotry,  lay  at  the  basis 
of  Charles's  character,  as  was  shown  in  the  busi- 
est parts  of  his  life,  no  less  than  in  his  retire- 
ment. He  had  ever  paid  due  attention  to  the  so- 
lemnities of  the  Church,  and  was  anxious  to  show 
his  respect  for  its  ministers.  On  one  occasion, 
when  attending  divine  service  in  the  chapel  of  the 
University  of  Alcala,  he  declined  to  take  the  throne 
which  had  been  prepared  for  him,  and  took  his 
seat  with  the  canons,  saying  that  "  he  could  find 
nc  better  place  than  among  such  reverend  and 
learned  divines."     After  the  death  of  the  empress, 


406  LIPE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  H. 

he  heard  a  private  mass  for  her  every  day  as  soon 
as  he  had  risen ;  and  when  he  had  despatched  the 
business  of  the  audience-chamber,  he  repaired  to 
the  chapel  and  heard  mass  there  in  public.  At 
Yuste  he  caused  four  masses  to  be  performed  every 
day ;  two  for  the  souls  of  his  parents,  another  for 
his  wife,  and  a  fourth  for  himself,  at  which  last  he 
was  always  present.  He  seemed  desirous,  on  all 
occasions,  to  manifest  the  earnestness  of  his  devo- 
tion. When  one  of  the  brethren,  soon  after  his 
arrival,  abashed  by  the  emperor's  presence,  hesi' 
tated  to  sprinkle  him  with  the  holy  water,  he  took 
the  hyssop  from  the  monk,  and  scattered  the  drops 
liberally  over  himself,  saying,  ''  This  is  the  way, 
father,  you  must  do  in  future,  and  without  *=^ny 
fear."  On  Good  Friday,  when  the  convent  was 
assembled  to  adore  the  Cross,  Charles  appeared 
with  his  household,  who  applied  the  scourge  brisk- 
ly to  themselves,  as  they  followed  their  master. 
He  allowed  the  monks  to  take  precedence ;  and, 
though  so  feeble  at  the  time  as  to  require  the 
support  of  his  attendants,  he  insisted  on  going 
through  all  the  ceremonies  practised  by  the  breth- 
ren, prostrating  himself  thrice  on  the  ground,  be- 
fore saluting  the  cross  with  his  lips. 

Charles  was  punctual  —  as  far  as  his  health  per- 
mitted him  —  in  observing  the  fasts  and  festivals 
of  the  Church.  His  infirmities  excused  him,  to 
some  extent,  from  the  former.  In  1554,  he  had  ob- 
tained a  bull  from  Julius  the  Third,  granting  him 
a  dispensation  for  breaking  his  fast  even  on  the 


i.->ai  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  407 

moif:.h:sgs  when  Ke  was  to  take  the  sacrament.  In 
the  terms  of  the  instrument,  "he  was  discharged 
from  any  scruples  of  conscience  that  he  might  ex- 
perience for  having  done  this  at  any  time  before, 
with  a  complete  dispensation  for  the  future  "  ;  and 
this  was  granted  him,  it  \\  as  said,  "  not  only  on 
account  of  the  infirm  state  of  his  health,  but  of  the 
pious  zeal  with  which  he  hetd  ever  stood  forth  as 
the  defender  of  the  Catholic  faith." 

But  though  Charles  was  excused  by  his  mfirmi- 
ties  from  keeping  the  fasts  of  the  Church,  he  was 
very  strict  in  enforcing  the  observance  of  them  by 
his  people.  He  was  no  less  so  in  lequiring  their 
attention  to  other  religious  ordinances.  On  Ash 
Wednesday,  when  all  his  household  were  expected 
to  partake  of  the  sacrament,  he  might  be  seen 
standing  on  the  upper  steps  of  the  altar,  taking 
note  that  no  one  of  the  number  was  abscBt.  He 
set  an  edifying  example  in  his  own  person.  Every 
Friday  in  Lent  he  took  his  place  in  the  choir ;  and 
after  the  ceremonies  were  finished,  and  the  monks 
had  extinguished  their  tapers,  the  emperor  followed 
their  example,  and  applied  the  lash  with  such  good 
will  to  his  back  and  shoulders,  that  it  was  stained 
with  his  blood.  The  scourges  which  he  used  were 
preserved  in  a  coffer,  among  other  relics  and  pre- 
cious memorials  of  his  father  s  piety,  by  Philip  the 
Second,  and  by  that  monarch  bequeathed  to  his 
imbecile  son  and  successor,  Philip  the  Third. 

While  Charles  was  thus  mindful  of  the  lugubijY 
eus  ceremonies  of  the  Church,  he  did  not  allow  ita 

2k2 


408  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  H. 

festivals  to  pass  unheeded.  The  most  interesting 
of  these,  from  its  connection  with  his  personal  his- 
tory, was  the  fete  of  St.  Matthias.  The  twenty- 
fourth  of  February,  the  day  of  this  apostle,  was  as 
important  an  epoch  in  Charles's  life  as  the  third  of 
September  was  in  that  of  Oliver  Cromwell.  It  was 
the  day  on  which  the  emperor  was  born  ;  that  on 
which  he  won  the  great  victory  of  Pavia  over  his 
rival,  Francis  the  First ;  that  on  which  he  received 
the  imperial  crown  from  the  pope  at  Bologna ;  and 
finally  it  was  the  birthday  of  his  natural  son,  the 
famous  John  of  Austria.  So  fruitful  an  anniver- 
sary could  not  be  allowed  to  pass  unheeded  by  thr; 
monarch,  who  ever  held  his  patron,  St.  Matthias,  in 
the  greatest  honor.  The  pope  had  granted  an  in- 
dulgence to  all  who  should  be  in  the  same  place 
with  the  emperor  on  that  day,  or  even  where  his 
remains  were,  after  death. 

Charles  continued  to  observe  the  fete  of  St.  Ma- 
thias  at  Yuste  with  the  same  solemnity,  if  not  with 
the  same  pomp,  as  when  upon  the  throne.  On  the 
morning  of  that  day  he  appeared  in  the  chapel 
richly  attired,  with  the  superb  collar  of  the  Golden 
Fleece  hanging  from  his  neck.  He  was  attended 
by  his  household,  all  dressed  in  their  gala  suits  for 
the  occasion.  After  high  mass  had  been  performed, 
Charles  approached  the  altar,  and,  kneeling  down, 
returned  thanks  to  the  Almighty  for  the  countless 
blessings  that  had  been  heaped  on  his  head.  He 
then  laid  his  gift  reverently  on  the  altar,  consisting 
of  as  many  gold  pieces  as  he  had  numbered  y^ai's 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  409 

of  his  life.  After  this  came  a  sermon  from  Father 
Villalva.  But  the  church  was  unable  to  contain 
half  of  those  who  had  come  to  celebrate  the  jubilee. 
They  had  gathered  from  forty  leagues  round,  to 
profit  by  the  indulgence,  and  to  see  the  great  em- 
peror who  had  exchanged  the  pomps  of  the  \^  orld 
for  a  life  of  penitence  and  prayer  in  the  solitudes 
of  Estremadura.  An  altar  was  raised  in  the  open 
fields,  not  far  from  the  garden  gate,  where  mass 
was  performed ;  and  while  the  discourse  was  going 
on  in  the  neighboring  church,  another  was  deliv- 
ered from  a  pulpit  under  the  shadows  of  the  famous 
walnut-tree  of  Yuste,  which  still  throws  its  gigantic 
arms  over  the  spot  where  the  multitudes  gathered 
to  celebrate  the  festival  of  St.  Mathias. 

Another  anniversary,  which  derives  its  interest 
from  its  connection  with  the  emperor's  cloister  life, 
is  worthy  of  notice.  This  was  the  third  of  Febru- 
ary, St.  Bias's  day,  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Yuste. 
A  singular  circumstance  gave  a  peculiar  character 
to  the  celebration  of  it.  When  Charles  had  nearly 
completed  a  year  of  his  residence,  the  master  of  the 
novices  told  Moron,  the  keeper  of  the  w^ardrobe, 
that  he  must  learn  from  the  emperor  whether  he 
was  contented  with  his  way  of  life,  and  was  will- 
ing to  make  his  profession  ;  for,  after  the  year  had 
passed,  he  would  not  be  allowed,  by  the  rules  of 
the  order,  to  leave  the  convent.  The  Jeronymite, 
sis  the  chronicler  tells  us,  hardly  expected  that  this 
would  be  reported  to  the  emperor.  But  the  latter, 
when  it  was  repeated  by  Moron,  took  it  m  good 

\'OL.  III.  62 


410  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 

part,  and,  though  laboring  at  that  time  under  an 
attack  of  the  gout,  determined  to  enter  into  the 
humor  of  the  thing.  He  announced,  accordingly, 
that  he  was  well  content  with  the  convent,  and,  if 
the  brethren  were  contented  with  him,  they  might 
consider  him  as  having  professed  from  that  hour. 

He  then  inquired  what  ceremonies  were  neces- 
sary on  the  occasion.  He  was  told  the  first  step 
w^as  to  examine  into  the  lineage  of  the  candidate, 
and  see  if  he  were  of  the  "  blue  blood,"  —  sangre 
azul,  —  that  is,  without  taint  of  Moorish  or  Jewish 
ancestry.  The  pedigree  of  his  majesty  made  such 
an  inquiry  in  his  case  superfluous.  But  the  act 
of  profession  required  to  be  celebrated  with  certain 
solemnities  that  could  not  so  well  be  dispensed 
with.  Charles  gave  orders  that  they  should  be 
pmictually  observed.  Accordingly,  on  St.  Bias's 
day,  mass  was  celebrated  in  the  chapel,  a  proces- 
sion was  formed  of  all  the  brethren,  Te  Deum  w^as 
chanted,  and  a  sermon  was  pronounced  by  the  em- 
peror s  favorite  preacher,  who  told  his  hearers 
"  how  much  more  glorious  it  was  to  become  the 
servant  of  Christ,  poor  and  lowly  as  such  a  condi- 
tion might  be,  than  to  be  lord  of  the  whole  world." 
The  religious  services  were  concluded  by  a  scene  of 
a  more  festive  character,  as  was  usual  when  a  new 
member  Avas  admitted  into  the  fraternity.  A  table 
was  spread  in  the  refectory,  sumptuously  provided 
at  the  emperor  s  expense,  and  garnished  with  game 
and  other  dainties,  which  had  been  sent  for  the 
occasion  from  the  neighboring  villages.     The  Fiem- 


1557.1  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  411 

ings  from  Cuacos,  with  their  wives,  dressed  in  their 
holiday  apparel,  came  to  partake  of  the  good  cheer 
with  the  Jeron)  mite  brethren ;  and  when  the  ban- 
quet was  ended,  the  latter,  who  had  been  long 
pent  up  within  the  walls  of  the  monastery,  were 
permitted  to  go  forth,  and  spend  the  remainder  of 
the  day  in  rambling  among  the  forests  on  the 
scopes   of  the  mountain. 

The  accession  of  the  imperial  neophyte  to  their 
body  was  a  proud  day  for  the  community  of  Yuste. 
They  seem  to  have  had  no  doubt  of  the  sincerity 
of  the  emperor's  profession.  At  least,  they  inti- 
mated as  much  by  opening  a  new  register,  bear- 
ing the  names  of  the  professed,  at  the  head  of 
which  was  the  name  of  Charles,  written  with  his 
own  hand.  "  Whether  it  was  by  way  of  jest,  or 
spiritual  pastime,  or  however  one  may  call  it,  so  it 
w^as,"  says  the  chronicler  of  the  order.  Beneath  the 
royal  autograph  was  inscribed  the  following  sen- 
tence :  "  Dedicated  to  the  eternal  memory  of  this 
illustrious  and  puissant  monarch,  in  order  that  the 
future  members  of  this  house  may  glorify  them- 
selves on  seeing  their  own  names  inscribed  beneath 
the  name  of  this  great  prince."  The  volume,  thus 
royally  illustrated,  was  cherished  with  pious  care 
by  the  community  till  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century,  when  in  1809  the  monastery  of  Yuste  was 
sacked  by  the  French,  and  the  archives,  like  every- 
thing else  within  its  walls,  were  converted  into  a 
heap  of  ruins. 

Charles  was  sufficiently  affable   in   his   deport- 


412  LIFE  OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  H 

merit  towards  the  Jeronymites.  He  knew  them,  all 
by  name,  and  occasionally  conversed  with  them. 
Indeed,  he  showed  them  a  degree  of  kindness,  and 
even  consideration,  that  was  incomprehensible  to 
his  honsehold,  especially  the  Flemings,  whose  feel- 
ings seem  to  have  been  anything  but  those  of  def- 
erence for  the  friars.  On  one  occasion  he  bestowed 
a  gratuity  on  the  monks,  which  led  to  a  remon- 
strance from  the  board  of  visitors  on  their  annual 
mspection  of  the  convent.  "  The  order,"  they  said, 
"  supplied  the  brethren  with  all  that  w^as  necessary 
for  the  performance  of  their  duties.  His  majesty's 
bounty  would  only  serve  to  make  them  listless  and 
lazy,  fond  of  gormandizing  and  sleeping ;  and  God 
grant  that  the  mischief  might  extend  no  farther ! " 
Charles  admitted  the  reasonableness  of  the  objec- 
tions, and  promised  to  refrain  from  such  indiscreet 
generosity  for  the  future. 

Once  during  his  residence  at  Yuste  he  conde- 
scended to  dine  with  the  brethren  in  the  refectory. 
He  sat  at  a  separate  table,  and  Van  Male  acted  as 
his  carver.  But  Charles's  dainty  appetite  had  been 
too  long  accustomed  to  the  savory  messes  of  his 
own  kitchen  to  relish  the  simple  fare  of  the  con- 
vent. He  had  made  but  slender  progress  m  the 
repast,  when  he  suddenly  rose  and  withdrew.  Not 
to  mortify  his  hosts,  however,  he  told  them,  as  he 
left,  to  set  aside  the  untasted  dishes  for  him,  adding 
that  "  he  should  not  yet  hold  them  quits."  But, 
for  all  this,  he  never  dined  with  them  again ;  still 
less  did  he  ever  return  the  compliment,  by  asking 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  413 

any  of  them  to  dine  with  him.  The  Jeronymites 
were  not  long  in  finding  that,  notwithstanding  his 
late  act  of  jDrofession,  Brother  Charles  was  not  a 
whit  more  of  a  monk  than  when  he  first  took  up 
his  residence  at  Yuste.  Their  prior  having  died, 
they  besought  the  emperor  to  obtain  from  the  gen- 
eral of  the  society  permission  for  them  to  elect  a 
new  prior.  But  Charles  testily  answered,  that  "  he 
would  not  be  pestered  with  their  affairs,  or  with 
those  of  their  order  either." 

During  the  first  months,  indeed  the  greater  part 
of  tlie  first  year  of  the  emperor's  cloister  life,  his 
health  visibly  improved,  —  the  consequence,  it  may 
be,  of  change  of  climate  and  occupations.  At  least, 
such  is  the  view  taken  of  it  by  the  Jeronymite  his- 
torian, who  tells  us  that  the  "  equable  temperature 
of  Yuste,  where  the  monarch's  senses  were  regaled 
with  the  delicious  fragrance  of  the  groves  and  gar- 
dens, and  above  all,  the  holy  calm  of  his  present 
occupations,  far  from  the  feverish  turmoil  of  the 
world,  diffused  a  sweet  serenity  over  his  soul,  and 
gave  new  vigor  to  his  constitution."  From  what- 
ever cause  the  favorable  change  in  his  health  and 
spirits  proceeded,  it  was  the  subject  of  frequent 
remark  among  the  members  of  his  family  -'The 
emperor,"  writes  Gaztelu  to  the  secretary  Vazquez, 
"  is  so  well,  and  in  such  good  condition,  that  you 
would  hardly  know  him."  This  was  in  June.  In 
the  following  August,  Quixada,  in  a  letter  to  the 
same  functionary,  notices  the  "  excellent  health  oi 
bis  master,  who  eats  and  sleeps  well,  and,  with  the 


414  LIFE   OF   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 

exception  of  an  occasional  twinge  of  gout  in  the 
fingers  and  shoulder,  has  nothing  to  complain  of. 
He  enjoys  his  present  quiet  life,  has  no  desire  to 
exchange  it  for  any  other,  and,  in  short,  is  the  most 
contented  man  in  the  world." 

Unfortunately,  the  contentment  of  the  monarch 
was  not  shared  hy  his  household.  The  major- 
domo,  in  particular,  gave  vent  to  his  ill-humor  in 
more  than  one  petulant  letter  to  Vazquez,  to  whom 
he  unbosomed  himself  in  the  fulness  of  his  heart. 
"  If  his  majesty,"  he  writes,  "  wanted  solitude,  by 

my  faith,  he  has   got  it This  is  the  most 

wretched  and  lonely  life  I  ever  passed ;  fit  only  for 
those  who  desire  to  give  up  the  world  and  turn 
friars,  of  which  number  I  am  not  one.  But,  God 
willing,  I  will  make  some  change  before  long." 

Shortly  after,  he  obtained  a  furlough  from  the 
emperor,  with  leave  to  pay  a  visit  to  his  family 
at  Villagarcia.  Overjoyed,  he  wrote  at  once  to 
Vazquez,  "  I  shall  not  return  in  a  hurry,  I  assure 
you,  to  eat  truffles  and  asparagus  in  Estremadura !  " 
But  it  was  not  Quixada's  destiny  to  live  separate 
from  his  master.  The  latter,  during  the  major- 
domo's  absence,  employed  one  of  the  monks  as  his 
commissary,  to  cater  for  the  palace.  But  the  good 
fatlier  knew  but  little  of  the  afiairs  of  this  world, 
and  proved  so  incompetent  to  his  office,  that  Charles 
caused  a  despatch  to  be  sent  forthwith  to  his  old 
servant,  desiring  his  instant  return.  "  I  believe 
that  his  majesty,"  wrote  Gaztelu  with  great  satisfac- 
tion, "  is  now  convinced  that  the  monks  are  not  fit 


I5£7.J  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  415 

to  be  employed  in  anything  whatever."  Quixada 
was  requested  to  bring  his  family  along  with  him, 
and  take  up  his  residence  permanently  at  Cuacos. 

The    idea    of  thus    removing    all    his   family   to 
Yuste,  as  to  a  permanent  abode,  was  a  bitter  pill  to 
the  major-domo.     It  was  a  severe  trial  to  his  loyal- 
ty;   but  in  the  end  his  attachment  to  his  master 
prevailed,  and  he  made  his  preparations  for  obeying 
him,  though,  it  must  be  admitted,  with  a  very  bad 
grace.     On  his  return,  he   poured   forth  his  com- 
plaints into  the  ear  of  his  friend   Vazquez.      "  I 
should  say  nothing  of  the  inconvenience  of  leaving 
my  own  quarters,  were  it  not  that  I  am  transferred 
to  a  spot  where  there  is  nothing  to  eat,  no  house  fit 
to  live  in,  and  where  my  days  are  spent  in  running 
to  and  from  the  monastery ;  and  this  in  all  weathers, 
in  heat  and  cold,  in  rain  and  snow^ ;  it  is  all  one.     I 
feel  chiefly,  hoAvever,"  he  adds,  "  for  my  wife,  —  to 
be  thus  brought  from  her  pleasant  residence  at  Vil- 
lagarcia  to  this  dreary  solitude,  where  there  are  no 
amusements  or  enjoyments  of  any  kind.     But  his 
majesty,"  he  concludes,  "  will  be  served  by  it ;   so  I 
must  acquiesce,  though  much  against  my  will,  I  as- 
sure you  ;   and  especially  when  I  consider  that  my 
past  services  have  not  been  so  well  requited  that  I 
should  feel   under  any   obligation   to   render    new 
ones."     This  amiable  epistle  is  dated  "  the  thirtieth 
of  August,  from  Yuste,  —  woe  betide  him  who  built 
it!"    Gaztelu  chimes  in  wdth  the  same  tune,  though 
m  a  more  subdued  key.     "  Many  of  the  Flemings," 
he  writes,  "  complain,  I  am  told,  of  their  way  of  life, 

7  2L 


416  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  II 

and  none  are  contented.  The  worst  is,  there  is 
good  reason  for  this.  But  breathe  it  to  no  one," 
adds  the  cautious  secretary.  "  His  majesty,"  he 
continues,  "  is  in  excellent  condition,  growing 
fresher  and  fatter  every  day.  There  is  not  one  of 
the  household  to  compare  with  him  in  health.  As 
for  the  rest  of  us,  indeed,  we  are  all  on  the  sick 
list." 

It  may  well  be  imagined  that  the  household  were 
careful  not  to  betray  their  discontent  to  their  mas- 
ter. If  they  did,  he  gave  little  heed  to  it.  He 
had  not  that  light  and  fickle  temper  which  would 
readily  render  him  disgusted  with  his  own  plans. 
He  had  reached  at  last  the  quiet  haven  he  had  so 
long  sighed  for ;  and  now  that  he  was  relieved  from 
the  burden  of  sovereignty,  which  of  late  years  had 
bowed  him  to  the  earth,  his  weary  spirit  welcomed 
the  repose  which  it  found  in  the  shades  of  Yuste. 
Not  that  he  had  lost  his  interest  in  public  affairs. 
Far  from  this,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  his  advice  in 
respect  to  them  —  the  precious  fruit  of  his  large 
experience  —  was  as  freely  given  as  it  was  asked. 
But  it  was  only  as  an  adviser,  not  as  an  actor, 
that  he  now  appeared ;  and  it  was  a  great  thing  to 
be  discharged  from  the  wearing  responsibility  which 
had  robbed  him  of  his  rest  by  night,  and  turned  his 
hairs  gray  before  the  prime  of  manhood. 

It  is  not  strange  that  both  health  and  spirits 
should  have  improved  under  the  influence  of  his 
present  regular  way  of  life.  Not  that  this  was 
in  all  respects  the  most  judicious  possible      The 


.557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  417 

free  indulgence  of  his  appetite,  which  had  been  his 
besetting  sin  in  the  world,  still  clung  to  him  in  the 
cloister ;  and  his  friends,  with  indiscreet  kinaness, 
continued  to  tempt  him  by  presents  of  pernicious 
dainties  at  Yuste,  in  the  same  manner  as  they  had 
done  at  Jarandilla.  But  the  evil  consequences 
were  counteracted,  to  a  considerable  extent,  by  the 
circumstances  of  his  present  position.  In  the  fine 
weather  of  the  spring  and  summer,  he  was  much 
in  the  open  air.  He  took  pleasure  in  pruning  his 
young  trees,  and  tending  his  plants.  He  was  fond 
of  a  garden  ;  and  we  are  indebted  to  him,  it  is  said, 
for  the  introduction  into  Europe  of  the  little  garden 
pink,  which  he  brought  back  from  his  African  cam- 
paigns, and  which  will  continue  to  bloom  when  the 
wreath  of  the  conqueror  shall  have  faded  and  been 
forgotten.  He  found  occupation  for  his  leisure  in 
building  the  terrace  already  noticed,  on  a  level  with 
the  second  floor  of  his  mansion,  planting  it  with 
orange-trees,  and  ornamenting  it  with  flowers  and 
fountains  that  filled  the  air  with  a  cool  and  deli- 
cious fragrance. 

In  early  days  Charles  had  been  passionately  fond 
of  field-sports.  He  would  follow  the  chase  with 
such  eagerness  as  to  leave  his  attendants  far  behind, 
and  sometimes  to  lose  himself  among  the  mountains. 
When  he  found  his  way  back,  led  by  some  peasant 
guide  late  in  the  evening,  lights  were  in  the  win- 
dows of  all  the  houses,  and  the  bells  were  ringing 
to  call  tne  people  together  to  go  in  search  of  him. 
These  were  the  days  when  he  was  accounted  "  the 

VOL.  Ill  63 


418  LIFE   OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IL 

most  perfect  cavalier  of  his  time  "  ;  ^^'llen  a  soldier- 
chronicler  could  lament  that  "  the  best  light-horse- 
man in  the  world  was  spoiled  by  Charles's  having 
been  born  to  a  throne."  It  was  in  these  days  that 
he  carried  off  the  prizes  at  the  Moorish  tilt  of  reeds, 
and  at  the  Christian  tourney ;  w^hen,  it  was  said,  he 
even  coveted  the  honors  of  the  matador^  and,  with 
the  national  spirit  of  the  old  Castilian,  would  de- 
scend into  the  arena,  and  contend  against  the  bull. 
But  all  this  w^as  changed ;  and  many  a  year  had 
passed  since  the  emperor  had  mounted  his  war- 
horse,  or  followed  the  chase  in  the  German  forests, 
or  the  wdld  passes  of  the  Alpuxarras.  In  place  of 
his  noble  stud,  he  had  brought  w^ith  him  to  Yuste 
only  a  one-eyed  pony  and  a  mule.  Once  only  did  he 
venture  into  the  saddle,  w^hen  he  was  seized  with  a 
giddiness  which  compelled  him  hastily  to  dismount. 
The  poor  emperor  w^as  as  little  able  to  ride  as  to 
walk.  Henceforth,  his  only  mode  of  conveyance, 
when  he  went  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  garden, 
was  the  litter  or  the  arm-chair,  —  most  frequently 
the  latter,  —  borne  by  his  attendants.  Yet  he 
w^ould  still  occasionally  endeavor  to  revive  the 
recollections  of  his  sporting  days  by  an  excursion 
into  the  neighboring  woods,  where  he  would  do 
some  execution  on  such  birds  as  came  within  the 
range  of  his  fowling-piece.  Gaztelu,  in  a  letter 
dated  the  fifth  of  June,  mentions,  with  great  satis- 
faction, that  his  master  had  been  strong  enough 
to  rise  from  his  seat  without  aid  and  shoot  two 
pigeons  with  his  arquebuse. 


1557.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  419 

The  tranquillity  of  Charles's  present  way  of  life 
suited  his  taste  so  well,  that  he  made  arrangements 
not  only  for  embellishing  his  house,  but  for  extend- 
ing it,  and  rendering  it  more  comfortable  as  a  per- 
manent residence.     A  stove  of  curious  construction 
was  ordered  to  be  sent  from  Quixada's  place  at  Vil- 
lagarcia,  whither  it  had  been  brought  from  Flan- 
ders.    A  suit  of  tapestry  from  the  Flemish  looms, 
displaying  the  emperor's  campaign  against  Tunis, 
which   still  adorns  the  queen's   palace  at  Madrid, 
was  also  received  at  Yuste.     Charles  further  amused 
himself  with  designs  for  an  oratory,  as  well  as  with 
a  more  extended  plan  for  a  new  building,  which  he 
intended  for  the  reception  of  Philip  when  he  should 
return  to    Spain.      He  looked   forward   with    the 
greatest  interest  to  a  visit  from  his  son,  and  talked 
to  the  monks  of  the  arrangements  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  make  for  the  king's  accommodation. 
Philip  did  indeed  make  his  visit  to  the  convent  ; 
but  not  till  twelve  years  had  passed  away,  when  his 
father  had  long  since  gone  to  his  rest,  and,  after 
"  life's   fitful   fever,"    lay   quietly   sleeping   in    the 
vaults  of  Yuste. 


2L2 


BOOK    III 


Erroneous  Opinions  respecting  Charles.  —  His  Interest  in  Public  Af- 
fairs.—  Luis  (le  Avila.  —  Petty  Annoyances. — Visit  of  Francisco 
Borja.  —  Charles's  Memoirs  of  Himself  —  Visit  of  his  Sisters  to 
Yuste.  —  Death  of  Queen  Eleanor. —  Charles's  Resignation  of  the 
Im])erial  Title.  —  His  Zeal  for  the  Faith. 

It  lias  been  a  commonly  received  opinion  that 
Charles  the  Fifth,  on  entering  his  monastic  retreat, 
conformed  so  far  to  the  spirit  of  the  place  as  to 
abjure  all  connection  Avith  temporal  concerns,  and 
to  devote  himself  entirely  to  the  great  work  of  his 
own  salvation.  This  opinion  found  favor  with  the 
ancient  chroniclers,  who,  as  we  have  intimated, 
thought  by  it  to  enhance  the  value  of  the  sacrifice 
made  by  a  monarch  who  could  descend  from  the 
])roudcst  pinnacle  of  earthly  grandeur  to  bury  him- 
self in  a  convent.  "  He  was  as  completely  with- 
drawn from  the  business  of  the  kingdom  and  the 
concerns  of  the  government,"  says  one  historian, 
"  as  if  he  had  never  taken  part  in  them  "  ;  —  "  so 
entirely  abstracted  in  his  solitude,"  says  another 
contemporary,    "  that   neither    the    arrival    of    the 


1557.]  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH.  421 

treasures  brought  in  his  fleets  from  the  Indies, 
nor  the  sound  of  arms,  amidst  which  his  hfe 
had  been  hitherto  passed,  had  any  power  to  dis- 
turb his  tranquillity."  Yet  the  same  writer  tells 
US  that,  on  one  occasion,  the  minister  Granvelle 
having  remarked  to  Philip  the  Second  that  it  was 
the  anniversary  of  the  day  on  which  his  father  had 
abdicated  the  government,  "  True,"  replied  the  king, 
"  and  the  anniversary  also  of  the  day  on  which  he 
repented  havino-  done  so."  The  incorrectness  of 
these  statements  is  proved  by  the  letters  of  Charles 
himself,  as  well  as  by  those  of  his  household,  from 
the  convent  of  Yuste. 

When  the  monarch  took  up  his  abode  among  the 
Jeronymites,  the  affairs  of  Philip  wore  a  gloomy 
and  most  disheartening  aspect.  We  have  seen,  in 
a  former  chapter,  the  disgust  expressed  by  Charles 
at  the  truce  which  the  Duke  of  Alva,  when  in  the 
full  tide  of  his  victorious  career,  had  made  with  the 
Roman  pontiff,  and  which,  the  emperor  predicted, 
would  only  serve  to  give  breathing- time  to  the  ene- 
my, and  enable  him  to  gather  strength  to  renew  the 
struggle.  The  French  king  had  profited  by  it  to 
push  his  army  across  the  Alps,  under  the  command 
of  the  duke  of  Guise,  whose  brilliant  defence  of 
Metz,  some  years  previous,  against  the  best  troops 
of  Spain,  with  the  emperor  at  their  head,  had  estab- 
lished his  military  reputation.  This  gallant  chief- 
tain, descending  towards  the  south,  after  a  junction 
with  the  papal  troops,  crossed  the  frontiers  of  Na- 
ples, at  the  head  of  his  army,  and  fell  with  pitiless 


422  LIFE   OF   CmVRLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IH 

fury  on  the  flourishing  towns  and  hamlets  that  lay 
along:  the  borders.  A  considerable  force,  at  the 
same  time,  under  Coligni,  governor  of  Picardy, 
menaced  Flanders  with  invasion  on  the  west; 
while  Solyman  the  Magnificent  was  invited  to  co- 
operate with  the  two  Christian  powers,  and  make  a 
descent  on  the  Spanish  settlements  on  the  Mediter- 
ranean. With  the  tempest  thus  gathering  around 
him  from  every  quarter,  the  young  and  inexperi- 
enced Philip  naturally  turned  for  support  to  the 
parent  by  whose  sagacious  counsels  he  had  been 
guided  through  the  whole  of  his  life.  He  de- 
spatched his  confidential  minister,  Ruy  Gomez, 
afterwards  prince  of  Eboli,  to  Yuste,  with  instruc- 
tions to  obtain  from  the  emperor  his  advice  as  to 
the  best  mode  of  conducting  the  war.  He  was  to 
solicit  him  in  the  most  humble  manner,  and  to 
urge  him  with  every  argument  he  could  think  of, 
not  merely  to  give  his  advice,  but  to  leave  the 
monastery  for  a  time,  and  take  up  his  residence  in 
some  place  suited  to  his  health,  where,  by  his  per- 
sonal presence  and  authority,  he  might  assume  the 
direction  of  affairs.  Such  a  step  could  not  fail  to 
insure  success.  The  mere  report  of  it  would  strike 
terror  into  the  enemies  of  Spain,  and  disconcert 
their  measures. 

E-uy  Gomez  reached  the  convent  on  the  twenty- 
third  day  of  March,  1557.  He  was  graciously 
received  by  Charles,  who  paid  him  the  extraordi- 
nary compliment  of  ordering  Quixada  to  prepare  an 
apartment  for  him  in  the  palace.     Two  days  the 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  423 

accomplished  envoy  of  Philip  remained  at  Yuk^Ic  ; 
and  five  hours  of  each  day  he  passed  in  the  cabinet 
of  the  emperor,  who  thus  had  full  opportunity  of 
communicating  his  own  views  in  regard  to  the 
state  of  affairs,  and  the  best  mode  of  arranging  the 
plan  of  the  campaign.  Ruy  Gomez  had  been  di- 
rected to  state  to  Charles  the  embarrassments  un- 
der which  Philip  labored  from  the  want  of  funds ; 
and  as  the  attention  of  the  latter  was  necessarily 
engaged  by  the  operations  in  the  field,  the  emperor 
w^as  to  be  urged,  wdth  all  the  address  of  which  the 
envoy  w^as  capable,  to  take  charge  of  the  financial 
department  himself,  to  devise  the  means  for  rais- 
ing the  necessary  supplies,  and  to  superintend  their 
punctual  remittance  to  the  seat  of  war. 

Charles  had  no  mind  to  leave  the  quiet  haven 
where  he  was  now  moored,  and  throw  himself  again 
on  the  troubled  sea  of  political  life.  But  he  re- 
newed a  promise,  which  he  had  already  made  by 
letter  to  his  son,  to  aid  him  by  word  and  deed,  as 
far  as  was  in  his  power  in  his  retirement.  He  en- 
gaged, moreover,  to  do  all  that  he  could  in  the  way 
of  providing  him  with  money,  "  fearing,"  as  he 
afterwards  wrote,  "  he  could  be  of  little  use  to  him 
in  any  other  way."  This,  the  most  burdensome 
duty  of  government,  was  particularly  so  in  an  age 
when  the  resources  of  a  country  were  so  little  un- 
derstood, and  when,  in  default  of  any  sure  and  well- 
arranged  system  of  taxation,  it  w^as  usual  to  resort 
to  benevolences,  monopolies,  loans  at  exorbitant 
interest,  and  other  temporary  shifts,  that  entailed  a 


4:2  i  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  Ul. 

heritage  of  woe  on  the  nation.  Of  this  Philip  the 
Second  himself  lived  long  enough  to  have  dismal 
experience.  That  the  emperor  should  have  taken 
charge,  to  any  extent,  of  this  department,  is  a  suffi- 
cient refutation  of  those  idle  calumnies  which  ac- 
cuse the  son  of  parsimony  in  his  dealings  with  his 
father ;  since  it  was  not  Philip  who  was  to  supply 
Charles  with  funds,  but  Charles  who  was  to  supply 
Philip. 

The  emperor,  faithful  to  his  engagements,  caused 
letters  to  be  written  —  occasionally,  when  his  lin- 
gers were  in  condition  for  it,  writing  with  his  own 
hand  —  to  his  daughter,  the  regent,  and  to  her  sec- 
retary, Vazquez.  In  these  he  indicated  the  places 
to  be  defended,  the  troops  to  be  raised,  and  the  best 
mode  of  providing  the  funds.  He  especially  rec- 
ommended a  benevolence  from  the  clergy,  and  made 
application  himself  to  some  of  the  great  dignitaries 
of  the  Church.  By  these  means  considerable  sums 
were  raised,  and  remittances,  under  his  vigorous 
direction,  were  forthwith  made  to  the  duke  of  Alva, 
who  was  thus  enabled  to  prosecute  the  Italian  cam- 
paign with  vigor.  In  this  way  did  Charles,  even 
in  his  retirement,  render  effectual  service  to  his 
Bon.  His  counsels  may  be  said  to  have  directed 
the  policy  of  the  regent's  court  at  Yalladolid ;  and 
the  despatches  from  Yuste  were  held  in  much  the 
same  deference  as  the  edicts  which  had  formerly 
issued  from  the  imperial  cabinet. 

In  his  financial  concerns,  Charles  experienced 
annoyance  from  a  quarter  whence  he  had  little  ex- 


I557.I  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION  425 

pected  it.  It  was  required  that  all  the  bullion 
brought  home  in  the  India  fleets,  whether  on  pub- 
lic or  private  account,  should  be  lodged  in  the 
kec  ping  of  the  Casa  de  la  Contratacion,  or  Board 
of  Trade,  at  Seville.  There  it  was  duly  registered ; 
and  the  government  had  been  in  the  habit  of  ap- 
plying it  to  its  own  use,  when  the  exigencies  of 
the  state  seemed  to  require  it,  giving  bonds  to  the 
owners  by  way  of  security  for  its  repayment.  At 
the  present  time  the  amount  of  gold  registered 
was  no  less  than  five  millions  of  ducats,  —  an 
important  fund,  on  which  Philip  relied  for  meet- 
ing the  expenses  of  the  war.  But  the  merchants 
of  Seville,  to  whom  a  great  part  of  the  treasure 
belonged,  naturally  preferring  their  gold  to  gov- 
ernment paper,  had,  with  the  collusion  of  some 
of  the  officers  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  secretly 
transferred  the  bullion  from  the  vaults  where  it 
was  lodged  to  their  own  quarters.  When  Philip 
was  made  acquainted  with  this  high-handed  pro- 
ceeding, his  perplexity  was  extreme ;  and  he  gave 
vent  to  his  indignation  in  a  letter  to  Joanna,  in 
which  he  denounced  the  parties  implicated  as  ene- 
mies to  their  country,  who  "  not  only  made  war 
on  the  property  of  their  sovereign,  but  on  his 
honor  and  reputation." 

But  Philip's  indignation  was  light  in  comparison 
with  the  wrath  of  his  father ;  or  habit  had  enabled 
him  to  put  a  stronger  curb  on  the  indulgence  of  it. 
Charles  regarded  the  transaction  with  the  eye  of  a 
despotic  prmce,  who  sees  only  one  side  in  a  case 

VOL.  III.  54 


426  l-^E   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Boor  HL 

wliere  tne  government  is  a  party ;  and  he  held 
the  merchants  who  had  thus  taken  possession  of 
their  property  as  so  many  knaves  who  had  robbed 
the  exchequer.  The  officers  who  had  connived 
at  it  he  held  as  offenders  of  a  still  deeper  dye. 
"  Were  it  not  for  my  infirmities,"  he  w^rites  to  Jo- 
anna, "  I  w^ould  go  to  Seville  myself,  find  out  the 
authors  of  this  villany,  and  bring  them  to  a  speedy 
reckoning."  In  a  letter  to  the  secretary  Vazquez, 
he  says,  "  The  culprits  should  be  arrested,  put  in 
irons,  and  removed,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  Siman- 
cas,  where  they  should  be  thrown  into  a  dungeon, 
and  their  effects  sequestrated,  until  the  king's 
pleasure  can  be  known."  "  Indeed,"  Avrites  his 
secretary,  Gaztelu,  in  another  letter  of  the  same 
date,  "  such  is  the  emperor's  indignation,  and  such 
are  the  violent  and  bloodthirsty  expressions  he 
commands  me  to  use,  that  you  will  pardon  me  if 
my  language  is  not  so  temperate  as  it  might  be." 

The  stern  mandates  were  obeyed.  The  guilty 
functionaries  were  deposed  from  their  offices,  and 
imprisoned  in  Simancas,  where  one  of  their  number 
perished  miserably  from  the  injuries  he  suffered 
on  the  rack.  But  the  gold  w^as  not  recovered. 
Charles,  however,  shrewdly  provided  against  the 
recurrence  of  the  proceeding,  by  ordering  a  vessel 
at  once  to  be  despatched  to  the  Azores,  w^liere 
it  would  meet  the  India  fleet  on  its  return,  and 
measures  might  be  arranged  for  defeating  any  at- 
tempt of  the  merchants  to  recover  their  gold  on 
its  arrival  at  Seville. 


57.]  AFTE^l  HIS  AEDICATION.  427 

Cheering  news  now  arrived  from  the  seat  of 
war.  Tidings  were  brought  to  Yuste  that  the 
English  had  at  length  made  common  cause  with 
Spain.  The  news,  writes  Gaztelu  to  the  secretarv 
Vazquez,  gave  infinite  pleasure  to  his  majesty, 
"  who,"  he  adds  in  the  next  sentence,  "  was  no 
less  delighted  with  the  seeds  you  sent  him,  as  he 
will  now  have  plenty  of  melons,  of  which  he  is 
veiy  fond,  for  his  table  next  summer."  Every  new 
contribution  to  the  imperial  bill  of  fare,  whether 
in  the  form  of  fruit  or  flesh,  was  sure  to  receive 
honorable  mention  in  the  despatches  from  Yuste. 

Soon  after  came  the  welcome  intelligence  of  the 
victory  of  St.  Quentin,  where  the  Constable  Mont- 
morency was  made  prisoner,  and  the  flower  of  the 
Erench  chivalry  fell  on  the  field  of  battle.  The 
tidings  caused  a  great  sensation  in  the  imperial 
household,  and  the  joy  of  Charles  was  unbounded. 
He  looked  on  it  as  an  auspicious  augury  for  the 
beginning  of  Philip's  reign,  like  that  great  victory 
of  Pavia  Avhich  had  heralded  in  his  own.  He  re- 
warded the  messenger  who  brought  the  news  with 
sixty  gold  ducats  and  a  chain  of  equal  value.  He 
caused  processions  to  be  formed  by  the  monks, 
masses  to  be  said  in  the  chapel,  and  thanks  to  be 
offered  up  to  Heaven  for  the  glorious  event.  The 
01. ly  thing  that  damped  his  joy  was  the  circum- 
stance of  his  son's  absence  from  the  fight.  Philip 
had  lamented  this  himself,  in  a  letter  to  his  father. 
Ue  could  not  lament  it  more  sincerely  than  Charles 
did.     ''He    cannot  be    consoled,"   wrote    Quixada, 

7  2M 


428  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH  [Book  m 

"  for  the  king's  absence  on  that  clay  "  ;  —  and  the 
writer  forthwith  proceeds  to  curse  the  English  as 
tlie  cause  of  it.  Charles  loved  his  son  too  tenderly, 
or  was  too  politic,  to  throw  the  blaine  upon  him. 
Yet  he  must  have  felt  that,  had  he  been  in  Philip's 
place,  no  power  on  earth  would  have  been  strong 
enough  to  keep  him  from  the  field  where  so  much 
glory  was  to  be  w^on.  But  he  soon  turned  from  the 
victory  to  the  fruits  of  it.  "  His  majesty,"  writes 
Quixada,  "  desires  exceedingly  to  know  what  course 
his  son  has  taken  since  the  battle.  He  is  very  im- 
patient on  this  point,  and  reckons  that  he  must 
already  be  under  the  Avails  of  Paris."  He  judged 
of  Philip's  temper  by  his  own.  But  there  was  a 
wide  -difference  between  them.  Charles,  bold  and 
determined,  would  have  pressed  on  tow^ards  the 
capital,  while  the  enemy  was  stunned  by  the  blow 
he  had  received.  But  Philip  w^as  sluggish  in  his 
movements.  He  was  of  a  more  cautious  nature. 
Charles  counted  the  chances  of  success.  Philip 
calculated  those  of  failure.  He  called  to  mind  his 
father  s  invasion  of  France  and  his  disastrous  re- 
treat ;  Avhen  the  Spaniards,  it  was  tauntingly  said, 
"  marched  into  the  country  feasting  on  turkeys,  but 
were  glad  to  escape  from  it  feeding  on  roots."  In- 
stead of  striking  into  the  interior,  therefore,  Philip 
took  the  more  prudent  course  of  besieging  the  for- 
tified places  in  the  neighborhood.  In  his  0])era- 
tions,  liis  father  was  of  no  small  assistance  to  him 
by  exerting  his  authority,  and  by  writing  in  the 
most  pressing  terms  to  the  regent,  to  lose  no  t'umj 


16^7.]  AETER  HIS  ABDICATION.  429 

in  making  the  remittances  to  the  king,  so  essential 
to  the  success  of  the  campaign. 

Yuste  now  became  the  centre  of  political  move- 
ment. Couriers  were  constantly  passing  between 
that  place  and  the  courts  of  Brussels  and  Valla- 
dolid.  Envoys  arrived  at  the  convent,  not  only 
from  those  courts,  but  from  foreign  princes,  to 
conduct  negotiations  with  Charles  in  person.  It 
came  soon  to  be  understood  that  the  abdicated 
monarch  was  not  immured  in  the  cell  of  a  monk, 
and  that  his  will  still  exercised  a  potent  influ- 
ence on  public  affairs.  Many  were  the  pilgrim- 
ages now  made  to  Yuste  by  suitors,  who  came 
to  request  his  good  offices  in  their  behalf,  or  by 
parties  who  sought  redress  of  grievances,  or  by 
the  great  lords,  who  came  simply  to  ]3ay  their 
homage  to  their  former  master.  Among  the  lat- 
ter was  the  old  count  of  Urena,  who  came  with 
such  a  throng  of  servants  and  horses  that  Quixada 
found  it  no  easy  matter  to  provide  for  him.  On 
the  major-domo  devolved  all  the  duties  of  the 
commissariat;  and,  as  no  one  lodged  at  Yuste,  he 
was  compelled  to  find  accommodations  for  the  visit- 
ors at  Cuacos.  "I  am  obliged  to  play  the  land- 
lord to  every  one  who  comes  here,''  he  complains  in 
one  of  his  letters,  "  and  to  act  as  the  agent  of  every 
man  in  Spain."  "Night  never  comes,"  he  else- 
where laments,  "  without  my  feet  aching  more  than 
I  can  bear ;  and  there  is  not  a  day  in  which  I  am 
not  on  my  legs  at  least  half  a  dozen  hours,  waiting 
©n  the  emperor,  —  to  say  nothing  of  the  time  spent 


4:30  LIFE   OF  CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IIL 

in  running  liere  and  there  in  the  way  of  my  voca- 
tion." When  Charles's  health  permitted  it,  and  he 
was  in  a  cheerful  mood,  he  usually  gave  a  gracious 
reception  to  his  visitors.  At  other  times  he  Avould 
refuse  to  see  them,  as  was  the  case  with  the  ad- 
miral of  Aragon,  who  came  to  interest  the  emperor 
in  his  suit  against  the  grand-master  of  the  order  of 
Montesa.  On  these  occasions,  he  would  turn  them 
over  to  his  major-domo,  or  refer  them  at  once,  for 
the  settlement  of  their  affairs,  to  the  court  of  Brus- 
sels or  Valladolid.  "  If  he  had  given  audience  to 
all  who  came  there,"  exclaims  a  Jeronymite  chroni- 
cler then  resident  at  the  convent,  "  he  w^ould  have 
turned 'Yuste  itself  into  a  court." 

There  was  one  class  of  applicants  who  seemed 
to  have  a  peculiar  claim  on  his  attention,  —  the 
widows  of  the  soldiers  who  had  served  under  his 
banner  in  Africa  and  in  Europe.  The  sight  of 
these  poor  women,  which  called  to  mind  the  day 
of  his  military  renown,  seems  to  have  touched  the 
heart  of  the  old  campaigner ;  and  it  was  rare  that 
their  business  did  not  speed  as  favorably  as  they 
could  have  desired. 

Among  the  visitors,  two  are  deserving  of  partic- 
ular notice  from  their  personal  relations  with  the 
emperor.  One  of  these  was  Sepulveda,  who,  aftei 
officiating  as  his  chaplain,  had  been  appointed  by 
Charles  to  the  post  of  national  historiographer. 
He  was  a  man  of  learning,  and  preferred  to  write 
his  works  in  the  Latin  tongue,  thinking  proba 
bly,  with  the  English  poet,  that 


1657.1  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  431 

"  Those  who  lasting  marble  seek 
Must  carve  in  Latin  or  in  Greek.** 

He  was  distinguished,  indeed,  by  such  a  fluent 
elegance  of  style,  that  he  received  the  name  of 
the  Spanish  Livy.  Charles  held  the  historian  in 
great  esteem,  in  proof  of  which,  as  Sepulveda  was 
getting  old,  the  monarch  ordered  particular  care 
to  be  taken  that  no  harm  should  come  to  his 
manuscript,  in  case  of  its  authors  death  before 
it  had  been  put  to   the  press. 

The  emperor  felt  a  solicitude,  not  unnatural  in 
one  who  had  performed  so  great  achievements,  as 
to  the  manner  in  which  they  might  be  presented 
on  the  page  of  history.  Few  writers  who  had 
hitherto  dealt  with  his  character  had  satisfied  him. 
Two  of  the  principal,  Sleidan  and  Paulo  Giovio, 
he  used  to  call  "  his  two  liars,"  —  the  one  because 
of  his  slanders,  the  other  because  of  his  flattery. 
He  looked  to  Sepulveda  to  do  him  justice ;  to 
do  for  him  with  his  pen  what  Titian  had  done 
for  him  with  his  pencil,  —  exhibit  him  in  his  true 
proportions,  and  in  a  permanent  form,  to  the  eye 
of  posterity.  The  historian  had  been  lately  raised 
to  the  dignity  of  arch-priest  of  Ledesma.  He  had 
now  come,  after  an  absence  of  many  years  in  Ger- 
many, to  take  possession  of  his  benefice,  and  lay 
his  bones  in  his  native  land.  On  his  journey 
through  the  country,  he  deviated  from  his  route, 
in  order  to  pay  his  respects  to  his  ancient  lord. 
He  was  kindly  received  by  Charles,  and,  during 
the  few  days  he  passed  at  Yuste,  Sepulveda,  who 

2M2 


432  L1:FE  of  CHARLES  the  fifth  [Book  in 

seems  at  that  time  to  have  been  employed  on  the 
emperor  s  biography,  had  the  means  of  gathering 
some  important  information  from  the  subject  of 
his  narrative.  ^When,  however,  he  proposed  to 
read  to  Charles  what  he  had  ah'eady  written,  the 
monarch  refused  to  listen  to  it.  "  I  will  neither 
hear  nor  read,"  said  he,  "  w^hat  people  have  writ- 
ten of  me.  Ottiers  may  do  this,  after  I  am  gone. 
But  if  you  wish  for  information  on  any  point,  you 
have  only  to  ask,  and  I  will  willingly  give  it." 

How  free  he  was  from  that  petty  vanity  which, 
like  a  flaw  in  some  noble  piece  of  statuary,  some- 
times disfigures  even  the  fairest  character,  may  be 
seen,  also,  by  his  remarks  to  the  historian  Avila. 
That  accomplished  courtier  and  soldier,  who,  after 
fighting  by  liis  master's  side  in  his  Avars  against  the 
German  Protestants,  had  spread  the  fame  of  his 
exploits  over  Christendom  by  his  elegant  Com- 
mentaries, resided,  as  we  have  already  seen,  in 
the  city  of  Plasencia.  Here  the  weary  statesman, 
withdrawn  from  public  affairs,  was  passing  the 
evening  of  his  days  in  elegant  retirement,  embel- 
lishing his  residence  wdth  costly  works  of  art,  and 
amusing  his  leisure  with  the  composition  of  an 
historical  work  on  the  emperor's  campaigns  in  Af- 
rica, whicli  was  to  form  a  counterpart  to  his  pre- 
vious Commentaries.  The  work,  much  commended 
by  those  critics  of  the  time  who  had  access  to  it, 
has  met  with  a  fate  by  no  means  rare  in  Spain, 
and  still  remains  in  manuscript.  As  Plasencia  w^as 
but  a  few  leagues  from  Yuste,  the  grand-commander 


1557.]  ATTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  438 

made  fiequent  visits  to  the  convent,  where  he  was 
sure  to  receive  a  gracious  welcome  from  the  em- 
peror. A  Vila's  splendid  mansion  in  Plasencia  was 
adorned  with  more  than  one  picture  commemo- 
rating the  deeds  of  his  favorite  hero.  Among 
other  subjects  was  the  Battle  of  Eenti,  painted 
in  fresco  on  one  of  the  ceilings.  This  was  a 
bloody  fight,  attended  with  so  doubtful  an  issue 
that  both  sides  claimed  the  victory.  Avila,  how- 
ever, had  no  doubts  on  the  matter,  and,  like  a 
true-hearted  hidalgo,  had  caused  the  French  to 
be  represented  as  put  to  a  shameful  rout,  and 
flying  off  the  field,  in  all  directions,  before  the 
conquering  Spaniards.  This  did  not  altogether 
please  the  emperor,  w^ho,  when  Avila  had  described 
the  picture  to  him,  remarked  that  "  it  was  not  cor- 
rect ;  that,  far  from  being  routed,  the  French  had 
made  a  well-ordered  retreat ;  and  that  the  artist 
must  go  over  his  work  again,  and  make  it  conform- 
able to  truth." 

There  w^as  no  one  of  the  household  at  Yuste 
who  took  so  deep  an  interest  in  the  progress  of 
the  campaign  then  going  on  in  Picardy,  as  Charles 
himself  His  first  question,  on  waking  in  the  morn- 
ing, was  whether  anything  new  had  been  received 
from  the  seat  of  w^ar.  He  listened  to  the  despatch- 
es with  great  attention,  inquiring  w^hether  there 
was  nothing  further,  and  frequently  causing  them 
to  be  read  to  him  more  than  once.  He  was  always 
desu'ous  to  get  letters  from  his  son,  and  would 
sometimes  complain  that  they  were  too  short.     In- 

VOL.  III.  55 


434  LITE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IDL 

deed,  Philip,  however  attentive  he  may  have  been 
to  the  wishes  and  wants  of  his  father  in  other  re- 
spects, cannot  be  acquitted  of  a  degree  of  negli- 
gence amounting  almost  to  ingratitude,  in  not  fur- 
nishing him  with  the  information  which  he  so 
much  coveted  in  respect  to  the  course  of  public 
events.  The  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his  father 
while  in  Yuste  did  not  exceed  six  in  number. 
Philip,  on  the  throne,  did  not  find  so  much  time 
for  writing  letters,  as  his  father,  at  Yuste,  did  for 
reading  them. 

The  great  interest,  and  indeed  the  active  part, 
which  Charles  took  in  the  manasfement  of  affairs, 
led  to  the  report  that  he  was  about  to  leave  the 
convent  and  assume  the  command  of  the  army  in 
Navarre.  He  seems  to  have  taken  no  pains  to  con- 
tradict the  rumor,  thinking,  perhaps,  with  Philip, 
that  such  an  expectation  might  be  of  service  to  the 
cause.  That  it  imposed  on  Avila  seems  pretty  evi- 
dent from  a  letter  of  his,  dated  the  thirteenth  of 
August,  to  the  secretary  Vazquez.  "I  have  left 
Brother  Charles,''  he  writes,  "  in  a  state  of  perfect 
tranquillity,  and  with  full  confidence  in  his  strength. 
He  thinks  he  has  quite  enough  to  enable  him  to 
leave  the  convent.  Since  I  was  there  things  may 
have  changed  ;  but  there  is  nothing  of  which  I  do 
not  believe  him  capable,  from  the  lo^e  he  bears  his 
son.  as  well  as  from  his  courageous  heart  and  his 
early  habits,  for  he  has  been  nourished  in  war,  as 
the  salamander,  they  say,  is  bred  in  the  fire." 
Quixada  was  not  so  easily  duped  by  appearances 


1557.]  AFTEii  HIS  ABDICATION.  4-35 

On  his  return  from  Villagarcia,  where  he  had  been 
to  visit  his  family,  he  wrote :  "  As  to  what  people 
here  say  of  his  majesty's  quitting  the  place,  there 
are  no  grounds  for  it.  I  observe  no  change  in 
him ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  a  decided  feeling  of 
contentment  and  repose.  If  he  has  said  anything 
to  encourage  the  idea,  it  must  have  been  from  mere 
policy.     The  thing  is  impossible." 

Navarre,  thus  assigned  as  the  theatre  on  which 
Charles  was  to  make  his  reappearance  before  the 
world,  was  the  subject  of  a  long  and  perplexing  ne- 
gotiation at  Yuste.  The  country  was  a  conquest  of 
his  grandfather,  Ferdinand  the  Catholic,  and  now 
formed  an  integral  part  of  the  Spanish  monarchy. 
The  emperor  had  always  entertained  some  doubt -r-* 
as  well  he  might  —  of  the  justice  of  this  acquisi- 
tion, and  some  scruples  of  conscience  as  to  his 
right  to  retain  it.  These  scruples,  however,  were 
not  by  any  means  so  powerful  as  to  compel  him  to 
a  restitution.  They  were,  indeed,  such  as  might  be 
said  rather  to  tease  than  to  torment  his  conscience  ; 
and  he  quieted  them  altogether  by  means  of  a  se- 
cret clause  in  his  will,  dated  some  years  before  his 
ibdication,  in  which  he  enjoined  on  his  successor  to 
look  carefully  into  the  matter,  and  do  what  was 
right  in  it.  Having  thus  happily  relieved  his  con- 
science of  all  further  responsibility  in  the  affair,  he 
seems  to  have  discharged  it  from  his  thoughts.  It 
was,  however,  again  brought  before  him  by  the  ag- 
grieved party. 

The  right  of  the  dethroned  family  had  vested  in 


436  LIFE  OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  III. 

Antony  of  Bourbon,  duke  of  Vendome,  who  had 
married  the  heiress  of  the  house  of  Albret.  This 
prince,  styled  by  the  French  writers,  king  of  Na- 
varre, would  willingly  have  exchanged  his  barren 
sovereignty  for  a  substantial  consideration,  like  the 
duchy  of  Milan,  or  some  other  territory  which  the 
Spanish  crown  possessed  in  Italy.  This  was  the 
object  of  a  negotiation  brought  before  Charles  by 
the  duke's  emissaries  at  Burgos,  resumed  afterwards 
at  Jarandilla,  and  finally  conducted  with  great  per- 
tinacity and  prolixity  at  Yuste.  It  was  not  the 
purpose  of  the  Spanish  government  either  to  make 
restitution  or  compensation  to  Vendome.  But  he 
was  still  possessed  of  that  portion  of  the  patrimony 
of  the  house  of  Albret  which  lay  north  of  the  Pyre- 
nees ;  and,  were  he  to  throw  himself  into  the  arms 
of  France,  he  might  aiford  obvious  facilities  to  the 
enemy  for  an  invasion  of  Navarre.  It  was  well, 
therefore,  to  amuse  him  by  encouraging  his  hopes, 
so  as  to'gain  time.  "  At  all  events,"  wrote  the  em- 
peror to  his  daughter,  "  we  cannot  fail  to  profit  by 
drawing  out  the  negotiations  as  long  as  possible." 
When,  however,  Navarre  had  been  put  in  a  proper 
posture  of  defence,  and  the  army  was  sufiiciently 
strengthened  to  resist  invasion,  the  government 
took  a  more  decided  tone ;  and  the  conferences  were 
abruptly  closed  by  Charles,  who  ordered  Vendome 
to  be  told  that,  "  since  he  had  rejected  the  proposals 
made  to  him,  neither  the  emperor  nor  his  son  would 
have  anything  more  to  do  with  him."  —  It;  is  evi- 
dent that  the  crafty  policy  which  had  distinguished 


1557.]  AFTER   HIS  ABDICATION.  437 

the  emperor  on  the  throne  did  not  desert  him  in 
the  cloister. 

The  tidings  from  Italy  were  now  of  the  most  en- 
couraging kind.  Every  courier  brought  accounts 
of  fresh  successes  of  the  duke  of  Alva.  That  able 
commander,  with  the  help  of  the  funds  remitted 
from  Spain,  for  w^hich  he  w^as  greatly  indebted  to 
Charles's  exertions,  had  got  together  a  force  large 
enough  to  enable  him  to  make  head  against  his 
rival,  the  duke  of  Guise,  fie  accordingly  marched 
rapidly  towards  the  north.  As  he  advanced,  the 
places  which  had  been  conquered  by  the  French 
threw  open  their  gates  to  receive  him.  Guise  hard- 
ly w^aited  for  his  arrival ;  and  Alva,  without  the 
hazard  of  a  battle,  drove  his  enemy  across  the  bor- 
ders. He  then  fell  with  his  whole  strength  on  the 
papal  territory.  City  and  hamlet  went  down  be- 
fore him ;  and  Paul  the  Fourth,  from  his  palace  of 
the  Vatican,  might  descry  the  course  of  the  enemy's 
march  by  the  smoking  ruins  of  the  Campagna. 
The  duke  even  brought  his  victorious  legions  up  to 
the  gates  of  the  capital.  For  a  few  hours  the  fate 
of  Rome  trembled  in  the  balance,  as  the  Spanish 
general  threatened  to  repeat  the  bloody  drama 
which  had  been  acted  by  the  constable  of  Bourbon, 
and  which  still  lingered  in  the  memory  of  many  a 
Roman.  The  panic  of  the  inhabitants  was  fearful. 
With  frantic  cries  they  called  on  Paul  to  come  to 
terms  with  the  enemy.  The  arrogant  pontiff  saw 
that  the  mood  of  the  people  was  a  dangerous  one, 
and  that  no  alternative  remained  but  to  submit.     In 


138  I>IFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  UL 

this  hour  of  humiliation,  the  clemency  —  the 'su 
pcrstition  of  his  enemies  converted  his  humiliation 
into  triumph. 

Philip  had  long  felt  that  there  was  neither  profit 
nor  honor  to  he  gained  from  a  war  with  the  pope. 
Nothing,  indeed,  but  the  reckless  violence  of  Paul 
could  have  forced  him  into  a  war  with  the  Church, 
opposed,  as  such  a  step  was,  to  both  his  principles 
.  and  his  established  policy.     It  was  as  the  champion 
of  the   Church,   not   as   its   assailant,   that   Philip 
would  stand  before  the,  world.     He  instructed  Alva 
to  extricate  him  from  his  present  position  by  com- 
ino-  to  terms  as  soon  as  possible  with  his  holiness. 
A  treaty  was  accordingly  signed,  on  the  fourteentli 
of  September,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  all  con- 
quests made  from  the  Church  should  be  restored  to 
it,  and  that  the  Spanish  commander  should  publicly 
ask  pardon  for  having  borne  arms  against  the  Holy 
See.     It  was  a  treaty,   as  Alva  bluntly  remarked, 
"that  seemed  to  have  been  dictated  by  the  van- 
quished rather  than   the   victor."      There  was  no 
help  for  it,  however.     The  orders  of  Philip  were 
peremptory  ;  and  Paul  the  Fourth,  after  all  his  dis- 
asters, had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  enemy  sue 
for  forgiveness  on  his  knees,  and  of  granting  him 
absolution.     "  Had  I  been  king,"  said  Alva,  indig- 
nant at  the  humiliation,  '-his  holiness  should  hav^ 
sent  one  of  his  nephews  to  Brussels  to  sue  for  my 
pardon,  instead  of  my  general's  having  to  sue  foi 
his." 

The  news  of  the  peace  was  received   with  joy 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATIOJV.  439 

throughout  Spaiu,  where  the  mhahitants  seemed  to 
be  as  anxious  as  their  sovereign  for  a  reconciliation 
with  E.ome.  The  tidings  were  everywhere  greeted 
with  iUuminations,  bonfires,  ringing  of  bells,  and 
solemn  processions.  Joanna,  with  the  infant  Don 
Carlos,  assisted  at  two  of  these  latter,  of  which  an 
account  was  sent  by  the  secretary  Vazquez  to 
Yuste;  where  despatches  were  also  received  con- 
taining the  terms  of  the  treaty.  They  made  a  very 
different  impression  on  the  emperor  from  what  tliey 
had  done  on  the  public.  He  had  never  shared  in 
his  son's  scru[)les  in  regard  to  the  war.  "  It  was  a 
just  war,"  he  said.  "  The  pope  could  not  have  dealt 
worse  with  Philip  if  he  had  been  a  heretic  ;  and  he 
stood  excused,  before  God  and  man,  from  the  con- 
sequences of  a  war  into  which  he  had  been  driven 
by  necessity."  It  was  even  a  matter  of  regret  at 
Yuste,  when  a  courier  arrived  from  Italy,  that  he 
brought  no  tidings  of  the  death  of  Paul  or  of  his 
mischievous  counsellors,  the  Caraffas  !  ^  If  he  had 
learned  that  Pome  had  been  sacked  by  Alva,  as  it 
had  formerly  been  by  his  own  troops  under  Bour- 
bon, it  would  probably  have  disturbed  him  less 
than  the  terms  of  the  present  treaty. 

1  *•  Del  Papa  y  de  Carafta  f  e  siente  aqui  que  no  haya  llegado  la  nueva 
de  (jiie  se  han  muerto,  que  es  harto  daiio  que  se  desee  esto  a  un  Vicario 
de  Jesus  Cristo,  y  en  Espana,  y  mucho  mayor  que  de  ocasion  el  Papa 
para  ello."  Carta  de  Martin  de  Gaztelu  a  Vaz(|uez  de  Molina,  8  de 
N'^'-iembre,  1556,  MS. 

1  give  the  original,  as  I  have  not  seen  this  remarkable  passage  quot- 
ed elsewh(^.re,  and  the  letter  containing  it  is  not  in  Gachard's  printed 
collection. 

7  2N 


440  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  111 

As  he  listened  to  the  despatches,  he  couhi  not  re- 
press his  indignation.  The  secret  articles,  he  said, 
were  as  scandalous  as  the  public.  Not  a  day 
passed,  for  a  month  afterwards,  according  to  Qui- 
xada,  without  his  muttering  between  his  teeth  in 
tones  scarcely  audible,  but  plainly  intimating  his 
discontent.  When  he  was  told  that  Alva  w^as  pre- 
paring to  quit  his  government  at  Naples  and  return 
home,  "  his  anger,''  says  the  secretary,  "  was  more 
than  was  orood  for  his  health."  Some  time  after- 
wards,  the  grand-commander  Avila  brought  him  a 
letter  from  the  duke,  in  which  he  expressed  the 
hope  that  he  might  be  allowed,  on  his  return,  to 
kiss  the  hand  of  iiis  majesty.  On  this  Charles  did 
not  vouchsafe  a  remark  ;  and,  when  Avila  would 
have  read  some  particulars  which  the  duke  com- 
municated in  regard  to  the  treaty,  the  emperor 
would  not  listen  to  them,  —  saying,  he  had  heard 
too  much  already. 

The  reader  has  seen  enough  to  be  aware  that  the 
emperor's  anger  w'as  misdirected ;  that  it  should 
have  flillen,  not  on  the  duke,  who  only  obeyed  or- 
ders, but  on  the  king,  who  gave  them.  Yet  no 
reflection  on  his  son's  conduct  escaped  his  lips ;  and 
as  it  was  necessary  that  his  w^rath  should  find  some 
object  on  vrhich  to  expend  itself,  Alva,  the  agent 
who  carried  the  obnoxious  measures  into  execution, 
became  the  scape-goat.  Charles,  indeed,  seems  to 
have  persuaded  himself  that  he  deserved  to  be  so. 
When  the  monarch  learned,  shortly  before  bis 
death,   that  his   son   had   bestowed  on   his  general 


15»/.J  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  441 

the  sum  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  ducats 
"He  has  done  more  for  the  duke,"  exclaimed  the 
emperor,  "  than  the  duke  ever  did  for  him." 

Unfortunately,  at  the  time  of  receiving  the  Ital- 
ian news,  the  emperor  was  smarting  under  an  at- 
tack of  gout,  —  the  more  severe,  perhaps,  from  the 
long  interval  which  had  elapsed  since  the  preced- 
ing one.  The  disturbance  caused  by  the  unwel- 
come tidings  no  doubt  aggravated  the  disorder ;  and 
his  bodily  pains  by  no  means  served  to  allay  the  ir- 
ritation of  his  temper.  "  It  was  the  sharpest  at- 
tack," he  said,  "  he  had  ever  experienced."  Sixteen 
ounces  of  blood  were  taken  from  him,  by  his  phy- 
sician, on  one  day ;  and  Quixada,  who  feared  the 
consequences  of  his  master's  plethoric  habit  and 
self-indulgence  at  the  table,  expressed  a  wish  that, 
instead  of  sixteen  ounces,  it  had  been  thirty. 

To  add  to  Charles's  disgust  at  this  time,  he  w^as 
exposed  to  some  of  those  petty  annoyances  that  are 
often  quite  as  trying  to  the  temper  as  those  of  a 
more  serious  nature.  The  inhabitants  of  the  ad- 
joining village  of  Cuacos  seem  to  have  been  a  rude, 
unmannerly  race,  showing  but  little  of  the  rever- 
ence that  might  have  been  expected  for  the  illustri- 
ous recluse  who  had  taken  up  his  residence  in  their 
neighborhood.  They  seized  and  impounded  his 
cattle  when  they  strayed  from  their  pastures.  They 
fished  in  the  streams  which  were  reserved  to  supply 
his  table  with  trout.  They  plundered  his  orchards, 
quarrelled  with  his  domestics,  —  in  short,  contrived 
ix)  a  hundred  ways  to  inflict  on  him  those  amioy- 

VOL.  III.  66 


i42  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  l^ook  HL 

ances  of  which  he  had  had  no  experience  until  he 
descended  into  a  private  station.  This  was  ren- 
dered the  more  disagreeable  from  the  fact  that  the 
people  of  Cuacos  had  been,  in  a  peculiar  man- 
ner, the  subjects  of  the  emperor's  bounty  since  his 
residence  among  them.  From  the  time  he  came  to 
Yuste  he  had  been  in  the  habit  of  appropriating  a 
part  of  his  revenue  to  charitable  uses,  dispensing  a 
liberal  sum,  through  his  almoner,  for  the  relief  of 
the  peasantry  in  the  Vera,  releasing  poor  debtors 
from  prison,  and  providing  marriage  portions  for 
the  young  maidens.  Cuacos,  where  many  of  his 
household  lodged,  had  reaped  the  full  benefit  of 
his  charities.  There  was  abundant  occasion  for 
them  during  the  first  summer  of  Charles's  convent 
life,  when  the  crops  failed  to  such  an  extent  that 
many  persons  actually  perished  of  famine.  The 
distress  of  the  peasantry  was  so  great,  that  they 
were  driven  to  plunder  the  emperors  sumpter 
mules  on  their  way  to  the  convent. 

At  his  request,  the  government  had  appointed 
a  magistrate  to  act  as  a  sort  of  rural  judge  of 
the  district,  with  authority  to  decide  in  cases 
in  which  the  emperor  was  a  party.  By  his  as- 
sistance, several  of  the  culprits  were  brought  to 
justice ;  but,  through  Charles's  interposition,  the 
punishment  was  a  light  one.  A  depredation  of  a 
serious  nature  was  committed  in  his  own  house, 
where  eight  hundred  ducats  were  purloined  from 
his  coffers.  The  theft  must  have  been  perpe- 
trated by  one  of  his  family ;    and  the  judge   lec- 


1557. j  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  443 

ommencled  the  application  of  the  torture,  —  the 
most  effectual  mode  of  extracting  evidence  in  that 
day.  The  emperor,  however,  would  not  consent 
to  it,  and  put  a  stop  to  further  proceedings, 
wisely  remarking,  at  the  same  time,  that  "  there 
were  some  cases  in  which  it  was  as  well  not  to 
know  the  truth." 

On  the  eleventh  of  June  died  John  the  Third, 
king  of  Portugal.  He  had  married  the  emper- 
or's youngest  sister,  Catherine,  whom  he  intrusted 
by  his  will,  both  with  the  regency  of  the  king- 
dom, and  the  guardianship  of  his  grandson,  and 
infant  heir  to  the  crown,  Don  Sebastian,  —  tlie 
prince  whose  quixotic  adventures  and  mysterious 
fate,  turning  history  into  romance,  furnish  the 
most  extraordinary  pages  in  the  Portuguese  annals. 
The  young  prince  Avas  also  grandson  of  Charles, 
being  the  child  of  his  daughter,  Joanna,  and  the 
only  fruit  of  her  short-lived  union  with  the  prince 
of  Portugal.  Joanna  felt  herself  much  aggrieved 
by  tlie  will  of  her  father-in-law,  conceiving  that 
she  had  a  better  title  than  Queen  Catherine  both 
to  the  regency  and  to  the  guardianship  of  the  boy. 
She  accordingly  sent  an  envoy,  Don  Fadrique  Hen- 
riquez  de  Guzman,  charged  with  letters  to  the 
queen  regent  and  to  some  of  the  great  lords,  in 
which  she  set  forth  her  pretensions.  Don  Fadrique 
stopped  at  Yuste  to  acquaint  the  emperor  with  the 
purport  of  his  mission.  Charles  saw  at  once  the 
mischief  that  might  arise  from  the  interference  of 
his  daughter  in    this  delicate    business.     Without 

2N2 


444  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IH 

hesitation  he  took  possession  of  the  despatches, 
and  substituted  others  in  their  place,  addressed 
to  the  queen,  his  sister,  in  which  he  condoled 
with  her  on  her  late  bereavement,  and  offered 
the  consolations  of  an  affectionate  brother.  At 
the  same  time,  he  wrote  to  his  daughter,  stating 
what  he  had  done,  and  gently  rebuking  her  for  an 
interference  which  might  w^ell  lead  to  a  serious 
misunderstanding  between  the  courts  of  Spain  and 
PortugaL  He  concluded  his  paternal  homily  by 
reminding  her  how  important  it  was  for  mem- 
bers of  the  same  family  to  maintain  an  affection- 
ate intercourse  with  one  another.  The  course  so 
promptly  taken  by  Charles,  on  this  occasion,  shows 
how  absolute  was  the  control  which  he  exercised 
in  his  seclusion,  and  the  deference  which  was  paid 
to  it  even  by  persons  highest  in  authority. 

While  the  emperor  thus  wisely  stopped  the  ne- 
gotiations of  his  daughter,  he  opened  one  on  his 
own  account  with  the  queen-regent  of  PortugaL 
The  object  of  this  was  to  secure  to  his  grandson, 
Carlos,  the  succession  to  that  crown  in  case  of  the 
death  of  the  young  Sebastian.  This  would  unite 
under  one  sceptre  the  different  states  of  the  Penin- 
sula. The  project  failed  ;  for  the  national  spirit 
of  the  Portuguese,  always  jealous  of  their  Spanish 
neighbors,  made  it  too  hazardous  for  Catherine 
to  entertain  it  for  a  moment ;  and  Charles  was 
persuaded  by  her  arguments  to  renounce  it.  It 
was  a  grand  idea,  however,  that  of  thus  bringing 
together  two  nations,  which,  by  community  of  mce. 


1»7.|  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  445 

language,  and  religion,  would  seem  originally  to 
have  been  designed  for  one.  It  shows  how,  in 
the  depth  of  the  cloisters,  Charles's  comprehensive 
mind  was  occupied  with  the  interests  of  his  coun- 
try. Events  were  not  ripe  for  such  a  consumma- 
tion. But  it  would  have  gladdened  the  heart  of 
the  great  emperor,  could  he  have  foreseen  that  a 
quarter  of  a  century  would  not  elapse  before  it 
would  be  achieved  by  his   own   son. 

The  man  whom  Charles  had  employed  on  this 
delicate  and  confidential  mission  was  no  other  than 
his  friend  Francisco  Borja.  The  good  father  chose 
to  perform  his  journey  on  foot ;  and  the  fatigue  of 
travel  threw  him  into  a  fever,  which  had  well-nigh 
ended  his  earthly  pilgrimage.  On  his  return,  he 
passed  some  two  or  three  days  at  Yuste,  where  he 
was  cordially  welcomed  ;  for  between  the  imperial 
recluse  and  the  noble  Jesuit  similarity  of  circum- 
stances had  created  a  sympathy  such  as  existed 
between  Charles  and  no  other  person.  Brother 
Francis,  if  w^e  may  take  the  word  of  his  biog- 
raphers, even  received  the  extraordinary  compli- 
ment of  being  lodged  in  the  palace,  where  he  was 
supplied,  each  day,  with  a  dish  from  the  emperor's 
table. 

The  conversation  of  the  two  friends  naturally 
turrred  on  the  circumstances  of  their  situation.  In 
the  course  of  it,  the  emperor  regretted  that  his  in- 
firmities were  such  as  not  to  allow  him  to  perform 
the  penance  he  wished,  by  dispensing  with  a  bed 
and  lying  in  his  clothes  all  night.    Brother  Francis 


44:6  LIFE   OF   CHAKLES   THE  FIFTH  jBooK  IIL 

Blept  in  his  frock,  and  on  a  board.  "It  is,'*  rcplied 
the  Jesuit,  in  the  courtly  strain  which  savored  of 
his  early  breeding,  "  because  your  majesty  has  so 
long  watched  in  your  armor,  that  you  cannot  now 
sleep  in  your  clothes.  But,  Heaven  be  praised  ! 
you  have  done  more  good  by  the  vigils  you  have 
kept  in  defence  of  the  Faith,  than  was  ever  done 
by  monks  who  have  slept  all  night  in  hair-cloth." 

Some  allusion  having  been  made  to  Borja's  chil- 
dren, Charles  was  surprised  to  find  how  entirely 
his  friend's  devotion  to  his  new  calling  had  ab- 
sorbed his  sympathies,  to  the  exclusion  of  those 
who  were  nearest,  and  should  have  been  dearest,  to 
him.  It  was  otherwise  with  the  emperor,  whose 
attachment  to  his  own  family  was  in  no  degree 
blunted  by  his  cloister  life. 

One  curious  point  of  casuistry  was  submitted  by 
the  monarch  to  his  guest.  Charles  wished  to  know 
if  there  could  be  anything  wrong  in  a  man's  writing 
his  own  biography,  provided  it  were  done  in  good 
faith,  and  nothing  set  down  from  vanity.  He 
had  written  his  memoirs,  he  added,  but  from  no 
desire  of  self-glorification,  but  simply  to  correct 
sundry  errors  which  had  been  circulated  of  him, 
and  to  exhibit  his  conduct  in  its  true  light. 
"  Should  you  hud,"  he  said,  "  that  my  pen  has 
been  guided  by  secret  vanity,  —  for  I  am  aware -that 
the  heart  is  a  great  deceiver  in  these  matters,  —  I 
would  throw  it  down  at  once,  and  give  what  1  have 
written  to  the  wind,  since  it  w^ould  be  as  empty  as 
the  wind."     One  would  have  liked  to  be  edified  by 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  447 

the  father's  answer,  which,  unfortunately,  has  not 
been  preserved.  We  can  hardly  imagine  that  he 
could  have  insisted  on  the  suppression  of  a  work 
conducted  on  such  sound  principles,  and  of  such 
interest  to  the  world.  But  it  has  never  come  to 
light. 

That  Charles  did  write  such  an  autobiography, 
or  a  portion  of  it,  is  proved  by  other  evidence.  His 
learned  chamberlain,  Van  Male,  assures  his  corre- 
spondent that  his  master,  when  sailing  on  the  Hhine, 
wrote  an  account  of  his  journeys  and  his  military 
expeditions  to  as  late  a  date  as  1550.  A  work  com- 
piled under  such  circumstances  could  have  been 
little  more  than  a  sketch,  —  unless  we  suppose  that 
the  composition  then  begun  was  completed  in  the 
leisure  of  later  years.  That  it  was  something  more 
than  a  fragment,  seems  probable  from  the  general 
tone  of  Van  Male's  remarks,  who  commends  it, 
moreover,  for  the  elegance  of  the  style,  as  well  as 
for  its  dignified  tone  and  its  fidelity  to  historic 
truth.  The  admiring  chamberlain  deeply  regrets 
that  the  emperor  will  not  give  his  production  to 
the  public,  but  "  keeps  it  locked  under  a  hundred 
keys."  It  seems,  however,  he  obtained  his  master's 
consent  to  make  a  Latin  translation  of  the  work 
which,  with  much  self-complacency,  he  proposes  to 
execute  in  "  a  style  that  should  combine  the  sepa- 
rate merits  of  Tacitus,  Livy,  Suetonius,  and  Caesar." 

Unhappily,  the  world  was  not  destined  to  profit 
by  this  rare  style  of  composition  ;  for,  on  his  mas- 
ter's death,  Luis  Quixada  —  as  the  poor  chamber- 


448  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  m. 

lain  used  afterwards  to  complain  with  tears  in  his 
eyes — entered  his  apartment  and  carried  off  the 
emperor's  manuscript.  He  remembered  enough  of 
its  contents,  he  was  wont  to  add,  to  compose  an- 
other memoir  of  the  emperor,  which  he  intended 
to  do.  On  his  death,  which  occurred  only  tAvo 
years  later,  Philip  ordered  that  the  poor  gentle- 
man's papers  should  be  searched,  and  that  any 
which  might  be  found  relating  to  the  emperor 
should  be  sent  to  him,  to  be  thrown  into  the 
fire.  No  such  memoir  was  found,  however ;  and 
the  report  ran  that  Van  Male  had  burnt  most 
of  his  papers  before  his  death.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  Philip  should  have  desired  to  de- 
stroy a  history  of  his  father,  compiled  by  one 
who,  from  his  daily  intercourse  with  him,  had 
enjoyed  the  best  means  of  information.  Perhaps 
it  was  for  that  very  reason  that  he  wished  to 
destroy  it.  Van  Male  had  been  behind  the  scenes, 
where  the  purple  was  laid  aside.  Philip  considered 
that  a  king  was  hedged  round  with  a  peculiar 
sanctity,  which  the  prying  eye  of  the  vulgar  was 
not  to  penetrate.  He  would  have  his  father  pre- 
sented to  the  world  as  a  hero ;  and  no  man,  he 
knew,  was  a  hero  to  his  valet  de  chamhre.^ 

2  M.  Gafhard,  in  the  second  volume  of  his  ''  Retraite  et  Mart  de 
Charlci^- Quint"  (Preface,  p.  150,)  which  has  made  its  appearance 
since  the  text  above  was  written,  notices,  as  one  of  the  items  in  an 
inventory  of  the  emperor's  effects  prepared  by  order  of  his  executors, 
a  velvet  bag  containing  papers  formerly  in  the  possession  of  Van  Male, 
and  taken  from  him  by  Luis  Quixada,  and  afterwards  placed  in  the 
hands  of  the  king.     This  confirms  the  truth  of  Van  JSlale's  own  sLai^ 


I557.J  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  449 

What  was  the  precise  character  of  Charles's  au- 
tobiography, we  have  no  means  of  determining. 
War  had  been  the  great  business  of  his  life  ;  and, 
from  the  hints  dropped  by  Van  Male,  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  work  consisted  of  military  me- 
moirs, fashioned,  it  may  be,  on  Ciicsar's  Commen- 
taries, which  he  held  in  great  esteem,  and  a  trans- 
lation of  which  was  among  the  small  collection  of 
volnmes  he  took  with  him  to  Ynste.  But  how- 
ever this  may  be,  anything  relating  to  the  times, 
from  the  pen  of  one  who  may  be  said  to  have  con- 
trolled the  politics  of  Europe  for  nearly  half  a  cen- 
tury, would  be  of  inestimable  value ;  and  the  loss 
of  such  a  work  must  be  deplored  by  every  friend 
of  science. 

In  the  latter  part  of  September,  Yuste  was  hon- 
ored by  the  presence  of  the  emperor's  two  sis- 
ters, the  dowager  queens  of  France  and  Hungary. 
When  he  had  been  advised  of  their  coming,  con- 
sidering that  the  palace  would  afford  no  accom- 
modation for  the  royal  ladies  with  their  numerous 
train,  he  ordered  Quixada  to  find  lodgings  for 
them  at  Jarandilla,  —  probably  in  the  same  hospi- 
table halls  of  Oropesa  where  he  had  himself  found 
a  shelter.  The  poor  major-domo,  who  found  it  no 
easy  matter  to  provide  for  the  royal  household 
from  the  famine-stricken    Vera,  was  driven  to  his 

ment,  and  leads  very  naturally  to  the  conclusion  that  among  these 
papers  was  the  memoir  of  Charles  the  Fifth.  Of  their  subsequent  fate 
we  know  nolhiiiii;.  But  this  should  not  surprise  us.  There  is  mora 
than  one  well-attested  instance  on  record  of  Philip's  having  destroyed 
documents  that  he  did  not  care  should  meet  the  eye  of  posterity. 

VOL.   HI.  57 


450  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH         [Book  in. 

wits'  ends  by  the  prospect  of  the  new  demands  that 
were  to  be  made  on  his  larder.  "  AV^e  can  give 
their  majesties  plenty  of  ice,"  he  wrote  to  his  friend, 
the  secretary  of  state,  "  and  that  is  the  greatest 
dainty  we  can  give  them." 

Charles,  who  had  not  seen  his  sisters  since  he 
parted  from  them  at  Valladolid,  received  them 
with  much  kindness.  To  Eleanor,  the  ex-queen 
of  France  and  Portugal,  he  was  particularly  at- 
tached. Pier  gentle  manners  and  amiable  char- 
acter made  her  generally  beloved.  Mary's  mas- 
culine understanding  rendered  her  a  more  fitting 
companion  for  his  business  hours.  She  was  often 
closeted  with  him  in  his  cabinet,  where  they 
would  read  over  together  the  latest  despatches 
from  the  seat  of  war.  Charles  deferred  much  to 
her  judgment,  which  had  been  sharpened  by  long 
practice  in  affairs  of  government.  He  seems  to 
have  always  entertained  a  high  opinion  of  the 
capacity  of  the  sex.  His  earliest  years  had  been 
spent  at  the  court  of  a  woman,  his  aunt,  Marga- 
ret of  Savoy,  who  swayed  the  viceregal  sceptre 
of  the  Netherlands  with  great  ability ;  and  when 
it  passed  into  the  hands  of  Mary,  she  acquitted 
Herself  with  no  less  credit  in  a  post  that  proved  so 
embarrassing  to  her  successors.  Indeed,  Charles 
had  so  high  an  opinion  of  his  sister  that  he  would 
willingly  have  associated  her  in  the  regency  of 
Spain  with  his  daughter  Joanna,  who  had  by  no 
means  the  efficiency  of  her  aunt,  —  perhaps  the 
emperor   may    have    thought   not   enough  for  the 


1557.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  451 

present  critical  time.  She  had  spirit  enough, 
however,  to  decline  any  partner  in  the  govern- 
ment, much  more  her  aunt  of  Hungary,  who,  she 
said,  "  was  so  ambitious  of  power  that  she  should 
find  herself  very  soon  reduced  to  a  cipher."  The 
project,  accordingly,  was  abandoned.  Mary  re- 
quited her  brother  s  confidence  by  regarding  him 
with  feelings  little  short  of  idolatry,  —  speaking 
of  him  as  '^  her  all  in  this  world  after  God." 

During  nearly  three  months  which  the  royal 
matrons  passed  at  Jarandilla,  Eleanor  was  pre- 
vented by  her  feeble  health  from  visiting  the  con- 
vent more  than  two  or  three  times.  Her  more 
robust  sister,  fond  of  the  saddle,  and  indifierent 
to  the  weather,  would  often  gallop  through  the 
autumnal  woods  to  Yuste,  and  pass  a  few  hours 
with  the  emperor,  rarely,  however,  staying  long 
enough  to  enliven  his  solitary  repast  with  her 
presence.  Indeed,  it  does  not  appear  that  she  re- 
ceived much  encouragement  to  do  so.  After  the 
queens  had  been  a  few  days  at  Jarandilla,  Quixada 
inquired  of  his  master  whether  it  would  not  be 
better  to  provide  quarters  for  them  at  Yuste.  But 
Charles  replied,  that  it  was  best  as  it  was ;  that 
they  could  come  over  and  transact  their  business 
when  they  had  a  mind,  and  then  go  back  again.* 
''  And  since  that  is  his  majesty's  will  in  the  mat- 
ter," concludes  the  major-domo,  "  there  is  nothing 
further  to  be  said." 

While    at  Jarandilla,   arrangements  were   made 
for  an  interview  between  Eleanor  and  the  infanta 

7  2  0 


i:52  I-n^E   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIETH  [Booa.  Ox 

Mary  of  Portugal,  her  only  daughter,  by  Emman- 
uel the  Great.  It  was  twenty-five  years  since  she 
had  seen  her  child,  and  she  longed,  with  a  mother's 
yearnmg,  to  have  her  remove  to  Spain,  where  the 
queen,  during  the  brief  remainder  of  her  days, 
might  enjoy  the  consolation  of  her  daughter's  so- 
ciety. But  Mary,  who  had  been  born  and  bred  in 
Portugal,  where  she  continued  after  her  widowed 
mother  had  given  her  hand  to  Francis  the  First, 
had  no  mind  to  leave  her  native  land,  still  less  to 
live  in  Spain.  It  had  once  been  proposed  to  unite 
her  to  her  cousin  Philip,  and  she  may  have  re- 
sented the  indignity  put  on  her  by  that  prince, 
when,  in  obedience  to  his  politic  father,  he  had 
transferred  his  heart  —  at  least  his  hand  —  from 
Mary  of  Portugal  to  his  kinswoman,  Mary  of  Eng- 
land. It  is  certain,  too,  that  the  infanta  was  much 
under  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  who  profited 
too  largely  by  her  benefactions  to  wish  to  see  her 
transfer  her  residence  to  Castile.  The  free  hand 
with  which  she  applied  her  revenues  to  religious 
uses  gained  for  her  a  reputation  little  short  of 
that  of  a  saint.  But,  like  some  other  saints,  Mary 
seemed  to  think  that  the  favor  of  Heaven  was  best 
to  be  propitiated  by  the  sacrifice  of  earthly  ties. 
However  submissive  to  the  Church  she  might  be, 
she  was  far  from  being  a  dutiful  or  affectionate 
daughter. 

The  affair  became  the  subject  of  an  extensive 
correspondence,  in  which  the  emperor  took  part, 
soothing   by    turns    the   irritation    of   ^he    mother 


1557.]  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  453 

and  of  the  daughter,  and  endeavoring  to  oring 
them  nearer  to  each  other.  In  the  end,  after  a 
negotiation  as  long  and  embarrassing  as  if  a  treaty 
between  nations  had  been  the  subject,  he  had  the 
satisfaction  of  seeing  a  meeting  arranged  between 
the  parties  in  the  frontier  town  of  Badajoz.  The 
infanta  w^ould  consent  to  no  spot  farther  removed 
from  Portugal.  The  meeting  w^as  to  take  place  in 
the  coming  spring ;  and,  on  the  fourteenth  of  De- 
cember, the  tw5  queens  rode  over  to  the  convent 
to  take  leave  of  their  brother,  preparatory  to  their 
departure.  Besides  their  usual  train,  he  provided 
them  wdth  an  escort,  consisting  of  the  count  of  Oro- 
pesa  with  other  nobles  and  cavaliers,  to  accompany 
them  to  the  place  of  interview.  There  they  found 
the  infanta,  attended  by  a  brilliant  retinue  of  the 
great  lords  and  ecclesiastics  of  Portugal,  intimating 
the  high  consideration  which  she  enjoyed  in  that 
country.  A  detachment  from  this  body  she  sent 
forward  to  Yuste,  to  bear  her  compliments  to  her 
uncle,  the  emperor. 

The  fond  mother  had  the  happiness  of  embracing 
the  child  from  whom  she  had  been  separated  for  so 
many  years.  Both  she  and  her  sister  Mary  gave 
substantial  proofs  of  their  affection  in  the  mag- 
nificent presents  which  they  lavished  on  the  in- 
fanta. Among  these  were  jew'els  given  by  Queen 
Eleanor,  of  the  value  of  fifty  thousand  gold  ducats. 
But  neither  presents,  nor  caresses,  nor  the  tears  of 
her  mother,  had  any  power  to  touch  the  heart  of 
the  infanta.     She  w^ould  not  relent  in  her  original 


454  LIFE   OF   CILVRLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IIL 

purpose  of  remaining  in  Portugal.  Xor  would  she 
prolong  the  interview  beyond  three  weeks,  at  the 
end  of  which  she  bade  a  last  adieu  to  her  mother 
and  her  aunt ;  and,  turning  her  back  for  ever  on 
Spain,  she  retraced  her  steps  to  Lisbon.  Her  dis- 
consolate parent,  attended  by  the  queen  of  Hunga- 
ry, set  out  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Guadalupe,  but  had 
hardly  gone  a  few  leagues,  when  she  was  attacked 
by  a  fever,  caused  in  part,  no  doubt,  by  the  agita- 
tion of  her  mind,  which  was  soon  attended  with 
the  most  alarming  symptoms. 

While  this  was  passing,  the  little  communitv  of 
Yuste  was  astounded  by  tidings  of  a  disastrous 
character  from  France.  The  duke  of  Guise,  mor- 
tified by  the  result  of  the  Italian  campaign,  was  de 
sirous,  by  some  brilliant  achievement,  to  efface  the 
memory  of  his  disasters,  and  to  raise  the  drooping 
spirits  of  the  nation.  The  enterprise  he  proposed 
was  the  recovery  of  Calais,  —  that  strong-hold  on 
the  French  soil  where  England  had  planted  her 
foot  immovably  for  more  than  two  centuries.  The 
recovery  of  this  place  at  some  future  day  had  been 
the  fond  hope  in  which  the  French  had  indulged, 
like  that  once  entertained  by  the  Moriscos  on  the 
Barbary  coast  of  the  recovery  of  the  lost  kingdom 
of  Granada.  It  was  a  hope,  however,  rather  than 
an  expectation.  The  English,  on  their  part,  were 
confident  in  the  impregnable  character  of  the  place, 
as  was  implied  by  an  inscription  in  bronze  on  the 
gates,  which  boasted  that  "  the  French  would  never 
besiege  Calais  till  lead  and  iron  should  swim  like 


1558.]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  455 

cork."     It  was  this  confidence  which  proved  their 
ruin. 

Guise  conducted  his  movements  with  silence  and 
celerity.  He  mustered  his  forces,  marched  upon 
Calais  in  the  dead  of  winter,  and,  when  an  enemy 
was  least  expected,  presented  himself  before  the 
gates.  It  was  the  first  day  of  January,  1558 
The  forts  which  covered  the  place  were  stormed ; 
and  the  town,  shorn  of  its  defences,  fell  an  easy 
prey  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  A  single  week 
had  sufi^Lced  for  the  conquest  of  the  strong  post 
which  had  defied  the  arms  of  England  under  Ed 
ward  the  Third  for  nearly  a  twelvemonth. 

The  report  of  this  brilliant  coup-de-main  filled 
the  country  with  unbounded  joy.  The  heart  of 
every  Frenchman  swelled  with  exultation,  as  he 
learned  that  the  foul  stain  was  at  length  wiped 
away  from  the  national  scutcheon.  The  English 
were  in  the  same  proportion  depressed  by  the  ti- 
dings; and  Philip  might  well  tremble  for  the  Neth- 
erlands, as  he  saw  the  bulwark  removed  which  had 
hitherto  served  to  stay  the  tide  of  invasion  on  that 
quarter.  Ill  news  is  said  to  travel  apace.  And  it 
may  be  thought  strange  that,  even  in  that  age,  an 
event  of  such  interest  as  the  loss  of  Calais  should 
have  been  more  than  three  weeks  in  getting  to  the 
regent  at  Valladolid,  and  still  three  days  more  in 
reaching  Yuste.  It  must  be  admitted  to  form  a 
striking  contrast  to  the  electric  speed  with  which 
intelligence  is  communicated  in  our  day. 

The  new^s  reached  Yuste  on  the  third  of  Febru- 

2  02 


456  LnE   OF   CHARLES   TIIE  FIFTH        [Book  IH 

ary.  Charles  was  at  the  time  in  a  low  state,  not 
having  rallied  as  yet  from  his  last  attack  of  gout, 
—  the  second  which  he  had  had  during  the  winter. 
Though  supported  hy  cushions  in  his  easy-chair,  he 
said  "the  pain  pierced  to  the  very  bones."  The 
courier  Avho  brought  the  tidings  of  the  loss  of  Ca- 
lais arrived  in  the  evening.  Quixada  defeired 
communicating  them  to  his  master  till  the  next 
morning,  lest  they  should  cause  him  a  sleepless 
night.  He  judged  right.  Charles  said,  when  the 
news  was  told  to  him,  "  that  nothing  he  had  ever 
heard  had  given  him  so  much  pain."  It  was  not 
the  loss  of  Calais  simply  that  he  deplored.  His  eye 
glanced  to  the  consequences.  He  saw  in  imagination 
the  French  sweeping  across  the  borders,  and  carry- 
ing devastation  up  to  the  very  gates  of  Brussels. 
As  far  back  as  November,  having  heard  of  prepara- 
tions in  France,  he  had  warned  the  government  that 
an  attempt  would  probably  be  made  by  the  enemy 
to  recover  some  of  the  places  he  had  lost.  He  did 
not  now  w^aste  his  time  in  idle  lament.  Feeble  as 
he  w^as,  he  at  once  sent  despatches  to  Yalladolid, 
urging  the  regent  to  lose  no  time  in  forwarding  re- 
mittances to  her  brother,  as  on  them  must  depend 
hi«  power  of  keeping  the  field  and  protecting  the 
Netherlands  against  invasion.  "  I  know,"  conclud- 
ed Charles,  "  that  you  will  require  no  arguments 
of  mine  to  make  you  use  all  diligence  in  the  mat- 
ter. But  I  cannot  help  writing ;  for  I  feel  so  sensi- 
bly what  may  be  the  consequences  of  the  late  dis- 
aster, that  I  shall  have  no  more  peace  till  I  learu 


1558.]  AFTEK   HIS  ABDlCATIO?^.  45 T 

what  has  been  done  to  repair  it."  Thus  stimulated, 
the  government  at  "Valladolid  made  extraordinary 
efforts ;  and  such  large  remittances  of  funds  were 
promptly  sent  to  Philip,  as  enabled  him  to  keep 
on  foot  a  force  of  sufficient  strength  to  cov€t  the 
fi  on  tier,  and  in  the  end  —  after  his  father's  death 
—  to  dictate  the  terms  of  a  peace  as  honorable  to 
Spain  as  it  was  inglorious  to  the  enemy. 

While  affairs  abroad  were  in  this  gloomy  condi- 
tion, Charles  was  more  keenly  distressed  by  tidings 
of  a  domestic  calamity.  This  was  the  death  of 
his  sister,  the  queen  of  France.  The  fever  which 
had  interrupted  her  journey,  and  confined  her  in 
a  little  town  only  three  leagues  from  Badajoz, 
was  aggravated  by  an  attack  of  asthma,  to  which 
disease  she  had  long  been  subject.  The  symptoms 
became  every  day  more  unfavorable.  The  compli- 
cated malady  baffled  all  the  skill  of  her  physician  ; 
and  it  was  soon  evident  that  Eleanor  s  days  were 
numbered.  Gaztelu,  the  emperor's  secretary,  had 
been  sent  by  him  with  despatches  for  the  queen  of 
Hungary.  He  arrived  just  in  time  to  receive  the 
last  instructions  of  her  sister.  He  found  the  dying 
queen  in  full  possession  of  her  faculties,  waiting 
with  resignation  for  the  hour  when  her  gentle 
spirit  should  be  released.  She  charged  the  secre- 
tary with  many  tender  remembrances  for  her  broth- 
er, whom  she  besought  with  all  humility,  by  the 
love  he  had  always  borne  her,  to  watch  over  the 
interests  of  her  child  when  she  should  be  no  more 
here  to  do  it  herself     Her  last  thoughts  were    xj- 

voL.  III.  58 


4o8  LIFE   OF   CHARLES    TVK   FIFTH  [Book  W 

cupied  with  the  daughter  who  had  made  so  poor  a 
requital  for  her  tenderness.  By  her  will  she  made 
her  the  sole  heir  to  the  extensive  estates  she  pos- 
sessed both  in  France  and  Spain,  which,  com.bined 
with  the  large  domains  belonging  to  the  infanta  in 
Portugal,  made  her  the  most  splendid  match  in 
Christendom.  But  though  proposals  v/ere  made  for 
her  alliance  with  more  than  one  prince,  it  was  the 
destiny  of  Mary  of  Avis  to  live  and  die  a  maid. 
She  survived  her  mother  but  a  few  years  ;  and  thcj 
greater  part  of  her  princely  patrimony  she  devoted, 
at  her  death,  to  the  endowment  of  convents  and 
chapels,  and  other  religious  uses,  for  wdiich  she  is 
held  in  reverence  by  the  Portuguese  chroniclers, 
and  her  memory  cherished  as  that  of  one  who  had 
died  in  the  odor  of  sanctity. 

The  emperor,  at  the  time  of  his  sister's  illness, 
was  suffering  from  a  fourth  attack  of  gout,  no 
doubt  much  exasperated  by  the  state  of  his  mind. 
It  was  so  severe  as  to  confine  him  for  m.ore  than 
a  fortnight  to  his  bed.  To  add  to  his  distress,  his 
mouth  was  exceedingly  inflamed,  and  his  tongue 
swollen,  so  that  he  could  take  little  other  nour- 
i:.^hment  than  sweetened  biscuit.  With  this  dis- 
mal cheer  he  kept  the  fete  of  St.  Matthias,  the 
twenty-fourth  of  February,  —  his  own  birthday, — 
in  strong  contrast  to  the  joyous  manner  in  which 
he  had  celebrated  the  same  anniversary  in  the  pre- 
ceding year. 

Charles  was  greatly  afflicted  by  the  news  of  his 
sisters  death.     Though  not  accustomed  to  exhibit 


1558.]  A-FTEK   RTS   ABDICATION.  1-Of^ 

his  emotions,  his  eyes  filled  with  tears,  as  ho  spoke 
of  her  to  his  secretary,  Gaztelu.  "  She  was  a  good 
Christian,"  he  said.  "  We  always  loved  each  other 
She  was  older  than  I  by  fifteen  months ;  and  before 
that  time  has  elapsed  I  shall  probably  be  with  her." 
In  less  than  half  that  time  the  sad  prediction  was 
fulfilled. 

The  queen  of  Hungary  was  overwhelmed  by  the 
blow ;  and  she  resolved  to  repair  to  Yuste,  to  seek 
consolation  in  the  society  of  her  brother.  This 
time  he  determined  to  lodge  her  in  the  palace, 
and  he  gave  the  major-domo  directions  accordingly 
Charles  had  sent  to  Valladolid  for  mourning,  as  he 
intended  to  put  his  Avhole  household  into  black ; 
and  he  was  anxious  that  it  should  come  before 
Queen  Mary's  arrival.  He  seemed  to  look  forward 
with  a  sort  of  nervous  apprehension  to  their  meet- 
ing. "  I  shall  never  feel  that  my  sister  is  dead," 
he  said  to  Quixada,  "  till  I  see  the  queen  of  Hun- 
gary enter  the  room  alone."  Both  parties  Avere 
much  affected  at  the  interview.  But  the  emperor 
endeavored  to  repress  his  emotions,  while  his  sister 
giwe  free  indulgence  to  hers. 

The  queen  was  lodged,  as  her  brother  had  or- 
dered, in  an  apartment  on  the  lower  floor.  Her 
retinue  were  quartered  in  Cuacos  and  Jarandilla, 
where  their  presence,  greatly  increasing  the  bur- 
dens of  the  commissariat  department,  gave  little 
joy  to  its  chief.  Unfortunately,  it  was  the  season 
of  Lent.  "  It  is  no  light  matter  in  Estremadu- 
ra,"  says  the  unhappy  functionary,  ''  to  keep  open 


460  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH  [Book  111 

house  in  Lent,  when  fish  is  the  only  thing  in 
request.  The  fish-market  of  Cuacos  is  somewhat 
different  from  that  of  Antwerp  or  Brussels.  But 
we  must  do  the  best  we  can."  He  concludes  by 
expressing  a  wish  that  the  secretary  Vazquez,  to 
whom  he  is  writing,  would  send  "  a  supply  of  fresh 
salmon,  if  any  can  be  had,  or  any  other  dainty,  — 
above  all,  herrings,  both  dry  and  salt,  of  which  his 
majesty  is  especially  fond."  In  a  week  after  this 
we  find  a  letter  from  Dr.  Mathys,  the  physician, 
in  which,  after  some  remarks  on  his  master's  im- 
proved health,  as  the  gout  had  begun  to  jield,  the 
writer  adds,  in  a  doleful  tone,  that  the  emperor 
had  already  begun  to  stimulate  his  appetite  with 
salt  meats,  garlic,  herrings,  and  other  provocatives, 
which  had  always  proved  so  ruinous  to  his  stomach. 
Queen  Mary  protracted  her  stay  for  nearly  a 
fortnight.  She  then  took  leave  of  her  brother,  — 
a  final  leave,  for  they  were  never  to  meet  again  in 
this  world.  She  established  her  residence  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Valladolid.  The  emperor,  at 
Philip's  solicitation,  earnestly  pressed  her  to  re- 
turn to  the  Netherlands  and  to  resume  the  regency, 
for  which  she  had  proved  herself  so  well  qualified. 
With  great  reluctance,  she  at  last  gave  her  consent, 
under  certain  conditions ;  but  her  death  prevented 
the  execution  of  the  plan,  and  saved  her  from  the 
humiliating  scenes  to  which  her  successor,  Marga- 
ret of  Parma,  was  exposed  by  the  revolutionary 
troubles  of  the  country.  Mary,  vrho  died  of  a  dis- 
ea,s^3  of  the  heart,  much  aggravated  bv  the  suffering 


1558.J  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  4^> 

slie  had  of  late  experienced,  survived  her  brother 
but  a  few  weeks.  In  the  brief  space  of  two  years 
from  the  time  when  the  emperor  and  his  sisters 
had  landed  in  Spain,  the  earthly  career  of  all  of 
them  w^as  closed. 

In  the  month  of  April,  Charles  received  the  in- 
telligence that  his  renunciation  of  the  empire  had 
at  last  been  accepted.  At  the  time  of  abdicating 
his  other  crowns,  he  had  been  persuaded  by  Philip 
to  defer  his  resignation  of  the  imperial  sceptre  for 
the  present.  For  a  short  time  he  consented  to  re- 
tain the  title  of  "  emperor,"  devolving  all  the  real 
power  on  his  brother  Ferdinand,  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, who  was  to  succeed  him  on  the  throne. 
When  the  French  war  broke  out,  Philip,  with  still 
more  reason,  was  desirous  that  his  father  should  re- 
tain the  sovereignty  of  Germany.  But  Charles  had 
already  sent  his  resignation  to  the  electoral  college, 
and  he  would  take  no  steps  to  postpone  the  meet- 
ing of  that  body.  Various  circumstances,  however, 
conspired  to  delay  this  meeting ;  and  it  was  not  till 
the  twelfth  of  March,  1558,  that  the  diet,  having 
accepted  the  renunciation  of  Charles,  finally  elected 
Ferdinand  as  his  successor.  It  is  another  proof  of 
the  tardy  pace  at  which  news  travelled  in  that  day, 
that  the  tidings  of  an  event  of  so  much  interest 
did  not  reach  Yuste  till  the  twenty-ninth  of  April. 
One  might  have  thought  that  the  intelligence  would 
have  passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  in  less  than  hall 
the  time  that  it  is  stated  to  have  taken  to  send  it 
by  the  courier.     That  this  was  not  so  can  only  be 


462  LIFE   OF   CmVRLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  UI 

explained  by  the  low  state  of  commercial  inter- 
course in  that  day,  and  by  the  ignorance  of  the 
great  mass  of  the  people,  which  prevented  them 
from  taking  an  interest  in  public  affairs. 

It  was  with  undisguised  satisfaction  that  Charles 
\^elcomed  the  tidings  of  an  event  that  released  him 
from  the  shadow  of  sovereignty,  —  for  it  was  only 
the  shadow  that  had  followed  him  to  Yuste.  He 
wrote  at  once  to  Valladolid,  directing  that  all  de- 
spatches hereafter  should  be  addressed  to  him  as  a 
private  individual,  not  as  emperor.  He  ordered 
that  two  seals  should  be  made,  without  crown, 
eagle,  or  other  imperial  device,  but  simply  wdth  the 
arms  of  Spain  quartered  with  those  of  Burgundy, 
intimating  his  descent  by  father's  and  mother's  side. 
He  commanded  the  escutcheons  and  other  insignia 
to  be  removed  from  the  walls  of  his  convent  palace, 
and  the  name  of  Ferdinand  to  be  substituted  for 
his  own  in  the  prayers  of  the  Church  and  the  ser- 
vice of  the  mass.  He  was  so  punctilious  that, 
when  the  ladies  of  Cuacos  presented  him  with  a 
basket  of  flowers  fancifully  disposed  so  as  to  repre- 
sent the  imperial  crown,  he  would  not  allow  it  to 
stand  in  his  apartment  till  the  flowers  had  been  re- 
arranged by  the  gardener  in  some  other  form.  He 
called  his  household  together,  and  informed  them 
of  Ferdinand's  election,  adding,  "  As  for  me.  the 
name  of  Charles  is  enough ;  —  henceforth  I  am 
nothing."  To  his  domestics  it  seemed  as  if  this  re- 
nunciation of  worldly  grandeur  was,  in  some  sort, 
a  preparation  for  deatli,  and   many  of  them  were 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  463 

affected  to  tears.  Even  the  monks,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  one  of  their  number,  could  not  per- 
form mass  without  being  sensibly  touched,  as  they 
substituted  the  name  of  Ferdinand  for  that  of  their 
beloved  emperor. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  Charles  received  the 
alarming  intelligence  that  the  Protestant  doctrines, 
which  had  been  convulsing  the  neighboring  coun- 
tries of  Christendom,  had  at  length  found  their 
way  across  the  Pyrenees,  and  were  secretly,  but  by 
no  means  slowly,  sapping  the  foundations  of  the 
Church.  The  heretics  had  even  been  so  audacious 
as  to  begin  their  operations  in  Valladolid,  under  the 
very  eye  of  the  regent.  The  cry  was  raised,  and 
the  bloodhounds  of  the  Holy  Office  were  already 
on  the  scent  to  ferret  out  the  offenders  and  dra^ 
them  into  day.  Charles,  whose  life  had  been  passed 
in  battling  against  the  heresy  of  Luther,  was  tilled 
with  horror  at  the  idea  of  its  even  then  infecting 
the  atmosphere  wliich  he  breathed.  To  get  rid  of 
the  infection  by  the  speediest  way  possible  became 
now  the  engrossing  subject  of  his  thoughts.  On 
the  third  of  May  he  wrote  to  his  daughter  Joanna: 
"  Tell  the  grand-inquisitor  and  his  council,  from 
me,  to  be  at  their  posts,  and  to  lay  the  axe  at  the 
root  of  the  evil  before  it  spreads  further.  I  rely  on 
your  zeal  for  bringing  the  guilty  to  trial,  and  for 
Slaving  them  punished,  without  favor  to  any  one, 
with  all  the  severity  that  their  crimes  demand."  In 
^mother  letter,  written  three  weeks  later,  he  says* 
"  If  I  had  not  entire  confidence  that  you  would  do 

2P 


4:64  LIFE   OF   CIIxVllLES   THE   FIFTH  [Book  III 

your  duty,  and  arrest  the  eA'il  at  once,  by  chastising 
the  guilty  in  good  earnest,  I  know  not  how  I  could 
help  leaving  the  monastery  and  taking  the  remedy 
into  my  own  hands."  He  expressed  a  doubt  wheth- 
er it  would  not  be  well,  in  so  black  an  affair,  to 
dispense  with  the  ordinary  course  of  justice,  and 
to  show  no  mercy ;  "  lest  the  criminal,  if  pardoned, 
should  have  the  opportunity  of  repeating  his  crime." 
He  recommended,  as  an  example,  his  own  mode  of 
proceeding  in  the  Netherlands;  "where  all  who  re- 
mained obstinate  in  their  errors  were  burned  alive, 
and  those  ^^  ho  were  admitted  to  penitence  were  be- 
headed." 

Not  content  with  writing,  Charles  ordered  Qui- 
xada  to  proceed  to  Yalladolid,  where  he  was  to  see 
the  regent  and  the  inquisitor-general,  communicate 
to  them  more  fully  the  emperor's  views  on  the  sub- 
ject, and  discuss  the  best  mode  of  carrying  them 
into  effect.  Charles  then  wrote  to  his  son,  inform- 
ing him  of  what  he  had  done  ;  and,  to  give  greater 
force  to  his  injunctions,  added  a  postscript  with  his 
own  hand,  in  which  he  urged  Philip  to  apply  the 
sharpest  and  speediest  remedy  that  could  be  devised 
for  extirpating  the  seeds  of  the  disease  before  it 
had  spread  over  the  whole  system.  His  injunc- 
tions fell  upon  willing  ears,  as  appears  from  the 
kinsf's  memorandum  indorsed  on  his  father's  letter : 
"  Thank  him  for  the  orders  he  has  given,  and  re- 
quest him  to  follow  up  the  affair,  —  telling  him,  at 
the  same  time,  that  we  shall  ])ursue  the  same  co\irse 
here,  and  arquainthig  him  with  wliat  has  been 
done   already-  " 


1558.1  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION  465 

The  emperor's  letters  from  Yuste  afford  the 
strongest  evidence  of  the  hitolerance  of  his  disposi- 
tion. The  compromises  and  concessions  wrenched 
from  him  by  the  German  Protestants  were  so  many 
sacrifice?  to  policy,  that  must  have  done  great  vio- 
lence to  his  nature.  In  his  correspondence  with 
his  family  we  find  the  true  sentiments  of  his  heart, 
rendered,  doubtless,  more  austere,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  declining  health  and  the  monastic  life 
which  separated  him  from  the  world.  One  can- 
not, without  a  shudder,  see  him  tlius  fanning  the 
flame  of  fanaticism  in  the  bosoms  of  his  children, 
to  whose  keeping  were  intrusted  the  destinies  of 
the  country. 

Bigotry  seems  most  naturally  to  belong  to  feeble 
and  ignorant  minds.  It  was  the  peculiar  charac- 
teristic of  the  Spanish  princes  of  the  house  of  Aus- 
tria ;  and  more  than  one  member  of  that  dynasty 
was  feeble  to  the  verge  of  fatuity.  It  is  the  more 
striking  when  found  to  lodge  with  those  extraor- 
dinary powers  which  seem  to  raise  their  possessor 
far  above  the  ordinary  level  of  humanity.  Unfor- 
tunately, in  Charles  these  powers  served  only  to 
give  greater  intensity  to  the  feeling  of  bigotry,  and 
to  make  it  more  widely  mischievous  in  its  opera- 
tion. Instead  of  a  mere  passive  sentiment,  it  was 
quickened  into  an  active  principle  of  fanaticism. 
His  great  talents  were  employed  to  perfect  a  system 
of  persecution  which  led  to  the  most  frightful  re- 
sults in  the  Netherlands.  No  one  of  his  line  did 
BO  much  to  fasten  the  yoke  of  superstition  on  the 

VOL.  in.  59 


4:66  \^IFE   OF   CHARLES   TIIE   FIFTH.         [Book  HI. 

necks  of  the  Spaniards.  He  may  be  trnly.  said  to 
have  stamped  his  character,  not  only  on  his  own 
generation,  but  on  that  that  followed  it.  His  ex- 
ample and  his  teachings  directed  the  policy  of  the 
pitiless  Philip  the  Second,  and  through  him  of  the 
imbecile  Philip  the  Third.  His  dying  words — for 
his  codicil,  executed  on  his  death-bed,  as  we  shall 
see,  breathed  the  same  spirit  as  his  letters  —  still 
lingered  in  the  ears  of  his  posterity,  to  urge  them 
forward  in  the  path  of  persecution ;  and  thus  did 
he  become  largely  responsible  for  the  woes  brought 
on  the  land  long  after  he  had  been  laid  in  the  dark 
chambers  of  the  Escorial. 


BOOK     IV. 


Cliailes's  Til  Iloalth,  —  He  rehearses  his  Obsequies.  —  Ts  attacked  bj 
his  last  Illness.  —  Codicil  to  his  Will. — Profrress  of  the  Disease. — 
Extreme  Unction.  —  Last  Hours  and  Death  — Funeral  Honors, — 
Phili]!  the  Second's  Visit  to  Yuste.  —  Bodies  of  Charles  and  his 
Family  removed  to  the  Escorial.  —  Decay  of  the  Convent  at  Yuste. 

As  the  spring  of  1558  advanced,  the  emperors 
h'.^altli  gradualiy  mended.  lie  was  extremely  sen- 
sihle  to  cold  ;  and  as  the  summer  drew  near,  he 
felt  the  genial  influence  of  the  warmer  weather, 
and  the  letters  from  Yuste  spoke  of  him  as  restored 
to  his  usual  health.  With  renovated  health  his 
appetite  returned  ;  and  he  indulged  it  in  his  usual 
intemperate  manner.  '*  His  majesty  eats  much," 
writes  his  physician.  Dr.  Mathys,  "  and  drinks  still 
more,  changing  nothing  of  his  former  way  of  life, 
and  rashly  trusting  to  the  natural  strength  of  his 
constitution,  hut  little  to  be  relied  on  in  a  body  so 
full  of  had  humors."  "  Kings,"  writes  Quixada, 
^  must  surely  imagine  their  stomachs  are  made  dif- 
ferently from  those  of  other  men."  At  length  the 
Slid    humors  of   ^^hich  the    doctor   spoke    showed 

2  P2 


i6S  LEFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV. 

themselves  in  a  cutaneous  eruption  below  the  knees, 
which  caused  Charles  great  annoyance.  To  allay 
the  irritation,  he  slept  under  the  lightest  covering, 
and  with  the  windows  and  doors  of  his  chamber 
open.  He  frequently  also  bathed  his  limbs  in  cold 
w^ater.  His  physician  looked  with  distrust  on  the 
use  of  these  violent  remedies  ;  but  the  emperor  said 
he  would  rather  have  a  little  fever,  than  suffer  from 
this  intolerable  itching.  On  this  Mathys  sensibly 
remarked,  that  it  was  not  given  to  us  to  choose 
our  diseases ;  —  we  might  ch^jice,  by  attempting 
it,  to  get  something  worse  than  what  we  have  al- 
ready. The  doctor's  remonstrances,  however,  were 
little  heeded  by  Charles,  whose  imperious  nature 
had  ever  made  him  the  most  intractable 'of  pa- 
tients. 

The  season  proved  to  be  extremely  unhealthy  in 
the  Vera,  where  tertian  fever  of  a  malignant  type 
became  prevalent,  and  several  persons  died  of  it. 
The  count  of  Oropesa  lay  so  ill  of  this  disease,  in 
his  chateau  at  Jarandilla,  that  the  emperor  sent  his 
own  physician  to  him.  On  the  ninth  of  August, 
Charles,  after  a  considerable  interval,  was  attacked 
by  a  fit  of  the  gout,  which  w^as  attributed  to  a  cold 
taken  in  consequence  of  his  sleeping  with  his  win- 
dows open,  —  the  air,  wdiich  had  been  sultry  in 
the  evening,  having  changed  and  become  chilly 
during  the  night.  The  attack  does  not  seem  to 
have  been  as  severe  as  he  had  sometimes  experi- 
enced during  his  residence  at  Yuste;  for  on  the 
fifteenth  of  the  month  we  find  him  present  at  th© 


1558.]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  4.e)9 

service  in  the  chapel,  though  requiring  the  sup- 
port of  his  attendants,  and  seated  in  his  chair. 
All  symptoms  of  the  disease  had  vanished  by  the 
twenty-fourth  of  August,  when  w^e  find  the  letters 
from  Yuste  speaking  of  him  as  entirely  recovered. 

It  was  in  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  August 
that  an  event  is  said  to  have  taken  place  which  has 
afforded  a  fruitful  theme  for  speculation  to  modern 
critics.  This  was  the  emperor's  celebration  of  his 
own  obsequies.  According  to  the  two  Jeronymite 
chroniclers  from  whom  the  narrative  is  derivedj 
Charles,  who  caused  masses  to  be  celebrated  for 
the  soul  of  his  deceased  wife  on  every  anniversary 
of  her  death,  expressed  a  wish  at  this  time  to  his 
confessor,  Juan  de  Regla,  to  have  funeral  services 
performed  in  her  honor,  and  also  in  that  of  his 
parents.  The  confessor  having  approved  of  this 
pious  intention,  preparations  were  instantly  made 
for  carrying  it  into  execution  ;  and  the  obsequies, 
occupying  three  days  successively,  were  celebrat- 
ed by  the  wdiole  convent  with  great  solemnity. 
Charles  himself  took  part  in  them,  taking  his  place 
near  the  altar,  and  following  the  service  in  his 
prayer-book,  —  a  plain  volume,  which  bore  the 
marks  of  long  and  diligent  use. 

When  the  ceremony  was  finished,  Charles  in- 
quired of  his  confessor  whether  it  would  not  be 
well  for  him  also  to  perform  his  own  obsequies, 
and  thus  see  with  his  own  eyes  what  must  soon, 
befall  him.  The  priest,  startled  by  this  extiaor- 
rtinary  proposal,  was  much  affected,  and  besought- 


470  LITE   OF   CHARLES    THE  FIFTH  [Boox  IV 

the  emperor,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  not  thus  to 
anticipate,  as  it  were,  the  hour  of  his  death. 
But  Charles,  urging  the  matter,  inquired  if  it 
would  not  be  profitable  for  his  soul ;  and  the 
accommodating  father  having  applauded  it  as  a 
pious  act,  worthy  of  imitation,  arrangements  were 
made  for  conducting  it  with  greater  pomp  than 
that  of  the  preceding  services.  The  chapel  was 
accordingly  hung  with  black,  and  the  blaze  of  hun- 
dreds of  wax-lights  was  scarcely  sufficient  to  dispel 
the  darkness.  The  brethren  in  their  conventual 
dress,  and  all  the  emperors  household  clad  in 
deep  mourning,  gathered  round  a  huge  catafalque, 
shrouded  also  in  black,  which  had  been  raised  in 
the  centre  of  the  chapel.  The  service  for  the  buri- 
al of  the  dead  was  then  performed;  and,  amidst 
the  dismal  wail  of  the  monks,  the  prayers  ascended 
for  the  departed  spirit,  that  it  might  be  received 
into  the  mansions  of  the  blessed.  The  sorrow^ful 
attendants  were  melted  to  tears,  as  the  image  of 
their  master's  death  was  presented  to  their  minds, 
—  or  they  were  touched,  it  may  be,  with  compas- 
sion by  this  pitiable  display  of  weakness.  Charles, 
muffled  in  a  dark  mantle,  and  bearing  a  lighted 
candle  in  his  hand,  mingled  with  his  household, 
the  spectator  of  his  own  obsequies  ;  and  the  doleful 
ceremony  was  concluded  by  his  placing  the  taper 
in  the  hands  of  the  priest,  in  sign  of  his  surrender- 
ing up  his  soul  to  the  Almighty. 

Such  is  the  account  given  us  by  the  Jeronymite 
fathers,  one   of  whom  was    an    eyewitness   of    the 


1558]  AFTER   HIS  ABDICATION.  471 

scenes  he  describes,^  and  the  other,  though  ]iot 
present  himself,  had  ample  means  of  obtaining 
information  from  those  who  were.^  Since  that 
time  the  story  has  been  repeated  by  successive 
writers,  gaining  at  each  repetition,  until  in  Rob- 
ertson's pages  w^e  find  the  emperor  performing  in 
his  shroud,  and  then  lying  down  in  his  coffin, 
where,  after  joining  in  the  prayers  for  the  rest  of 

1  Nothing  is  known  of  this  person,  except  what  is  to  be  collected 
from  liis  own  narrative.  He  was  one  of  the  convent,  and  seems  to 
have  lived  there  during  the  whole  of  the  time  that  Charles  resided 
at  Yuste.  He  was  one  of  the  few  monks  selected  to  keep  watch 
over  the  emperor's  remains  after  his  death,  and  to  accompany  them 
when  they  were  removed  to  the  Escorial.  His  minuscript,  which  hag 
very  recently  been  given  to  the  public  by  the  industrious  Gachard, 
found  its  way,  in  some  manner  not  easy  to  be  explained,  into  ihe  ar- 
chives of  the  Feudal  Court  of  Brabant  in  Brussels.  It  was  there  dis- 
covered, not  long  since,  by  M.  Bakhuizen  van  den  Brink,  a  member  of 
that  court,  and  an  analysis  of  it  was  published  by  him  in  the  Bulletins 
cle  la  Commission  Royale  (VHistoire.  The  narrative  is  given  at  length 
by  Gachard,  in  the  second  volume  of  his  ^'-  Retraite  et  Mori  de  Charles- 
Quint."  No  one  who  has  read  this  simple  record,  which  bears  on 
every  page  the  evidence  of  the  writer's  calling  and  of  the  times  in 
which  he  lived,  can  doubt  its  authenticity  for  a  moment.  For  this 
reason,  notwithstanding  it  comes  to  us  without  a  name,  it  becomes 
an  historical  document  of  great  value,  inferior  only  to  that  of  the 
original  letters  from  the  members  of  the  emperor's  household. 

2  This  was  Fray  Joseph  de  Siguenga,  prior  of  the  Escorial.  As 
head  of  the  great  Jeronymite  monastery,  the  best  sources  of  intorma- 
tion  were  open  to  him.  He  enjoyed,  moreover,  the  opportunity  of 
personal  communication  with  some  who  were  living  at  Yuste  during 
the  emperor's  residence  there,  and  who,  after  his  death,  accompanied 
his  remains  to  the  Escorial.  The  result  of  his  investigations  he  has 
given  in  the  first  volume  of  his  great  work,  "  Ilistoria  de  la  Orden  de 
San  Geronimo"  published  at  Madrid  in  1605;  a  work  which,  from 
the  conscientiousness  of  the  Avriter,  and  the  luminous  style  in  which 
It  is  written,  holds  a  high  place  in  the  ecclesiastical  literature  of 
Bpaiu. 


472  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV. 

his  own  soul,  not  yet  departed,  he  is  left  by  the 
monks  to  his  meditations.  It  was  not  till  the 
present  day  that  a  more  careful  scrutiny,  by  dis- 
coverino'  inconsistencies  in  the  account,  led  some 
writers  to  regard  it  as  a  monkish  legend,  and  to 
doubt  the  truth  of  it  altogether. 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  on  which  the 
obsequies  had  been  celebrated,  being  the  thirty-first 
of  August,  Charles,  according  to  the  Jeronymite 
chroniclers,  took  his  seat  on  the  covered  terrace  on 
the  western  side  of  his  house.  Here  he  would  often 
sit,  drmking  in  the  sweet  odors  of  the  garden,  and 
enjoying  the  grateful  warmth  left  by  the  rays  of  the 
declining  sun.  As  he  sat  thus  musing,  with  his 
eyes  fixed  on  the  dial  which  Torriano  had  erected 
for  him  in  the  grounds  below,  he  suddenly  ordered 
his  jewel-keeper  to  be  called,  and  directed  him 
to  bring  a  miniature  of  the  Empress  Isabella,  of 
whom,  as  we  have  seen,  he  had  more  than  one 
portrait  in  his  collection.  He  dwelt  a  long  time 
on  her  beautiful  features,  "  as  if,"  says  the  chron- 
icler, "  he  was  imploring  her  to  prepare  a  place 
for  him  in  the  celestial  mansions  to  which  she 
had  gone."  Some  time  longer  he  spent  in  con- 
templating Titian's  "  Agony  in  the  Garden  "  ;  after 
^^'hich  he  ordered  the  picture  of  the  "  Last  Judg- 
ment"  to  be  brought  to  him,  —  the  masterpiece 
of  Titian.  It  was  probably  only  a  sketch,  as  the 
great  work,  which  hung  on  the  walls  of  the  cha|)e], 
was  too  large  to  be  removed.  Indeed,  his  testa- 
ment notices  a  picture  of  the  "Last  Judgment** 


65f>]  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  473 

as  among  the  articles  in  the  possession  of  his  jewel- 
keeper.  He  gazed  so  long  and  with  such  rapt 
attention  on  the  picture,  as  to  cause  apprehension 
in  his  physician,  who,  in  the  emperor's  debilitat- 
'^  state,  feared  the  effects  of  such  excitement  on 
ids  nerves.  There  was  good  reason  for  apprehen- 
sion ;  for  Charles  at  length,  rousing  from  his 
reverie,  turned  to  the  doctor,  and  complained  that 
he  was  ill.  His  pulse  showed  him  to  be  in  a  high 
fever.  He  soon  after  withdrew  to  his  chamber, 
w^hich  he  was  never  more  to  leave. 

That  this  account  of  the  Jeronymite  brethren 
is  not  perfectly .  correct,  is  shown  by  a  letter  of 
Dr.  Mathys,  dated  on  the  first  of  September,  in 
which  he  states  that,  having  gone  by  his  mas- 
ters orders,  on  the  thirtieth  of  August,  to  Jaran- 
dilla,  to  attend  the  count  of  Oropesa,  he  found  the 
emperor,  on  his  return,  suffering  from  a  severe 
headache,  which  he  attributed  to  tlie  effect  of  the 
sun's  rays,  that  fell  with  great  power  on  the  ter- 
race where  he  had  dined.  After  a  sleepless  night, 
continues  the  doctor,  in  which  the  emperor  suf- 
fered much  from  thirst,  he  rose  and  dressed  him- 
self; but  though  somewhat  better  in  the  morning, 
in  the  afternoon  he  relapsed,  the  pain  in  his  head 
returned  with  increased  force,  and  he  exhibited 
ilecided  symptoms  of  fever.  —  From  this  letter  of 
nis  physician,  written  on  the  spot,  we  see  it  was 
impossible  that  the  circumstances  mentioned  by 
the  Jeronymite  historians  could  have  taken  place 
on    the    day  they   assign    for    them.     Charles   was 

VOL.  III.  60 


414  LIFE   OF   CHARLES    THE   FIFTH  [Book  IV 

certainly  in  no  condition  on  that  day  for  so  ex- 
citing a  scene  as  tlie  performance  of  his  own 
obsequies. 

A  still  more  formidable  objection  to  the  truth 
of  the  narrative  is  furnished  by  the  silence  of 
Charles's  household  in  regard  to  it.  It  would 
seem  strange  that  neither  Quixada  nor  Gaztelu, 
who  w^ere  so  careful  to  notice  every  occurrence 
of  interest  in  their  master's  life,  should  have 
made  any  allusion  to  one  so  extraordinary  as  this. 
This  silence  is  so  significant,  that,  instead  of  nega- 
tive, it  may  be  thought  to  acquire  the  value  of 
positive  proof  against  the  truth  of  the  story. 

A  candid  review  of  the  whole  matter  will  sug- 
gest some  considerations  which  may  tend  much  to 
diminish  the  weight  of  these  objections.  With 
respect  to  the  inaccuracy  of  the  dates,  that 
w^ould  not  be  a  marvellous  thing  at  any  time, 
especially  with  the  careless  chroniclers  of  the 
sixteenth  century.  The  Regent  Joanna  furnishes 
a  remarkable  example  of  this  inaccuracy  in  a 
letter  addressed  to  Philip,  giving  with  much  care 
the  circumstances  attending  their  father's  illness, 
in  which  she  falls  into  the  gross  blunder  of  mis- 
taking the  date  of  his  death,  although  the  docu- 
ments from  Yuste  WTre  before  her.  It  may  well 
be  that  the  date  of  the  funeral  services  was  some 
days  previous  to  that  reported  by  the  monks,  when 
Charles  would  seem  to  have  been  sufficiently  re- 
covered ^^-om  the  gout  to  have  taken  part  in  theni. 
^iiL  the  exception  of  a  few  lines  from  Gaztelu, 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  475 

relating  to  public  business,  we  have  no. letter  from 
the  secretary  or  the  major-domo  between  the 
eighteenth  and  the  twenty-eighth  of  August ;  at 
least,  I  have  none  in  my  collection,  and  have  seen 
none  cited  by  others.  The  interval  that  may  have 
elapsed  between  the  performance  of  the  ceremony 
and  the  writing  of  these  functionaries  may  help 
to  explain  their  silence  on  an  event  which  no 
longer  made  any  strong  impression  on  their 
minds.  For  after  all,  v,^hen  due  allowance  is 
made  for  the  exaggerated  tone  natural  to  the 
monkish  chronicler,  this  act  was  one  not  alto- 
gether so  different  in  its  character  from  those 
celebrations  with  which  Charles  used  to  vary  the 
monotony  of  his  monastic  life.  Thus  he  showed 
a  morbid  relish  for  performing  the  obsequies,  not 
merely  of  his  kindred,  but  of  any  one  whose  po- 
sition seemed  to  him  to  furnish  an  apology  for 
it.  Not  a  member  of  the  toison  died,  but  he 
was  prepared  to  commemorate  the  event  with 
solemn  funeral  rites.  These,  in  short,  seemed  to 
be  the  festivities  of  Charles's  cloister  life.  These 
lugubrious  ceremonies  had  a  fascination  for  him 
that  may  remind  one  of  the  tenacity  with  which 
his  mother,  Joanna,  clung  to  the  dead  body  of 
her  husband,  taking  it  with  her  wherever  she 
went.  It  was  after  celebrating  the  obsequies  of 
bis  parents  and  his  wife,  w^hich  occupied  several 
successive  days,  that  he  conceived,  as  we  are  told, 
the  idea  of  rehearsing  his  own  funeral,  —  a  piece 
of  extravagance  which  becomes  the  more  credible 

2Q 


476  LIFE   OF   CILVRLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV. 

when  we  reflect  on  the  state  of  unnatural  excite- 
ment to  which  his  mind  may  have  been  brought 
by  dwelling  so  long  on  the  dreary  apparatus  of 
death. 

There  is  one  part  of  the  narrative,  however, 
that  cannot  be  so  readily  explained,  —  the  por 
trait  scene  on  the  terrace.  There  must  be  some 
error,  in  regard  to  both  the  time  and  the  manner 
of  the  event,  as  reported  by  the  chronicler.  This 
scene  upon  the  terrace  could  not  have  been  the 
one  which  immediately  preceded  the  last  illness  of 
the  emperor.  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  Dr. 
Mathys,  who,  far  from  being  present  on  that  occa- 
sion, expressly  says  that  he  was  with  the  count  of 
Oropesa  at  Jarandilla.  The  portrait  scene  must 
have  occurred  at  some  earlier  period,  therefore,  un- 
less the  reader  may  be  disposed  to  dismiss  it  alto- 
gether, as  one  of  those  legends  that  have  their 
birth  in  the  cloisters,  and  easily  find  credit  there. 
There  is  no  pretence  that  the  monk  who  reports 
it  was  himself  present.  He  tells  it  only  as  a 
rumor,  and  one  that,  seen  through  the  mist  of 
more  than  twenty  years,  —  as,  from  a  date  in  his 
manuscript,  appears  to  have  been  the  case,  —  may 
well  have  been  distorted  in  his  recollection. 

But  the  obsequies  stand  upon  very  different 
ground,  as  the  writer  assumes  to  have  been  pres- 
ent and  to  have  taken  part  in  them  himself. 
We  cannot  reject  the  story  without  regarding  it 
as  a  sheer  invention  of  the  chronicler.  Such  an 
effort  of  invention  may  be  thought  to  be  no  miracle 


1558.1  APTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  477 

in  a  monk,  especially  where  the  glory  of  his  con- 
vent was  concerned.  But  it  would  be  difficult  to 
see  how  this  was  to  be  in  any  way  affected  by  a 
matter  which  was  altogether  personal  to  Charles. 
The  character  of  the  writers,  moreover,  greatly 
strengthens  the  improbability  of  anything  like 
wilful  misrepresentation  on  their  part.  The  man- 
uscript of  the  monk  of  Yuste  is  stamped,  as  his 
Belgian  editor  justly  remarks,  with  the  charac- 
ter of  simplicity  and  truth ;  and  Siguen^a,  the 
other  Jeronymite  authority,  although  tinged  with 
the  superstition  of  his  age,  enjoyed  the  highest 
reputation  for  integrity  and  good  faith.  It  is  a 
question  of  difficulties,  in  whatever  light  we  may 
choose  to  regard  it ;  but  a  candid  consideration 
of  all  the  circumstances  may  perhaps  lead  the 
reader  to  explain  these  difficulties  by  a  mistake 
of  the  date,  —  not  very  extraordinary  considering 
the  length  of  time  that  had  elapsed  since  the 
event,  —  rather  than  by  a  wilful  fabrication  on  the 
part  of  the  writers.^ 

3  There  is  one  authority,  could  his  work  be  recovered,  who  might 
probably  settle  this  vexed  question.  This  is  Fray  Martin  de  Angulo, 
prior  of  Yuste,  who  prepared,  for  the  information  of  the  Regent  Joanna, 
a  full  account  of  the  latter  days  of  her  father,  with  whom,  as  the  supe» 
rior  of  the  convent,  he  was  in  the  habit  of  daily  communication.  His 
manuscript,  which  has  never  found  its  way  to  the  press,  was  in  the  hands 
of  the  historian  Sandoval,  who  professes  to  have  transferred  its  contents 
to  his  own  pages.  In  these  we  find  a  conversation  reported,  which  the 
emperor  had  with  one  of  his  householdj  respecting  his  mock  funeral, 
which,  however,  we  are  to  infer,  never  took  place,  from  its  being  after- 
wards stated  that  the  money  which  Charles  designed  to  appropriate  to 
this  object  was  in  the  end  applied  to  his  real  obsequies.  Yet  the  mar- 
quis of  Yalparayso,  in  a  work  still  in  manuscript,  whicli  he  compiled 


4:78  Lirt   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV. 

But  to  return  from  a  discussion  longer,  it  may 
be  thought,  than  the  importance  of  the  subject 
warrants,  it  appears  from  his  physician's  letter 
that  Charles,  after  his  repast  on  the  terrace  on 
the  thirtieth  of  August,  was  seized  with  the 
illness  from  which  he  was  destined  never  to  re- 
cover. A  restless  night  w^as  succeeded  by  a  day 
of  firreat  sufferino^.  He  was  tormented  with  ex- 
cessive  thirst;  and  the  pain  in  his  head  was  so 
violent  at  times  that  he  lost  his  consciousness. 
The  disease  soon  took  the  aspect  of  malignant 
tertian  fever;  and  Mathys  determined,  notwith- 
standing the  weak  state  of  his  patient,  that,  if 
the  symptoms  did  not  prove  more  favorable  on 
the  following  day,  he  would  bleed  him. 

Charles  himself  became  alarmed  at  his  con- 
dition. The  symptoms  of  the  disease  were  dif- 
ferent from  anything  which  he  had  before  expe- 
rienced. He  made  his  preparations  accordingly, 
expressed  his  desire  to  execute  a  codicil  to  his 
will,  and  without  further  delay  confessed  and 
received  the  sacrament.  In  performing  this  last 
act,  feeble  as  he  was,  he  knelt  a  full  quarter  of 
an    hour   in  his  bed,  offering   thanks  to  God  for 

sirae  seventy  years  later,  with  the  memoir  of  Angulo  before  him  as  one 
of  hid  authorities,  expressly  asserts  the  fact  of  the  mock  funeral  having 
taken  plar'e. 

In  this  conflict  of  testimony  it  is  much  to  be  wished  that  the  orijiinal 
manuscript  of  Father  Angulo  could  be  discovered.  It  is  said  still  to 
exist  in  the  National  Library  of  ^Madrid,  where  M.  Gachard  tells  us  he 
once  had  sight  of  it.  But  if  so,  it  has  again  become  ingulfed  In  the 
ocean  of  manuscripts  in  the  library,  and  thus  far  eluded  every  elTort 
that  has  been  made  to  bring  it  to  light. 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  47^ 

the  mercies  that  had  been  shown  him  through 
life,  and  expressing  the  deepest  contrition  for 
his  sins,  with  an  earnestness  of  manner  that 
touclitd  the  hearts  of  ail  present. 

Quixada,  by  his  master's  orders,  WTote  to  the 
secretary  Vazquez,  requesting  him  to  send  a  com- 
mission to  Gaztelu  investing  him  with  the  pow- 
ers of  a  notary,  as  there  was  no  one  who  could 
act  in  that  capacity  at  Yuste.  At  the  same 
time  the  major-domo  desired  that  relays  of  posts 
might  be  established  along  the  route  to  Valla- 
dolid,  for  the  more  rapid  and  regular  transmis- 
sion of  intelligence.  Meanwhile,  as  Charles's 
fever  increased,  the  physician  took  from  him 
ten  ounces  of  a  thick,  black  blood,  and,  on  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  relieved  him  of  eight 
more,  by  which  he  felt  himself  to  be  much 
benefited.  Mathys,  however,  shrank  from  the 
responsibility  of  taking  the  sole  charge  of  his 
illustrious  patient  at  this  crisis ;  but  Charles, 
who  seems  to  have  had  no  great  faith  in  a  multi- 
tude of  counsellors,  would  not  consent  that  any 
other  doctor  should  be  called  in,  except  Dr.  Cor- 
nelius, Joanna's  physician,  who  to  large  medical 
experience  united  an  intimate  knowledge  of  his 
constitution. 

As  Cliarles  required  the  constant  attention  of 
his  faithful  major-domo,  the  latter  transferred  his 
residence  to  the  convent,  that  he  might  remfdn 
with  his  master  by  night  as  well  as  by  day.  In 
obedience  to  the  emperor's  orders,  he  had  a  short 

2Q2 


480  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

time  since  removed  his  family  from  Villagarcia 
to  Cuacos.  Dona  Magdalena,  his  wife,  was  ac- 
companied by  her  young  charge,  Don  John  of 
Austria,  the  emperor's  natural  son,  then  a  strip- 
ling of  eleven  years  of  age,  whom  she  had  brought 
up  with  the  tenderness  of  a  mother,  though  she 
remained  in  ignorance  of  his  illustrious  origin. 
On  coming  to  Cuacos,  she  was  invited  by  Charles 
to  visit  him  at  Yuste,  where  he  gave  her  a 
gracious  reception  ;  and  as  she  doubtless  brought 
her  foster-child  along  with  her,  the  sight  of  the 
noble  boy,  his  own  offspring,  w^ho  had  already 
given  evidence  of  the  chivalrous  spirit  of  later 
years,  may  have  shed  a  ray  of  satisfaction  on  the 
withered  heart  of  the  emperor. 

The  arrival  of  Dr.  Cornelius  was  attended  by 
no  change  in  the  treatment  of  the  patient,  as  the 
elder  physician  entirely  approved  of  the  course 
pursued  by  his  younger  brother.  But  the  dis- 
ease continued  rapidly  to  gain  ground.  The  fever 
was  so  high  that  Charles  could  hardly  endure  the 
lightest  covering;  and  it  vras  occasionally  accompa- 
nied by  violent  paroxysms  which  left  him  insensible 
for  hours  together.  On  the  ninth  of  the  month  a 
commission  arrived  from  Yalladolid  empoweiing 
Gaztelu  to  act  as  a  notary ;  and  Charles,  who  was 
then  m  the  full  possession  of  his  faculties,  lost  no 
time  in  executing  his  codicil.  It  had  been  prepared 
some  time  previous,  and  was  of  great  length,  like 
the  testament  to  wdiich  it  was  attached.  By  his 
will    he    had   bequeathed    thirty    thousand   ducats 


1558.]  AETER  HIS  AEDICATION.  481 

for  the  portions  of  young  maidens  and  the  lib- 
eration  of  captives  from  the  Moorish  dungeons. 
Another  provision  of  his  will,  which  he  now 
confirmed,  directed  that  thirty  thousand  masses 
should  be  said  for  the  benefit  of  his  soul  in  the 
monasteries  and  parochial  churches  of  Spain  and 
the  Netherlands.  By  his  codicil,  he  assigned 
gratuities  and  pensions  to  each  member  of  his 
household,  from  Dr.  Mathys  down  to  the  mean- 
est scullion.  The  pensions  varied  in  amount  ac- 
cording to  the  rank  of  the  parties,  the  highest 
reaching  four  hundred  florins,  and  so  proceeding 
by  a  descending  scale  to  ninety  florins  annually. 
Some  of  the  principal  Jeronymites  who  had  ofli- 
ciated  about  the  emperor  s  person  came  in  for  a 
share  of  his  bounty.  Two  thousand  ducats  were 
to  be  paid  at  once  to  Quixada,  whose  services 
were  noticed  in  the  most  affectionate  terms,  and 
who  was  to  receive  a  pension  equivalent  to  his 
present  emoluments  until  Philip  should  make 
some  provision  for  him  better  suited  to  his 
deserts. 

But  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  the  instru- 
ment was  the  intolerant  spirit  that  breathed 
through  every  page  of  it  where  religion  was 
concerned.  The  monotonous  and  melancholy  way 
of  convent  life  had  given  a  gloomy  color  to 
Charles's  sentiments,  and  had  imparted  something 
like  austerity  to  his  temper.  A  whimsical  proof 
of  this  austerity  had  been  furnished  some  time 
before,  by   an   ordinance  which   he    had  obtained 

VOL.  III.  61 


482  LIFE   OF   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

from  the  visitors  of  the  convent,  and  which  was 
proclaimed  by  sound  of  trumpet,  decreeing  a 
hundred  lashes  to  any  w^oman  who  should  ap- 
proach within  two  bow-shots  of  the  gate !  Un- 
der the  corroding  influence  of  an  ascetic  life, 
and  the  decline  of  his  health  at  Yuste,  the  feel- 
ings of  bigotry  which  belonged  to  the  emperor's 
nature  had  been  gradually  exalted  into  a,  more 
active  and  mischievous  principle  of  fanaticism. 
This  is  evident  from  the  system  of  persecution 
which  he  inculcated  in  his  letters,  with  so  much 
energy,  on  those  who  had  the  direction  of  af- 
fairs both  in  Spain  and  in  the  Netherlands. 
He  was  even  heard  to  express  his  regret  that 
he  had  respected  the  safe-conduct  of  Luther, 
when  the  great  reformer  presented  himself  before 
the  Diet  at  Worms.  Fortunately  for  Charles's 
reputation,  his  good  angel  had  saved  him  from 
the  perpetration  of  a  crime  which  would  have 
branded  his  name  with  the  infamy  that  be- 
longs to  the  murderers  of  Huss.  In  the  codicil 
which  he  now  signed,  he  enjoined  upon  his 
son  to  follow  up  and  bring  to  justice  every 
heretic  in  his  dominiors,  and  this  without  ex- 
ception, and  without  favor  or  mercy  to  any  one. 
He  conjured  Philip  to  cherish  the  Holy  Inqui- 
sition as  the  best  means  for  accomplishing  this 
good  work.  "  So,"  he  concludes,  "  shall  you  have 
my  blessing,  and  the  Lord  shall  prosper  all 
your  undertakings."  Such  were  the  last  words 
of  the  dying  monarch  to  his  son.     They  did  not 


!558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  48.^ 

fall  on  a  deaf  ear;  and  the  parting  admonition 
of  liis  father  served  to  give  a  keener  edge  to 
the  sword  of  persecution  which  Philip  had  already? 
begun  to  wield. 

Charles  left  directions  in  his  codicil  respecting 
the  place  of  his  interment.  A  few  days  before?,  he 
had  held  a  long  conversation  with  Quixada  on  the 
subject.  He  had  originally  intended  that  his  re- 
mains should  be  removed  to  Granada,  and  there 
laid  in  its  noble  cathedral  by  the  side  of  the  em- 
press, his  wife.  There  too  w^ere  gathered  the  ashes 
of  Philip  and  Joanna,  his  parents,  and  those  of  his 
great  progenitors,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  of  glori- 
ous memory.  But  he  had  noAV  changed  his  mind, 
and  seemed  willing  that  his  present  residence 
should  also  be  his  final  resting-place.  He  pro- 
posed to  be  buried  in  the  chapel  of  Yuste,  and  to 
have  the  body  of  the  empress  brought  from  Gran- 
ada, and  placed  beside  his  own.  But  from  this  he 
was  dissuaded  by  Quixada,  who  represented  that 
Yuste  \^as  altogether  too  humble  a  place  and  in 
too  defenceless  a  condition  to  be  a  fitting  mauso- 
leum for  the  remains  of  great  princes.  Charles 
yielded  to  these  arguments,  and  contented  himself 
wdth  directing  that  his  body  should  be  deposited 
there  for  the  present,  leaving  it  to  Philip  to  decide 
on  the  spot  w^here  it  w^as  permanently  to  lie,  and  re- 
quiring only  that  it  should  be  by  the  side  of  his 
beloved  wife.  The  emperor,  having  listened  to  the 
reading  of  the  codicil,  signed  it  on  the  same  day. 
By  this  act  he  seemed  to  have  settled  all  his  worldly 


4:84  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  TV. 

affairs,  and  to  have  terminated  his  connection  with 
the  world.  He  did  not,  however,  lose  his  inter- 
est in  it  altogether ;  and  he  received  with  pleasure 
the  news  brought  him  by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 
that  his  sister,  the  queen  of  Hungary,  had  at  length 
consented  to  return  to  the  Netherlands  and  give 
the  king,  her  nephew,  the  benefit  of  her  counsels 
in  the  government  of  that  country. 

Disastrous  intelligence  reached  Yuste  at  this  time 
of  a  great  battle  fought  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Oran,  in  which  the  count  of  Alcaudete,  the  gov- 
ernor of  that  place,  and  the  flower  of  the  Span- 
ish infantry  under  his  command,  had  been  cut  to 
pieces  by  the  Moors.  The  tidings  would  have 
fallen  heavily  on  the  heart  of  the  dying  emperor, 
who,  as  we  have  seen,  had  taken  the  greatest  pains 
to  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  Africa.  But  Quixada's  prudent  precautions  pre- 
vented anything  from  being  said  to  Charles  on 
the  subject,  and  saved  him  from  the  anguish  which 
would  have  added  a  bitterness  to  death. 

The  posts  now  brought  daily  tidings  to  Valla- 
dolid  of  the  condition  of  the  Emperor,  filling  his 
daughter  Joanna  and  the  queen  of  Hungary  with 
the  deepest  anxiety.  They  would  willingly  have 
gone  at  once  to  Yuste,  and  taken  charge  of  him  in 
his  illness,  had  he  allowed  it.  But  when  Quixada 
intimated  to  Charles  his  sister's  desire,  he  replied 
that  she  would  not  come,  for  that  she  was  too  well 
acquainted  with  his  wishes  on  the  subject.  The 
major-domo  hinted  that  his  daughter,  the  regent, 


1558.1  APTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  485 

was  equally  anxious  to  visit  liim,  and  waited  only 
her  father's  permission  to  come  and  nurse  him  in 
his  illness.  The  emperor,  however,  Avho  found 
much  difficulty  in  speaking,  from  the  soreness  of 
his  mouth,  only  shook  his  head,  as  if  to  intimate 
that  it  could  not  be.  But  although  his  own  fam- 
ily were  excluded,  his  friend  the  grand-master  of 
Alcantara,  on  learning  the  critical  condition  of  his 
master,  came  over  to  Yuste,  resolved  on  establish- 
ing his  residence  there  till  the  fate  of  the  em- 
peror was  decided. 

Charles's  constitution  was  now  fast  sinking 
under  the  ravages  of  his  disorder.  As  his  weak- 
ness increased,  the  physicians  endeavored  to  sus- 
tain him  by  broths,  and  other  simple  and  nourish- 
ing liquids,  allowing  him  even  a  small  quantity  of 
his  favorite  beer.  But  his  stomach  refused  to 
perform  its  functions,  or  to  retain  the  food  which 
it  received.  On  the  eleventh  of  the  month,  the 
tertian  changed  into  w^hat  w^as  called  a  double  ter- 
tian. The  ague-fits  became  more  severe,  and  of 
longer  duration.  Frightful  chills  w^ere  succeeded 
by  an  access  of  fever,  which  ran  so  high  that  his 
reason  became  affected,  and  he  lost  all  percep- 
tion of  what  was  passing  around  him.  After 
one  of  these  paroxysms,  on  the  seventeenth,  he 
remained  for  twenty  hours  in  a  state  of  utter 
insensibility.  He  w^as  again  attacked  on  the 
nineteenth,  and,  although  the  fit  was  less  severe, 
and  of  much  shorter  duration,  the  physicians,  fear- 
mg  he  would  not  survive  another,  expressed  theii 


48b  LITE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  fBooK  IV. 

opinion  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  administering 
extreme  unction. 

The  sound  of  these  words  fell  like  a  knell  on 
the  ears  of  the  faithful  Quixada,  who  saw  in 
imagination  the  portals  of  the  tomb  already  open- 
ing to  receive  his  master.  His  feelings  are  best 
expressed  in  his  own  letter  addressed  soon  after 
to  the  secretary  Vazquez.  "  The  doctors  say  that 
the  disease  constantly  increases,  while  every  hour, 
as  his  pulse  shows,  the  emperor  grows  more  fee- 
ble. As  for  me,  I  cannot  think  he  is  so  near 
his  end ;  and  to-day  his  mind  has  not  wandered  so 
much  as  during  the  last  paroxysm.  Ever  since 
noon  I  have  prevented  them  from  giving  him 
extreme  unction,  fearing,  though  he  remains 
speechless,  that  it  might  disturb  him.  But  as 
the  physicians  insist  that  there  is  no  time  for 
further  delay,  I  have  told  them  that  I  would  be 
ready,  and  that  they  should  watch  the  patient's 
pulse,  and  not  give  the  signal  until  they  were 
certain  that  the  time  had  come  for  it.  I  feel 
as  if  I  had  buried  him  already  more  than  once. 
You  can  well  understand  how  this  pierces  my  very 
heart."  "  Since  the  above  was  written,"  contin- 
ues the  major-domo,  "  the  physicians  have  pressed 
the  matter  so  strongly,  that  extreme  unction  has 
been  administered  to  his  majesty,  although,  as  it 
seems  to  me,  this  was  somewhat  premature.  I 
have  done  as  they  ad\ised,  for  they  should  know 
best.  You  may  well  comprehend  the  condition 
of   one   like   me,  who    for   seven-and-thirry   years 


1558.J  AETEK   HIS   ABDICATION.  iSl 

has  served    a  master   '/hom    he    is    about   to  lose 
for  ever.     May  it  please  God  to  take  him  to  him 
self,  if  he  is  to  go,  though   I  cannot  help  repeat- 
ing that  in  my  judgment  it  will  not  be  to-nigiit. 
God  be  with  him,  and  with  us  all." 

The  ceremony,  as  Quixada  says,  in  his  affecting 
letter,  was  performed  on  the  evening  of  the  nine- 
teenth. It  Avas  conducted  by  the  confessor  Eegla, 
attended  by  all  the  brethren  of  the  convent.  The 
emperor  preferred  to  receive  the  unction  in  the 
form  adopted  by  the  friars,  which,  comprehending 
a  litany,  the  seven  penitential  psalms,  and  sundry 
other  passages  of  Scripture,  v/as  much  longer  and 
more  exhausting  than  the  rite  used  for  the  laity. 
His  strength,  however,  did  not  fail  him.  He 
joined  with  great  devotion  in  the  services,  which 
seemed  to  leave  his  mind  in  a  state  of  holy  calm, 
like  that  of  one  whose  thoughts  were  now  turned 
to  a  better  life. 

On  the  morning  of  the  twentieth  he  intimated 
his  wish  to  be  left  alone  with  Quixada.  'J'he 
interview  lasted  half  an  hour,  during  which 
Charles  was  able  to  converse  in  a  low  but  audi- 
ble tone.  One  of  the  topics  was  the  pensions  to 
be  given  to  his  domestics;  and  he  instructed  Qui- 
xada to  press  upon  Philip  the  importance  of  punc- 
tuality in  their  payment.  Another  subject,  still 
nearer  to  his  heart,  had  reference  to  Don  John 
of  Austria.  He  had  made  no  provision  for  the 
^hild,  ihinking  it  perhaps  more  politic  to  leave 
Him   dependent    on    Philip.      It   was    the   course 

7  2R 


488  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE   FIFTH  (Book  IV. 

which  his  wise  grandfather,  Ferdinand  the  Catho- 
he,  had  pursued  in  respect  to  his  younger  grand- 
son, Ferdinand,  whom,  though  his  especial  favorite, 
he  had  left  ^vithout  a  legacy,  consigned  to  the 
care  of  his  elder  brother,  Charles,  the  heir  to 
the  monarchy.  As  the  event  proved,  the  good- 
will of  his  brother  was  the  best  legacy  that  could 
have  been  left  him. 

Soon  after  this  conversation,  the  emperor  again 
confessed,  and  expressed  his  intention  to  receive 
the  sacrament.  The  major-domo,  fearing  that  his 
strength  would  not  be  equal  to  the  ceremony, 
reminded  him  that  this  was  unnecessary,  as  he  had 
so  lately  received  extreme  unction.  But  the  em- 
peror answered  that  "  it  was  good  provision  for 
the  long  journey  he  was  about  to  set  out  upon." 
The  condition  of  his  throat  had  been  such  of  late 
as  furnished  a  new  argument  to  Quixada,  who 
reminded  his  master  that  they  could  not  adminis- 
ter to  him  the  sacred  elements,  as  he  would  be  un- 
able to  swallow  them.  Charles  replied,  "  I  shall 
be  able,"  in  a  tone  of  decision  that  adjourned  all 
further  debate. 

As  it  was  feared  that  there  might  not  be  time 
for  the  consecration  of  a  wafer  by  the  performance 
of  the  mass,  that  which  was  kept  on  the  high 
altar  of  the  church  w^as  brought  by  the  confessor, 
Juan  de  Regla,  accompanied,  as  before,  bj  the 
brethren  of  the  convent,  who  now,  to  the  number 
of  thirty  or  more,  filled  the  imperial  chamber. 
Charles    received    the  eucharist  with  the  greatest 


1558.1  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  485f 

devotion,  saying,  "  Lord  God  of  truth,  our  Ee- 
decmer,  into  thy  hands  I  commit  my  spirit." 
Quixada  then  examined  his  mouth,  to  see  that  no 
particle  of  the  wafer  adhered  to  it.  After  this, 
mass  was  performed.  Charles  joined  in  the  ser- 
vice with  silent  but  earnest  devotion ;  and  when 
the  monks  had  reached  that  solemn  invocation, 
"  Lamb  of  God,  which  takest  away  the  sin  of 
the  world,  have  mercy  on  us,"  the  dying  mon- 
arch, feebly  raising  his  hand,  beat  his  breast,  with 
looks  of  the  deepest  humility  and  contrition.  The 
ceremony,  instead  of  fatiguing,  seemed  rather  to 
relieve  him.  A  sweet  composure  settled  on  his 
spirit,  and  continued  to  the  last,  unruffled  by  any 
further  attacks  of  pain,  while  his  faculties  re- 
mained unclouded. 

During  the  rest  of  the  morning  he  listened  to 
passages  from  Scripture,  pointing  out  those  which 
he  preferred, —  among  others,  the  Passion  of  our 
Lord  in  St.  Luke.  Villalva  accompanied  the  read- 
ing with  such  exhortations  as  were  suited  to  the 
condition  of  the  emperor,  who  listened  attentively, 
with  his  eyes  closed  and  his  hands  folded  upon  his 
breast.  At  noon  Carranza,  archbishop  of  Toledo, 
who  had  been  long  expected,  arrived  at  Yuste. 
He  was  the  same  "  black  friar  " —  so  called  from 
his  swarthy  visage  —  who  had  made  his  name 
famous  by  the  part  he  took  in  the  persecutions 
in  England ;  and  he  was  destined  to  become  still 
more  famous  by  the  unmerited  persecution  which 
he    himself  afterwards   endured   from    the    Inqiii- 

VOL.  III.  62 


490  LITE    OF   CHAELES    THE   FIFTH  [Book  IV 

Bitioii.  He  liai  come  from  tlic  Loat  Countries, 
and  brought  tid"i:^"-  of  Piiilip,  by  wli.im  lie  had 
been  recently  raised  to  the  arLidepiscopal  see. 
Unfortunately,  he  had  incurred  the  suspicions  of 
the  Iloly  Office  on  the  score  of  his  orthodoxy. 
Ilis  residence  in  Germany,  and  his  familiarity 
Ti-itli  the  writing'?  of  Protestant  scholars,  had 
led  him.  no  doubt,  tc  modity  S'^n>^  of  his  early 
opini':>ns.  But  though,  like  Pnle.  Aloruiie.  and 
some  other  eminent  churchmen  of  the  time,  he 
had  adopted  more  liberal  views  than  were  sanc- 
tioned by  the  Council  of  Trent,  he  was  at  heart 
as  true  a  Pioman  Catholic  as  the  most  impla- 
cable of  hi-  enemies.  Some  around  the  em- 
peror, among  whom  Eea-la.  to  judge  from  his 
subsequent  conduct,  was  the  most  active,  had 
infused  doubts  into  the  monarch's  mind  of  Car- 
ranza's  orthodoxy.  Charles  was  in  no  condition 
now  to  examine  into  the  affair;  and  when  the 
archbishop  was  introduced  into  his  presence,  and. 
kneeling  down  by  the  bedside,  kissed  the  hand 
of  his  master,  the  latter  gazed  on  him  for  a  few 
moments  in  silence,  and  then  bade  him  take  some 
repo-e. 

The  emperor's  life  was  now  fast  ebbing  away; 
and  his  own  sensations  told  him  that  the  scene 
must  soon  clo>e.  iHie  desired  Quixada  to  have  in 
readiness  the  h'dy  candle-,  brought  from  the  sanc- 
tuary of  Our  Lady  of  Montserrat  ;  also  an  imajje 
of  the  Mrgin  and  a  crucitix.  whioh  liad  comf;-rted 
the    empress    in   her  extremity,  and  which  Charles 


15S8.J  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  491 

had  preserved  to  solace  his  last  hours.  Quit 
xada,  wlio  saw  that  his  master  was  sinking,  sent 
for  the  archbishop  of  Toledo,  who,  at  the  emperor's 
desire,  read  aloud  some  portions  of  Scripture,  — 
among  the  rest,  that  sublime  Psalm,  "  Out  of  the 
depths,  to  Thee  have  I  cried."  Then  approaching 
the  emperor's  bedside,  he  knelt  down,  and,  holding 
up  a  crucifix,  exclaimed:  "Behold  Him  who  an- 
swers for  all!  There  is  no  more  sin:  all  is  for- 
given." These  words  fell  upon  other  ears  than 
those  for  which  they  were  intended ;  and  the  con- 
fessor, Regla,  made  them  the  grounds  of  a  mali- 
cious complaint  before  the  Holy  Office,  as  imply- 
ing an  acquiescence  in  the  Protestant  doctrine  of 
justification  by  faith  alone.  The  words  gave  much 
scandal  to  more  than  one  ecclesiastic  in  the  room, 
as  also  to  the  grand-master  of  Alcantara,  who 
besought  Yillalva  to  prepare  the  emperor  for  his 
end  by  a  more  Catholic  exposition  of  the  Christian 
doctrines.  The  harsh  and  disagreeable  utterance 
of  Carranza  had  caused  so  much  annoyance  to 
Charles,  that  Quixada  had  thought  it  necessary 
to  caution  the  primate  to  speak  in  a  lower  tone. 
He  was  now  succeeded  by  Villalva,  the  favorite 
preacher  of  the  emperor,  whom  he  had  so  often 
delighted   with  his    soft,  insinuating  eloquence. 

The  Jeronymite  resorted  to  very  different  sources 
of  consolation  from  those  employed  by  the  arch- 
bishop. "  Your  majesty,"  said  he,  "  came  into  the 
world  on  the  day  of  St.  Matthew^ ;  you  will  leave 
It  on  that  of   St.  Matthias.     St.  Matthew  and  St 

2  R  2 


492  MFK  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV. 

Matthias  were  two  apostles,  two  brothers,  bearing 
nearly  tlie  same  name,  and  both  disciples  of 
Jesus  Christ.  With  such  intercessors  you  can 
have  nothing  to  fear.  Let  your  majesty  turn 
3'our  heart  with  confidence  to  God,  who  will 
this  day  put  you  in  possession  of  glory."  '•  Thus," 
in  the  striking  language  of  Mignet,  "  the  two 
doctrines  which  divided  the  world  in  the  age  of 
Charles  the  Fifth  w^ere  once  more  brought  before 
him  on  the  bed  of  death."  He  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  observe  the  peculiarities  of  these  doc- 
trines ;  but  his  fainting  spirit  leaned  with  pious 
faith  on  the  assurance  which  they  both  gave  him 
of  happiness  beyond  the  grave.  A  sweet  serenity 
settled  on  his  features,  "  giving  token,"  says  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  in  a  letter  written  soon  after 
to  the  regent,  "  of  peace  and  inward  security  that 
filled  all  who  witnessed  it  with  joy." 

Besides  the  archbishop,  the  prior  of  Granada, 
Villalva,  and  two  or  three  other  ecclesiastics, 
there  were  present  in  the  chamber  the  count  of 
Oropesa,  with  some  of  his  kindred,  the  grand- 
master of  Alcantara,  and  a  few  of  the  great  lords, 
who  had  been  in  the  habit  of  coming  to  pay 
their  respects  to  the  emperor,  and  who  were 
now  gathered  around  his  bedside,  gazing  mourn- 
fully on  his  revered  form,  while  the  shadows  of 
death  were  stealing  over  it.  For  some  hours  there 
was  silence  in  the  apartment,  broken  only  by  the 
low  breathings  of  the  dying  man.  At  length, 
rousing  from  his  lethargy,  Charles  seemed  to  feel 


1558.J  AFTER   HIS   ABDICATION.  493 

a  consciousness  that  his  time  had  come.  It  was  ^wo 
hours  after  midnit'-ht  on  the  morning  of  ^iie  twenty- 
first  of  September.  Placing  his  hand  on  his  pulse, 
he  feebly  shook  his  head,  as  if  to  intimate  that 
all  was  over.  He  then  signed  to  Quixada  to 
light  the  taper.  At  the  same  time  the  archbishop 
placed  the  crucifix  of  the  empress  in  his  hand. 
Gazing  on  it  for  a  moment,  he  brought  it  to  his 
lips,  and  then  pressed  it  fervently  on  his  breast. 
The  archbishop,  taking  the  crucifix  from  his  re- 
laxing grasp,  held  it  up  before  the  glazed  eyes 
of  the  emperor,  who,  holding  the  candle  in  his 
right  hand,  and  supported  by  the  faithful  Quixada, 
exclaimed,  "  Now  it  is  time."  Then,  gazing  wdth 
unutterable  longing  on  the  sacred  symbol,  to  him 
the  memento  of  earthly  as  well  as  heavenly  love, 
he  stretched  forth  his  left  hand  as  if  to  embrace 
it,  called  on  the  name  of  Jesus,  in  tones  so  loud 
as  to  be  distinctly  heard  in  the  next  apartment, 
and  falling  back  on  his  pillow,  with  a  convulsive 
sigh,  expired.  He  had  always  prayed,  —  fearing 
perhaps  the  hereditary  taint  of  insanity,  —  that 
he  might  preserve  his  reason  to  the  last.  His 
prayer  was  granted. 

All  present  were  deeply  touched  by  the  sol- 
emn and  affecting  scene.  The  grand-master  of 
Alcantara,  in  a  letter  written  that  same  day  to 
the  Princess  Joanna,  expressed  the  happiness  it 
gave  him  to  think  that  he  had  been  recognized 
by  the  emperor  to  the  last.  Luis  Quixada  could 
hardly  comprehend  that  his  master  was  no  more, 


4:94  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  I  v. 

and,  throwing  himself  upon  the  lifeless  remains, 
gave  way  to  an  agony  of  grief  The  body  was 
suffered  to  lie  upon  the  bed  during  the  following 
day.  It  was  placed  under  the  charge  of  four  mem- 
bers of  the  convent,  who,  with  the  major-domo, 
were  the  only  persons  that  entered  the  chamber  of 
death.  Quixada  would  often  return  during  the  day 
to  look  at  his  beloved  master.  During  his  absence 
on  one  occasion,  the  Jerony mites,  as  we  are  in- 
formed by  one  of  those  on  watch,  felt  a  natural 
curiosity  to  see  the  emperor,  who  was  shrouded  by 
the  curtains  dravvu  closely  around  the  bed.  They 
were  restrained  by  a  feeling  of  reverence  for  the 
dead,  and  the  fear  of  displeasing  Quixada.  Curi- 
osity at  length  prevailed;  and  drawing  aside  the 
curtains,  they  gazed  with  awe  on  the  lifeless  form 
before  them.  Instead  of  the  pallid  hue  of  death, 
the  countenance  was  still  tinged  with  a  faint  color 
resembling  that  of  life.  The  expression,  fixed  as 
marble,  was  serene,  telling  that  the  hard  battle  of 
life  was  at  an  end.  The  head  was  protected  by 
a  delicately  embroidered  cap ;  and  a  loose  robe 
enveloped  the  person,  on  the  upper  part  of  which 
was  a  covering  of  black  silk.  On  the  breast,  near 
the  heart,  lay  the  silver  crucifix  which  the  hands 
of  his  wife  had  clasped  in  the  hour  of  death,  and 
which  was  destined  to  comfort  the  latest  moments 
of  his  son.  Above  the  head  of  Charles  was  sus- 
pended a  picture  of  the  Virgin,  one  of  the  relics 
which  he  had  reserved  for  this  occasion.  While 
thus   gazing,  the   Jeronymites  heard    the    step   of 


1558.J  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  495 

Qviixada  approaching  the  chamher,  and  they  ^^peed 
ily  closed  the  curtains. 

Ilie  emperor's  remains  were  secured  in  a  leaden 
coffin,  which  was  cased  in  another  of  chestnut. 
They  were  then  lowered  through  the  window  in 
his  apartment  to  the  floor  of  the  church.  Here 
they  were  placed  on  a  catafalque  which  stood  in  the 
centre  of  the  building,  shrouded  in  black,  and  em- 
blazoned with  the  imperial  arms.  The  walls  were 
also  hung  with  black,  while  the  blaze  of  countless 
tapers  shed  a  melancholy  lustre  over  the  scene.  A 
vast  concourse  of  persons  of  every  rank,  from  the 
surrounding  country,  filled  the  edifice.  Among 
them  were  to  be  seen  the  monks  of  Cuacos  and 
those  of  different  religious  communities  in  the 
neighborhood.  The  members  of  the  household 
were  all  clad  in  mourning.  Am.idst  this  solemn 
company  the  manly  form  of  Quixada  was  conspicu- 
ous, muffled  in  a  dark  mantle,  which  concealed  his 
features.  By  his  side  was  his  royal  charge,  Don 
John  of  Austria,  in  sable  weeds,  like  himself  Tlie 
events  of  that  day  w^ere  well  calculated  to  make  a 
deep  impression  on  the  mind  of  the  gallant  boy, 
who,  after  a  brief  but  brilliant  career,  claimed,  as 
the  best  recompense  of  his  services,  the  privilege 
of  lying  beside  his  father  in  the  stately  mausoleum 
raised  by  Philip  for  the  line  of  Austria. 

For  three  days  the  obsequies  continued,  under 
the  direction  of  the  archbishop  of  Toledo.  The 
Jenmymites  of  Yuste,  the  Cordeliers  of  Jarandilla, 
the  Dominicans  of  St.  Catherine,  joined  in  the  fu- 


496  LITE   OF   CHARLES   THE   EIETH  [Book  IV. 

neral  chant.  A  discourse  was  delivered  on  each  day, 
begmning  witli  one  by  Charles's  favorite  preacher 
Villalva.  At  Quixada's  desire  he  had  made  min- 
utes of  what  had  passed  in  the  sick-chamber,  and 
had  artfully  woven  these  particulars  into  his  ser- 
mon, w^hich  he  delivered  w^ith  a  tender  and  im- 
passioned eloquence  that  thrilled  the  hearts  of  all 
who  heard  it. 

During  the  services  a  chair  was  placed  in  the 
choir  to  accommodate  some  person  of  rank  whose 
infirmities  made  it  difficult  for  him  to  stand  so  long 
a  time.  But  Quixada,  notwithstanding  the  remon- 
strance of  the  grand-master  of  Alcantara,  the  friend 
of  the  party,  indignantly  caused  the  chair  to  be  re- 
moved, remarking  that  no  one  would  have  dared  to 
sit  in  the  presence  of  the  emperor  when  alive,  and 
that  no  less  respect  should  be  show^n  to  him  now 
that  he  was  dead.  In  this  loyal  sentiment  he  was 
sustained  by  the  general  feeling  of  the  audience, 
every  one  of  whom  remained  standing  throughout 
the  whole  of  the  long-protracted  ceremonies. 

At  the  close  of  the  third  day,  the  emperor's  in- 
terment took  place,  and  his  remains  were  consigned 
to  the  earth  amidst  the  tears  and  lamentations  of 
the  multitude.  The  burial  did  not  take  place, 
however,  without  some  difficulty.  Charles  had  re- 
quested, by  his  will,  that  he  might  be  laid  partially 
under  the  great  altar,  and  in  such  a  manner  that 
his  head  and  the  upper  part  of  his  body  might 
be  under  the  spot  where  the  priest  stood  when 
celebrating  mass.     The  request  was  made  in  all  bu- 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  497 

inility ;  but  it  raised  a  question  among  the  scrupu 
lous  ecclesiastics  as  to  the  propriety  of  permitting 
any  bones  save  those  of  a  saint  to  occupy  so  holy 
a  place  as  that  beneath  the  altar.  The  dispute 
waxed  somewhat  warmer  than  was  suited  to  the 
occasion  ;  till  the  momentous  affair  was  finally  ad- 
justed by  having  an  excavation  made  in  the  wall, 
within  which  the  head  was  introduced,  so  as  to 
allow  the  feet  to  touch  the  verge  of  the  hallowed 
spot. 

These  mournful  rites  having  been  concluded,  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  and  the  prior  of  Granada,  to- 
gether with  some  other  of  the  high  ecclesiastics  as 
well  as  of  the  nobles,  took  their  departure.  Their 
places,  however,  were  soon  supplied  by  the  con- 
course from  without,  until  the  large  church  was 
filled  to  overflowing.  The  funeral  services  were 
protracted  six  days  longer,  during  which  Villalva 
continued  his  pious  exhortations,  in  those  warm 
and  touching  tones  that  lingered  long  in  the  mem- 
ory of  his  hearers.  The  reputation  which  he  ac- 
quired by  his  fervid  eloquence  on  this  occasion, 
commended  him  in  a  particular  manner  to  the 
notice  of  Philip  the  Second,  who  afterw^ards  made 
liim  his  principal  preacher,  as  his  father  had  done 
before  him. 

On  the  ninth  day  the  ceremonies  Avere  termi- 
nated. The  monks  from  the  neighboring  con- 
vents returned  to  their  homes;  and  the  church  ^vas 
speedily  emptied  of  the  crowd  w  hich  had  assembled 
there  to  pay  the  last  tribute  of  respect  to    their 

VOL.    Ill  63 


4:98  LIFE    OF   Cll^Vra.F.S    THF   fifth  [Book  IY. 

departed  sovereign.  Silence  ai^ain  settled  npon 
Yuste ;  and  the  brethren  ot'  tlie  e<vavent  resumed 
the  quiet  and  monotonous  way  of  lite  ^^hich  they 
had  led  before  the  coniiuii-  of  the  emperor. 

Jnan  de  Kegla,  Quixada.  arid  l-Jaztelu  had  been 
named  as  the  executors  of  C'harles's  will.  To  the 
tWo  latter  was  committed  the  task  of  making  an 
inventory  of  his  personal  etiects  at  Ynste.  Their 
tirst  care  was  to  settle  the  wages  of  the  domestics, 
and  pav  the  legacies  bequeathed  to  tliem  by  their 
master.  This  was  soon  done  ;  and  in  a  few  days 
they  all  took  tlieir  departure  for  \'alladolid.  Some 
of  them  were  received  into  the  serxii-e  of  the  regent; 
but  nuuli  the  greater  part,  iiuhuliug  the  amiable 
Van  Male,  returned  to  their  native  counrry.  the 
Netherlands,  bearini:-  letters  of  recommendation  to 
the  king,  and  made  richer  by  the  pensions  be- 
queathed  to   them  by   their  imperial  master, 

Charles  hail  not  forgotten  the  con\ent  in  his 
benefactions.  lie  left  tuclve  liundrcd  ducats  to  be 
distributed  among  its  members,  the  stoves  which 
had  been  provided  for  liis  establishment,  and  the 
rich  hangings  of  cloth  and  velvet  employed  to  dec- 
orate the  ehuieli  at  his  obscH|uies.  But  a  gift  of 
far  more  value  was  the  ••  Gloria"  of  Titian,  which 
was  still  permitted  to  hanu*  npon  the  walls  ot'  the 
monastery.  It  was,  indeed,  too  precious  to  be  al 
lowed  to  remain  tliere  long.  Among  the  chattels 
left  by  Charles,  his  one-eyed  horse,  which  he  !iad 
bestrode  ordy  once  after  his  arrival  at  Yu<te.  was 
appropriated  by  Luis  Quixada.      But  on  Ur.  Cor- 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  499 

nelius's  laying  claim  to  one  of  the  emperor's  mules^ 
an  order  came  from  Valkidolid  that  every  article, 
however  trifling,  with  the  exception  of  Quixada's 
pony,  was  to  be  reserved  for  the  recent.  Among 
the  royal  trumpery  was  an  Indian  cat,  and  a  parrot 
possessed  of  wonderful  gifts  in  the  way  of  talking, 
great  pets  of  Charles,  with  which  he  had  been  ac- 
customed to  amuse  his  leisure  hours.  They  were 
presents  from  his  sister,  Catherine  of  Portugal,  and 
they  were  now  forwarded  in  a  separate  litter,  under 
an  escort,  to  Valladolid.  In  short,  everything  in 
the  house  seemed  to  have  a  particular  value  in  Jo- 
anna's eyes,  as  a  memorial  of  her  father. 

Quixada  and  Gaztelu,  having  at  length  completed 
their  painful  task,  in  ]3ec(nnber  took  their  final 
leave  of  the  spot  wliich  they  had  always  regarded 
with  feelings  of  aversion,  and  which  was  now  asso- 
ciated in  their  minds  witli  the  most  sadckMiing  recol- 
lections. The  major-domo  removc^l  with  his  family 
to  his  residence  at  Villagarcia,  from  which  he  had 
so  recently  brought  them.  Then*  ho  and  Doila 
INIagdalena  continucnl  to  watch,  with  ])arental  inter- 
est, over  the  education  of  their  royal  charge.  Phil- 
ip, in  the  mean  time,  in  obedience  to  his  fathers 
wishes,  recognized  Don  John  as  the  son  of  the  em- 
peror, and  a  glorious  cjireer  was  thus  opeiuMl  to  the 
ambition  of  the  young  prince,  which,  at  \\ie  close 
of  his  short  but  eventful  life,  enahkul  him  to  leave 
an  imperishable  name  in  the  ainuds  of  his  country. 

The  death  of  (Jharles  the  I^ifth  caused  a  sensation 
throughout  Christendom  inferior  only  to  that  occnr 

T  2S       • 


500  l-ITE   OF   CHAELES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

sioned  by  his  abdication.  By  his  own  subjects,  in- 
deed, the  present  event  was  felt  still  more  sensibly, 
as  their  loss  was  far  greater.  In  his  retirement,  as 
we  have  seen,  Charles  still  continued  to  exercise  an 
important  influence  on  public  aflairs.  But  now  he 
was  gone  for  ever;  and  the  light  of  his  wise  coun- 
sels would  no  longer  be  shed  on  the  difficult  path 
3f  his  young  and  inexperienced  successor. 

His  obsequies  were  celebrated  with  great  pomp, 
by  his  daughter,  at  Valladolid.  His  friend,  Fran- 
cisco Borja,  delivered  the  discourse  on  this  occasion. 
For  his  text  he  took  the  appropriate  ^vords  :  "  Lo ! 
then  would  I  wander  afar  off,  and  remain  in  the 
wilderness."  He  enriched  his  discourse  with  an- 
ecdotes and  traits  of  the  deceased  monarch,  whom 
he  held  up  as  a  pattern  of  Christian  excellence. 
Among  other  facts  he  mentioned  that  Charles  had 
once  informed  him,  that  no  day  had  passed  since 
he  was  twenty-one  years  old  without  his  having 
devoted  some  portion  of  it  to  inward  prayer. 

Funeral  services  in  Charles's  honor  were  also 
performed  in  several  other  places  in  Spain,  as  Tole- 
do, Tarragona,  Seville  ;  with  still  greater  pomp  in 
Rome ;  also  in  Naples,  Lisbon,  and  Vienna ;  but 
above  all,  in  Brussels,  the  capital  of  the  Nether- 
lands, where  the  ceremonies  were  conducted  with 
extraordinary  splendor,  in  the  presence  of  Phihp 
and  his  court. 

As  soon  as  the  king  had  received  tidings  of  the 
death  of  his  father,  he  ordered  that  the  bells  in  all 
the  churches  and  monasteries  throughout  the  coun- 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  501 

try  should  be  tolled  thrice  a  day  for  four  months, 
and  that  no  festivals  cr  public  rejoicings  should 
take  place  during  that  time.  The  tAventy-eighth 
of  December  was  appointed  for  the  celebration  of 
the  obsequies  in  the  Flemish  capital.  A  procession 
was  formed,  consisting  of  the  great  officers  of  the 
crown  in  their  robes  of  state,  of  the  high  ecclesias- 
tics and  nobles,  and  of  the  knights  of  the  Golden 
Fleece,  wearing  tlie  superb  insignia  of  their  order. 
In  the  midst,  the  king  was  seen,  on  foot,  with  his 
features  buried  in  a  deep  hood,  and  his  person  muf- 
fled in  a  mourning  cloakj  the  train  of  which  was 
borne  by  his  favorite  minister,  Ruy  Gomez  de  Silva. 
It  was  evening  ;  and  as  the  long  procession  moved 
by  torch-light  through  the  streets  of  the  capital,  it 
was  escorted  by  files  of  the  Spanish  and  German 
guards  in  their  national  uniforms,  marching  to  the 
low  sounds  of  melancholy  music,  with  a  step  so 
slow  that  it  required  two  hours  to  reach  the  place 
of  their  destination,  —  the  ancient  church  of  Saint 
Gudule. 

In  the  centre  of  the  nave  stood  a  pavilion,  or 
chapel  as  it  was  called,  shrouded  in  black,  and 
lighted  up  by  three  thousand  wax  tapers.  Within 
might  be  seen  a  sarcophagus  covered  with  dark 
velvet,  on  which  lay  the  imperial  crown  with 
the  globe  and  sceptre.  Opposite  to  the  chapel  a 
throne  was  raised  for  th'e  king,  with  seats  below 
to  accommodate  the  dignitaries  of  the  Church  and 
the  Flemish  and  Spanish  nobles.  The  galleries 
iabove,  festooned  with  drapery  of  black  velvet  and 


602  LIFE  OF  CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

cloth  of  gold,  richly  emblazoned  with  the  imperial 
arms,  were  occupied  by  the  ladies  of  the  court. 
Never  had  so  grand  and  imposing  a  spectacle  been 
witnessed  within  the  walls  of  this  time-honored 
cathedral.  The  traveller  who  at  this  time  visits 
the  venerable  pile,  where  Charles  the  Fifth  was 
wont  to  hold  the  chapters  of  the  Golden  Fleece, 
while  he  gazes  on  the  characteristic  effigy  of  that 
monarch,  as  it  is  displayed  on  the  superb  windows 
of  painted  glass,  may  call  to  mind  the  memorable 
day  when  the  people  of  Flanders,  and  the  rank  and 
beauty  of  its  capital,  were  gathered  together  to  cele- 
brate the  obsequies  of  the  great  emperor;  when, 
amidst  clouds  of  incense  and  the  blaze  of  myriads 
of  lights,  the  deep  tones  of  the  organ,  vibrating 
through  the  long  aisles,  mingled  with  the  voices 
of  the  priests,  as  they  chanted  their  sad  requiem  to 
the  soul  of  their  departed  sovereign. 

In  1570  —  twelve  years  after  the  death  of  his 
father  —  Philip  paid  a  visit  to  the  monastery  of 
Yuste.  As  his  carriage  wound  round  the  road  by 
the  garden  wall,  he  paused  to  read  an  inscrip- 
tion cut  on  the  corner  stone  beneath  the  imperial 
arms :  —  "  In  this  holy  house  of  Jerome  of  Yuste 
Charles  the  Fifth,  emperor,  king  of  the  Spains, 
most  Christian,  most  invincible,  passed  the  close 
of  a  life  which  he  had  devoted  to  the  defence  of 
the  faith  and  the  maintenance  of  justice."  Alight- 
ing from  his  carriage,  the  king  passed  through 
the  garden,  still  filled  with  the  sweet  odors  of 
the    lime    and    the    orange,    and    a    wilderness   of 


1558.]  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  503 

flowering  shrubs,  that  his  father  had  loved  to 
tend.  On  the  wall  of  the  covered  terrace  the 
king  might  have  read  another  inscription,  record- 
ing the  day  on  which  his  father's  last  illness  was 
supposed  to  have  begun.  "  His  majesty,  the  em- 
peror Don  Charles  the  Fifth,  our  lord,  was  sit- 
ting in  this  place  when  he  was  taken  ill,  on  the 
thirty-first  of  August,  at  four  in  the  afternoon.  He 
died  on  the  twenty-first  of  September,  at  half  past 
two  in  the  morning,  in  the  year  of  grace  1558.'* 
The  former  date  should  have  been  a  day  earlier; 
and  the  error  shows  that  the  record  was  made  by 
the  monks,  as  it  is  the  same  error  into  which  the 
Jeronymite  chroniclers  have  fallen  in  their  account 
of  his  illness. 

Philip  carefully  examined  every  part  of  the  dwell- 
ing. From  a  feeling  of  reverence  he  w^as  unwilling 
to  pass  the  night  in  his  father's  chamber,  but  occu- 
pied a  small  room  next  to  it,  hardly  large  enough 
to  accommodate  his  couch.  Two  days  were  spent 
by  him  at  Yuste.  He  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
very  lavish  of  his  bounty  to  the  monks,  leaving 
them,  at  his  departure,  nothing  better  to  remind 
them  of  his  visit  than  some  relics  and  a  gold  cup. 
He  may  have  thought  that  theyhad  gained  profit 
enough,  as  w^U  as  honor,  by  the  emperor's  resi- 
dence among  them.  Not  long  after,  he  took  from 
them  the  picture  which  had  become  the  pride  of 
their  convent,  —  tlie  Last  Judgment  of  Titian.  It 
was  removed  to  the  palace  monastery  of  the  Esco- 
rial,  where  it  found  a  more  conspicuous  place  than 

2  S2 


604  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FQ^TH  [Book  IV- 

In  the  obscure  solitudes  of  Yuste.  The  king  re- 
placed it  by  a  f^iithful  copy,  to  be  hung  over  the 
high  alta"  of  the  chapel,  which  several  years  later 
was  embellished  with  some  rich  decorations  by 
the  hand  of  Herrera,  the  principal  architect  of  the 
Escorial. 

Not  many  years  elapsed  before  the  brethren 
met  with  a  misfortune  which  touched  them  even 
more  nearly  than  the  loss  of  Titian's  picture. 
This  was  the  removal  of  the  emperor  s  body  from 
their  convent.  The  circumstance  of  his  having 
selected  Yuste  as  the  retreat  in  which  to  pass 
the  evening  of  his  days,  was  not  more  a  source 
of  pride  to  the  monks  of  St.  Jerome  than  that  of 
their  being  allowed  to  retain  possession  of  his  re- 
mains. But  in  the  winter  of  1574  the  Escorial 
was  so  far  advanced  as  to  be  ready  for  their  recep- 
tion ;  and  Philip  the  Second  put  in  execution  the 
plan  he  had  formed  of  gathering  together  the  ashes 
of  his  kindred,  and  depositing  them  in  the  superb 
mausoleum  which  he  had  consecrated  to  the  house 
of  Austria.  Arrangements  were  accordingly  made 
for  removing  from  the  different  places  where  they 
had  been  interred,  the  bodies  of  the  Empress  Isa- 
bella and  two  of  her  sons,  who  had  died  in  early 
age,  the  remains  of  Mary  of  Portugal,  the  first  wdfe 
of  Philip,  and,  lastly,  those  of  Queen  Eleanor  of 
France  from  theu'  resting-place  at  Merida. 

The  funeral  processions  mict  at  Yuste,  where 
they  were  joined  by  a  deputation  of  the  monks 
of  St.  Jerome,  escorting  the  body  of  the  emperor 


1558.J  AFTER  HIS   ABDICATION.  505 

Loud  was  the  lament  of  the  brotherhood,  as  they 
saw  tlie  preparations  that  were  makmg  for  depriv- 
ing them  for  ever  of  their  deceased  sovereign.  They 
felt  that  the  glory  that  had  rested  on  their  convent 
was  departing  for  ever.  The  orator  chosen  for  the 
occasion  gave  utterance  to  his  grief  in  a  gush  of 
warm,  impassioned  eloquence,  which  showed  him 
to  be  a  worthy  disciple  of  the  school  of  Villalva. 
Apostrophizing  the  shade  of  Charles,  he  expati- 
ated on  the  feelings  of  love  and  reverence  with 
which  the  brethren  of  Yuste  would  ever  cherish 
the  memory  of  him  who  had  condescended  to  take 
up  his  abode  among  them.  "  The  Almighty,"  said 
the  speaker,  "  has  confined  all  things  —  the  heav- 
ens, the  earth,  and  the  sea  —  wdthin  their  proper 
bounds.  To  love  alone  he  has  set  no  limit."  The 
people  in  the  neighboring  country  shared  in  the 
grief  of  the  Jeronymites,  and  seemed  to  feel  that 
a  portion  of  that  glory  which  the  presence  of  the 
emperor  had  shed  upon  Yuste  was  reflected  upon 
them.  As  the  long  procession  took  its  way  throuoh 
Cuacos,  whose  unruly  peasantry,  it  may  be  remem- 
bered, had  been  a  constant  source  of  annoyance 
to  Charles,  the  inhabitants  expressed  their  regret 
by  a  dramatic  representation,  in  which  the  per- 
sonifications of  the  Village  and  the  Desert  were 
made  to  condole  with  each  other,  in  rustic  verse, 
on  their  bereavement. 

In  the  procession  w^re  twTuty-six  friars  of  the 
mendicant  orders,  with  eight  of  the  Jeronymites 
from  Yuste.     The  number  was  augmented  by  soma 

VOL.  III.  64 


506  LIFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

of  the  principal  ecclesiastics  and  great  lords  of  the 
court.  Five  mourning  coaches  bore  the  bodies  of 
the  deceased  ;  and  the  funeral  train  performed  its 
march  so  slowly,  that  it  was  ten  days  before  it 
reached  its  place  of  destination.  A  cloud  had 
long  been  gathering  above  the  hills  that  sur- 
round the  Escorial ;  and  as  the  wayworn  com- 
pany entered  the  consecrated  precincts,  the  storm 
beat  with  fury  on  the  gray  walls  of  the  monastery. 
It  was  amidst  this  turmoil  of  the  elements,  mak- 
ing the  vast  edifice  tremble  to  its  foundation,  that 
the  peaceful  remains  of  Charles  and  his  kindred 
were  again  committed  to  the  earth. 

The  emperor's  obsequies  were  conducted  here 
with  the  same  solemn  pomp  that  had  attended  them 
at  Yuste.  By  a  singular  coincidence,  the  funeral 
discourse  was  again  pronounced  by  Villalva,  now 
become  the  favorite  preacher  of  Philip  the  Second. 
The  emperor  s  remains,  agreeably  to  his  desire,  were 
laid  as  nearly  as  possible  beneath  the  altar,  some- 
what in  front  of  it,  by  the  side  of  his  beloved  Isa- 
bella. Above,  in  a  shrine  of  jasper,  the  statues  of 
the  illustrious  pair,  executed  in  copper  by  Leoni, 
might  be  seen,  in  their  finely  wrought  mantles, 
kneeling  side  by  side,  with  hands  clasped,  in  an 
attitude  of  devotion.  Behind  were  the  effigies  of 
Charles's  two  sisters,  the  queens  of  France  and 
Hungary,  kneeling  also,  with  hands  outstretched 
and  their  faces  turned  towards  the  altar.  The 
bodies  of  the  two  royal  matrons  were  deposited  in 
the  vault  below,  near  that  of  their  imperial  broth- 


l^b«.:  AFTER  HIS  ABDICATION.  507 

er ;    find  the  friends  who   had  loved  one  another 
in  life  were  not  divided  by  death. 

Ynste,  which  had  been  so  long  honored  as  the 
residence  of  royalty,  was  permitted  to  assume  the 
title  of  royal.  The  palace  became,  in  a  particular 
manner,  the  care  of  the  government;  and  in  1638, 
Philip  the  Fourth  appropriated  six  thousand  du- 
cats for  placing  it  in  complete  repair.  Little  was 
heard  of  it  during  the  remainder  of  that  century, 
or  the  following  ;  and  the  sorrowful  prediction  of 
the  Jeronymite  orator,  that  the  day  would  come 
when  Charles's  residence  in  the  convent  would 
pass  from  the  memory  of  men,  seemed  almost  to 
be  verified. 

The  obscurity  of  Yuste  proved  its  best  protec- 
tion. The  time  was  to  come,  however,  when  this 
would  cease  to  be  so.  During  the  Peninsular 
War,  in  1810,  a  party  of  French  dragoons,  forag- 
ing in  the  neighborhood,  found  the  murdered  body 
of  one  of  their  comrades  not  far  from  the  gates 
of  Yuste.  Not  doubting  that  he  had  been  made 
away  with  by  the  monks,  the  infuriated  soldiery 
broke  into  the  convent,  scattered  its  terrified  in- 
mates, and  set  fire  to  the  buildings  in  various  places. 
For  eight  days  the  vast  pile  continued  to  burn,  with 
no  attempt  to  check  the  conflagration.  On  the 
ninth  it  was  left  a  heap  of  smouldering  ruins,  a 
small  remnant  of  the  western  cloister  alone  surviv 
hig  of  the  main  body  of  the  building.  The  church, 
from  the  strength  of  its  walls,  was  happily  able  to 
defy  the  flames,  and  served,  in  its  turn,  to  protect 


508  LIPE   OF   CHARLES  THE  FIFTH  [Book  IV 

the  palace,  which,  in  the  rear,  had  always  leaned 
against  it  for  support 

In  1820,  an  irruption  of  the  patriots  from  the 
nei2:hboring  villages  completed  the  w^ork  of  de- 
struction. They  defaced  the  interior  of  the  build- 
ings that  yet  remained,  despoiling  them  of  every 
portable  article  of  value,  and  turning  the  church 
itself  into  a  stable.  The  fine  copy  of  Titian's  Last 
Judgment,  which  had  hung  above  the  high  altar 
ever  since  the  time  of  Philip  the  Second,  was  ap- 
propriated by  the  liberals  of  Tejuela,  and  reserved 
to  adorn  the  walls  of  their  parish  church. 

Still  the  monks,  though  scared  from  tbeir  abodes, 
continued  to  linger  in  the  neighborhood,  as  loath  to 
resign  their  early  home,  endeared  to  them  by  many 
glorious  recollections.  With  the  first  glimpse  ol 
better  times,  a  small  number  of  them  returned  to 
their  ancient  quarters,  where  they  contrived  for 
themselves  such  accommodations  as  they  could 
amidst  the  ruins  of  the  cloisters.  Here  they  were 
visited  by  more  than  one  traveller,  who  bears  testi- 
mony that  the  brethren  still  retained  their  ancient 
virtue  of  hospitality,  though  they  had  but  scanty 
means  for  the  exercise  of  it.  Their  monastic  life 
was  destined,  however,  to  be  of  no  long  duration. 
In  1837  came  the  fatal  decree  for  the  suppression 
of  the  convents ;  and  the  poor  Jeronymites,  many 
of  them  broken  by  age  and  infirmities,  were  once 
more  turned  adrift  upon  the  pitiless  world,  without 
a  home,  without  even  a  grave  to  lie  in. 

Thus  tenantless  and  neglected,  Yuste  Jias  gone 


.558.]  Al^TER   HIS  ABDICATION.  609 

rapid!}  lo  decay.  The  traveller  who  visits  it  now, 
as  he  works  his  way  with  difficulty  through  the 
tangled  wilderness  of  shrubs  in  what  was  once  the 
garden,  finds  little  to  remind  him  that  the  hand 
of  cultivation  was  ever  there.  Yet  just  without 
the  walls  he  may  still  see  the  great  walnut-tree 
of  Yuste  spreading  its  broad  arms  over  the  spot, 
where  once  the  multitude  was  gathered  to  celebrate 
the  birthday  of  Charles,  and  where,  as  it  is  said, 
the  monarch  himself  would  often  sit  and  muse,  — 
it  may  be  on  the  faded  glories  of  the  past,  or  on  the 
darker  future. 

The  stranger  may  now  enter  the  palace  without 
the  need  of  the  royal  permit  which  Charles  the 
Fifth,  as  we  have  seen,  thought  of  sufficient  impor- 
tance, to  make  it  the  subject  of  a  special  injunc- 
tion to  his  son  Philip  on  his  death-bed.  But  as  he 
wanders  through  the  dreary  and  desolate  chambers, 
now  turned  into  a  magazine  for  grain  and  olives, 
the  visitor  will  find  it  no  easy  matter  to  repeople 
them  with  the  images  of  former  days,  when  Charles 
gave  audience  to  foreign  envoys  in  these  very  apart- 
ments, and  when  priests  and  nobles  stood  around 
his  bed,  hanging  with  awful  reverence  on  the  last 
accents  of  their  dying  master. 

Without,  the  touch  of  decay  is  upon  everything. 
The  church  still  stands  ;  but  the  delicately  carved 
wood-work  of  the  choir,  and  the  beautiful  tiles  that 
adorned  the  walls,  have  fallen  from  their  places,  or 
been  torn  away  by  the  hand  of  violence.  All 
around,  the  ground  is  covered  with  the  wreck  of 


610  LEFE   OF   CHARLES   THE  FIFTH.  [Book  IV 

former  splendors,  —  with  fallen  columns  and  shat- 
tered arches ;  while  the  black  and  scathed  walls  of 
the  older  cloister  still  tower  in  gloomy  grandeur 
above  the  scene  of  desolation.  Yet  even  here  kind 
Nature  has  been  busy,  as  usual,  in  covering  up  the 
ravages  of  time  and  violence,  —  spreading  over  them 
her  rich  embroidery  of  wild-flowers,  and  clothing 
the  ghastly  skeleton  in  a  robe  of  beauty.^ 

Yuste  lives  only  in  the  memory  of  the  past.  Al- 
ready her  name  begins  to  disappear  from  the  map. 
But  she  will  ever  hold  her  place  in  history;  and 
travellers  from  many  a  distant  clime  shall  long 
repair  to  the  memorable  spot  where,  withdrawn 
from  the  turmoil  of  the  world,  livad  and  died  the 
greatest  monarch  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

4  The  most  copious,  as  well  as  interesting,  account  of  Yuste  in  its 
present  dilapidated  state,  is  to  be  found  in  Ford's  "  Handbook  of  Spain," 
Vol.  I.  pp.  552,  553,  (ed.  1845,)  and  in  the  closing  pages  of  Stirling's 
*'  Cloister  Life  of  Charles  the  Fifth."  The  rich  and  eloquent  descrip- 
tions of  both  these  writers  show  that  they  were  inspired  in  full  measure 
by  the  genius  Lei. 


INDEX 


T2 


INDEX. 


A. 

Adorni,  the  faction  of,  assists  Co- 
lonna  in  the  reduction  of  Genoa, 
I.  612. 

Adrian  of  Utrecht,  preceptor  to 
Charles  V.,  i.  453  Shows  au- 
thority from  Cliarles  V.  to  act  as 
reg:ent  until  his  arrival,  459.  His 
dignity  only  nominal,  the  real  pow- 
er resting  with  Ximenes,  ib.  Made 
viceroy  of  Castile  hy  Charles  V.  on 
his  departure  for  Germany,  508. 
Chosen  Pope  upon  Leo's  death, 
608.  As  regent  of  Spain,  his  plans 
for  suppressing  the  insurrections,  ii. 
6,  7.  His  incapacity  as  regent,  8,  9. 
Requested  to  resign,  11.  Padilla, 
having  seized  the  seals  and  archives, 
leaves  him  without  power,  14.  Two 
noblemen  appointed  by  Charles  as 
his  associates  in  the  regency,  15. 
The  junta  demand  of  Charles  that 
his  regency  be  declared  void,  17. 
Assumes  the  pontificate,  43.  Ill 
feeling  of  the  Italians,  ib.  His  jus- 
tice and  moderation,  43,  44.  His 
endeavors  for  peace,  44.  Death 
of,  54.  Joy  of  the  Roman  people, 
ib.  Cardinal  de*  Medici  chosen  his 
successor  as  Clement  VII.,  ib.  The 
theological  learning  and  simple 
manners  of  Adrian,  65,  66.  His 
endeavors  to  suppress  Luther's 
opinions,  60.  He  denounces  the 
corruptions  of  the  Church,  66,  67. 
VOL.  III.  65 


The  difficulties  resulting  from  his 
candor,  70,  71. 

Afnca,  desolations  occasioned  by  the 
Goths  in,  i.  230,  231. 

Agricola  appointed  by  the  Emperor 
to  prepare  the  Interim,  ii.  589. 

Aix-la-Chapelle,  the  Emperor  Charles 
crowned  there,  i.  522,  523  Ferdi- 
nand crowned  King  of  the  Romans 
there,  ii.  216. 

Alarcon,  Don  Ferdinand,  intrusted 
with  the  custody  of  Francis,  taken 
prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Pavia,  ii. 
92.  Delivers  up  the  captive  king, 
121.  Sent  as  ambassador  to  Fran- 
cis, 139.  Intrusted  with  the  cus- 
tody of  Pope  Clement,  161. 

Albany,  John  Stuart,  Duke  of,  com- 
mands the  French  army  sent  by 
Francis  I.  to  invade  Naples,  ii.  86. 

Albert,  elector  of  Mentz,  is  intrusted 
with  publication  of  indulgences  in 
Germany,  i,  527. 

Albert  of  Brandenburg  gains  posses- 
sion of  part  of  Prussia,  ii.  133. 
Marries  a  puincess  of  Denmark  a  id 
professes  the  Protestant  religi(m, 
134.  Joins  the  emperor  against 
the  Protestant  league,  486.  En- 
deavoring to  join  Maurice  with 
his  forces,  is  intercepted  and  beat- 
en by  the  elector  of  Saxony,  515. 
Charles  undertakes  to  release  him 
from  his  obligation  to  the  elector 
of  Saxony,  iii.  25.  Sent  by  Man- 
rice  to  hasten  the  march  of  his  allj, 


6U 


TOT)EX. 


Henry  11.,  60  His  ambition  and 
lawless  warfare,  79,  80  lnclud-,d 
in  the  treaty  between  Maurice  and 
the  emperor,  upon  conditions,  91. 
Refuses  to  take  the  benefit  of  the 
treaty  of  Passau,  96.  After  hover- 
ing on  both  armies,  joins  the  empe- 
ror at  the  siege  of  Metz,  105.  Em- 
ploys a  new  army,  115.  Defeated 
in  battle  by  Maurice,  117.  Levies 
a  new  army,  but  is  defeated  by 
Henry  of  Brunswick,  119.  His 
fall  and  subsequent  career,  120. 

Alcantara,  order  of,  i.  186. 

Alenc^on,  Duchess  of,  intercedes  for 
the  release  of  her  brother  Francis, 
II.  115. 

Alexander  VI.,  Pope,  i.  150,  187. 
Character  of,  555. 

Alfonso,  King  of  Naples,  claims  the 
duchy  of  Milan,  i.  164,  165. 

Alfred  the  Great,  i.  23. 

Algiers,  its  king  murdered  and  the 
government  seized  by  Horuc  Bar- 
barossa,  ii.  25.3.  Governed  by 
Hayradin,  his  brother,  254.  Is  ta- 
ken under  the  protection  of  the 
Sultan,  ib.  Expedition  planned  by 
Charles  against,  377.  A  stonn 
prostrates  his  army  and  sinks  his 
fleet,  381-384. 

Alraschid,  his  pretensions  to  the 
throne  of  Tunis,  ii.  255,  256. 
Treachery  of  Barbarossa  towards 
him,  257. 

Alva,  Duke  of,  remains  faithful  to 
Ferdinand,  i.  437.  Defends  Per- 
pignan,  ii.  395.  Commander  of 
the  emperor's  forces  against  the 
city  of  Metz,  iii.  103.  Appointed 
general  of  the  imperial  forces  in 
Piedmont,  160.  Made  vicar-gen- 
eral in  Italy  with  supreme  military 
autliorlty,  1 60, 1 61 .  Not  successful 
in  his  campaign,  161.  Commands 
the  forces  of  Philip  against  the 
Pope,  218.  His  victorious  progress 
towards  Rome,  437.    Is  compelled 


by  Philip's  treaty  to  ask  the  Pope'fl 
pardon,  438, 

Anierstorf  sent  as  an  associate  mta 
Ximencs  in  the  regency  of  Castile 
by  Charles  V.,  i.  469. 

Ammianus,  his  character  of  the  Htins, 
I.  231-233. 

Araurath,  the  corps  of  Janizaries 
fo lined  by  him,  i.  220. 

Anabaptists,  the  rising  of,  in  West- 
phalia ;  their  rule  in  Munster,  and 
their  final  overthrow,  ii.  233-245. 
See  Matthias  and  Boccold. 

Anhalt,  the  Prince  of,  avows  the  doc- 
trines of  Luther,  ii.  65.  Aids  in 
the  league  of  the  Protestants  against 
Charles,  486. 

Angleria,  Peter  Martyr,  his  testimony 
as  to  the  shameless  rapacity  of  the 
Flemish  followers  of  Charles  V.,  i. 
482. 

Angouleme,  the  Count  of,  i.  122, 
123. 

Angulo,  Fray  Martin  de,  prior  of 
Yuste,  III.  477,  vote. 

Anjou,  contest  for  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  by  the  house  of,  i.  161, 
162. 

Appeal,  the  right  of,  i.  66-72. 

Appeals,  first  entertained  from  ba- 
ronial courts,  i.  335. 

Arabian  scholars,  i.  87.  Philoso- 
•  phers,  351. 

Aragon,  contest  for  the  kingdom  of 
Naples  by  the  house  of,  1. 161, 162. 
Rise  of  the  kingdom  of,  170.  Its 
union  with  Castile,  ib.  Appoint- 
ment and  power  of  the  justiza,  368 
-371.  Note  concerning  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  sovereigns  of, 
371,372.  Pri  vilege  of  union  amcng 
its  nobility,  372,  373.  Rise  of  rep- 
resentative branch  of  government 
of,  374.  Jealous  care  of  its  peo- 
ple for  thiir  liberties,  375,  376. 
Opposition  to  the  Inquisition  in, 
376.  Ferdinand  receives  the  crown 
of,  429.    7  he  cort«s  delay  in  reo- 


INDEX. 


515 


ognizing  Charles  as  king,  and  at- 
tach conditions  to  the  donative 
voted,  482-484.  Don  John  de 
Lnnuza,  made  viceroy,  508.  The 
spirit  of  sedition  suppressed  in,  ii. 
39.  Increase  of  royal  power  in, 
gained  by  Philip,  in.  297. 

A.rniies,  the  number  and  condition  of, 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  i.  99,  100. 

Army,  the  first  standing,  in  France, 

I.  108,  109. 

Artois  seized  by  Louis  XI.,  i.  117. 

Partly  restored  by  Charles  VIII., 

127. 
Ass,  account  of  the  Feast  of  the,  i. 

266. 
Augsburg,  the  emperor's  entry  into, 

II.  210.  Submits  to  the  emperor, 
after  joining  the  Smalkaldic  league, 
512,  51.3.  The  emperor  violently 
alters  the  government  of,  599, 
Seized  by  Maurice,  in.  66. 

Augsburg,  Confession  of,  ii.  210. 
League  to  maintain  the,  in.  173, 
174. 

Aulic  Council  of  Germany,  powers 
of,  I.  415. 

Anmale,  Duke  of,  brother  of  the 
Dnke  of  Guise,  taken  prisoner  at 
the  siege  of  Metz,  in.  104. 

Austria,  rise  of  the  house  of,  by  the 
acquisition  of  Hungary  and  Bohe- 
mia, n.  163,  164.  Progress  of  the 
house  of,  in.  295,  298,  299. 

Avignon,  the  papal  authority  trans- 
ferred to,  I.  148. 

Avila,  the  painter  and  chronicler  of 
Charles  V.,  in.  432,  433. 


B. 


origin 


of. 


'  Balance  of  Power, 

130. 
Bank'^rs,  the  Qrst,  i.  362,  363. 
Barbarossa,  Hayradin,  succeeds  Ho- 

ruc   as    king  of  Algiers,  ii.   254. 


Comes  under  the  protection  of  tho 
Sultan,  ib.  Appoir^ed  to  tlie  com- 
mand of  the  Turkish  lleet,  ib.  De- 
termines to  conquer  Tunis,  255. 
His  plan  successful,  255  -  258.  Ha 
is  attacked  by  a  large  Europeaa 
force  under  Charles  V.,  259,  260. 
Defeated,  263,  264.  Devastates 
the  coast  of  Naples,  307.  His  fleet 
ravages  the  coast  of  Calabria,  406. 
Aids  Francis  in  the  siege  of  Nice, 
407. 
Barbarossa,  Horuc,  his  victory  ovei 
the  Spanish  troops,  I.  471.  Hia 
birth  and  career  as  a  coi-sair,  n. 

252.  Becomes   king  of  Algiers, 

253.  Acquires  Tromecen,  ib.  Is 
slain  in  Tremecen,  254.  Succeed 
ed  by  his  brother  Hayradin,  ib. 

Barbary  States,  condition  of,  ii.  250, 
251.  Usurpation  of  Horuc  and 
Hayradin,  252-254.  The  expe- 
dition of  Charles  V.,  258-267. 

Barcelona,  its  trade  and  wealth  at  the 
close  of  the  fifteenth  century,  i.  379. 
Reception  of  the  emperor  in,  ii. 
200. 

Barons,  their  right  of  judging  causes 
in  their  own  fiefs,  i.  332  ei  seq. 
Appeals  allowed  from  the  courts 
of,  335.     See  Justice,  Nobles. 

Bayard,  the  Chevalier,  commander  at 
Mezieres,  i.  595  His  character 
services,  and  death,  n.  61,  62. 

Belgrade,  capture  of,  by  Solyman,  i. 
616. 

Bellay,  William  de,  an  agent  sent  by 
Francis  into  Germany,  n.  2 1 7.  An 
agent  sent  by  Francis  to  the  Prot- 
estants, 271,  274,  299.  French 
General  in  Piedmont,  procures 
proof  of  the  guilt  of  Del  Guasto 
in  the  murder  of  Rincon,  391. 

Benefices,  the  right  of  bestowing, 
usurped,  i.  566,  567.  Openly  sold, 
568. 

Black  Bands,  the,  i.  132. 

Boccold.  John,  an  Anabaptist  leader, 
2  T  2 


516 


INDEX. 


II  i38  ICuIes  Mnnster  in  place 
of  Matthias,  2  .'9.  Is  crowtied  king, 
240.  Man-ics  fourteen  wives.  241. 
Is  besieged  in  jMunster  by  the  Ger- 
man princes,  2t3.  The  town  cap- 
tared  and  he  put  to  death  with  tor- 
ture, 245. 

Bohemia,  Ferdinand  of  Austria  elect- 
ed king  of,  n.  163,  164.  Progress 
of  the  Reformation  in,  574.  An 
association  is  formed  to  aid  the 
league  of  Smalkalde,  575.  Ven- 
geance taken  by  Ferdinand,  576. 
Loss  of  the  ancient  privileges  of 
the  kingdom,  ib. 

Bologna,  the  General  Council  ad- 
journs from  Trent  to,  ti.  579. 

Bonnivet  appointed  to  command  the 
forces  against  Milan,  ii.  52.  His 
inactivity  and  retreat,  53,  54.  De- 
feated by  Pescara  and  Morone,  and 
forced  to  retreat  from  the  Milanese, 
59  -  G2.  His  rash  counsel  to  Fran- 
cis in  faA'or  of  the  expedition 
against  Milan,  80.  He  advises  the 
siege  of  Pa  via,  83.  His  death, 
90. 

Books,  scarcity  of,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
I.  263.  264.' 

Boria,  Catherine  a,  her  marriage  with 
Luther,  ii.  132. 

Borja,  Francisco  de,  sent  on  a  mis- 
sion to  Portugal  by  Charles,  iii. 
445.  Visits  the  Emperor,  363- 
365. 

Boroughs,  representatives  of,  sum- 
moned to  Parliament,  i.  43. 

Bouillon,  Robert  de  la  Mark,  Lord 
of,  declares  war  against  Charles,  i. 
594. 

Boulogne,  besieged  by  Henry  VIII., 
II   426.     Taken,  437. 

Bourbon,  Charles,  Duke  of,  is  cha- 
grined at  the  preference  shown  by 
Francis  to  the  Duke  d'Alen^on,  i. 
596.  His  birth  and  character,  ii. 
47.  The  treatment  he  received 
from  Louise,  the  king's  mother,  47, 


48.  Her  amorous  passion,  48 
Per  revenge,  49.  Il^i  eludes  tha 
kiu^  50  -  52.  Value  of  the  servi- 
ces of,  to  the  Emperor,  59,  60. 
Project  of  the  Emperor  for  giving 
him  possession  of  Provence,  76. 
Value  of  hi?  services  to  the  Em 
peror  in  the  Italian  campaign,  81, 
82.  Displeased  because  Lannoy 
had  carried  off  Francis  without  con- 
sultation with  him,  106.  Goes  to 
Madrid  to  look  out  for  his  own  in- 
terests, ib.  His  reception  by  the 
Emperor  and  court,  113.  Eleanora 
of  Portugal  not  inclined  to  mar- 
ry him,  114.  Made  general  in 
place  of  Pescara  and  Duke  of  Mi- 
lan, 114,  115.  Captures  the  castle 
of  Milan,  142.  His  necessities  and 
expedients  to  raise  money  for  his 
army  in  Milan,  147.  Liberates 
Morone,  148.  Admits  Morone  in- 
to his  confidence,  ib.  Leaves  Mi- 
lan, 150.  Menaces  Florence,  152. 
154.  Resolves  to  take  Rome,  155. 
The  assault,  157,  158.  His  death, 
158. 

Brandenburg,  the  Elector  of,  em- 
braces Luther's  opinions,  ii  65. 
The  Margraves  of,  become  kings 
of  Prussia,  133,  134.  See  Albert 
of  Brandenburg. 

Brandenburg  Anspach,  John,  Mar- 
quis of,  refuses  to  acknowledge  the 
Interim,  ii   595. 

Brandenburg  Bareith,  John  of,  joins 
the  Empeior  against  the  Protestant 
league,  ii.  486.- 

Bravo,  Don  John,  commander  of  the 
insurgent  forces  of  Segovia,  taken 
prisoner  and  executed,  ii.  31. 

Bretagne,  Dukes  of.  i.  103.  The 
heiress  of,  married  to  Charles  VIII., 
127. 

Brissac,  Marochal,  commander  of  the 
French  forces  in  Piedmont,  gaini 
advantage  over  the  Duke  of  Alrft^ 
III.  160.  161 


INDEX. 


511 


Britons,  their  supplication  to  the  Ro- 
mans for  ai'l  against  the  Picts,  i. 
225. 

Bruges,  I.  93. 

Brunswick,  the  Duke  of,  embraces 
Luther's  opinions,  ii,  65.  Takes 
the  field  against  Muncer,  130. 

Biunswiok,  Henry,  Duke  of,  under- 
taking to  cairy  into  effect  an  impe- 
rial decree  against  Goslar,  is  attack- 
ed by  the  league  of  Smalkalde  and 
driven  from  his  dominions,  ii.  413. 
Driven  from  his  dominions  by  the 
Protestant  princes,  endeavors  to  re- 
cover his  position  by  force,  450. 
Is  taken  prisoner,  451.  Defeats 
Albert  of  Brandenburg  in  battle, 
III.  119. 

Bucer  appointed  to  represent  the  Prot- 
estant cause  in  a  debate,  ii.  366. 
Burgundy,  Dukes  of,  i.  103.  Seized 
by  Louis  XL,  117.  The  schemes 
for  the  marriage  of  the  heiress  of, 
121-124.  The  deputies  of,  refuse 
to  consent  to  the  treaty  whereby 
Francis  ceded  the  country  to 
Charles,  ii.  139,  140. 


Caesar,  his   account   of  the   ancient 

Germans,  i.  236 
Cajetan,  Cardinal,  appointed  to  hear 

Luther,  i.  537.     Demands  Luther's 

recantation,  539.     Demands  of  the 

Elector  to  send  Luther  a  prisoner 

to  Rome,  540. 
Calais,  taken,  by  the  French  under  the 

Duke  of  Guise,  in.  254-257,  454, 

455. 
Calatrava,  the  military  order  of,  i. 

186. 
Cambray,  the  league  of,  i.  136-140. 
Campe,    peace    of,    between    Henry 

VI n.  and  Francis,  ii.  483. 
Campeggio,  nuncio  of  Pope  Clement 

to  the  diet  at  Nuremburg,  ii.  72,  73. 


Canon  Law.     See  Law. 

Caicitfa,  afterwards  Pope  Paul  IV., 

fiio  character,  &c.,  in.  184.  185. 
Carlos,    Don,    his    meeting  with  his 
grandfather  the  Emperor,  in.  348, 
349. 
Carlostadius,  a  reformer,  his  fanatical 

excesses,  n.  63. 
Carranza,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  vis- 
its  the   Emperor  upon  his  death- 
bed, III.  489.     His  words  are  re- 
ported by  Regla  to  the  Holy  Office, 
491. 
Castaldo,  set  as  a  spy  by  Ferdinand 
upon  Martiiiuzzi,  in.  50.     Assas- 
sinates Martinuzzi,  52,  53. 
Castile,    its   nobles    try   and    depose 
King  Henry  I V.,  i.  173,  J  74.     The 
form  of  governm'^nt  of,  179.     Note 
upon  the  constitution  of,  377.     The 
representative  branch  of  the  gov- 
ernment   of,    377,   378. .    Isabella 
raised  to  the  throne  of,  428,  429. 
Ferdinand    of  Aragon    appointed 
regent  of,   433.      Jealousy  of  the 
people   of,    towards   Ferdinand  of 
Aragon,  434.     The  nobility  prefer 
Philip  to  Ferdinand  as  regent,  437. 
Ferdinand  attempts  to  supplant  Jo- 
anna and  her  posterity,  437,  438. 
He  marries  a  niece  of  Louis  XII., 
438.     Philip  obtains  the  regency, 
441.     His  death,  443.     Contest  for 
the    regency,     445.      Maximilian 
claims   it,   ib.     Ferdinand   is   sup- 
ported   by    Ximenes,     447.      Be- 
comes regent,  448.      Tranquillity 
under  Ferdinand,   ib.     Territories 
in   Africa  annexed  to   the   crown 
of,  448.     Ferdinand  dies,  451.     Ho 
appoints  Cardinal  Ximenes  legent 
until  arrival  of  Charles  V ,   456. 
Adrian  of  Utrecht  authorized  by 
Charles   to   assume   regency,  459. 
The  real  power  wielded  by  Xime- 
nes,  460.      Ximenes    induces   the 
people  to  receive  Charles  as  king, 
461,  462.     He  curtails  the  powoi 


518 


INDEX. 


of  t/ie  nobles,  162,  463.  "Procures 
for  tb-;  crown  a  militury  for^e,  464. 
Enliir^es  the  royul  revenue  by 
wresriiij^  crown  lands  from  the  pos- 
session of  tlie  nobles,  46.5-467. 
The  nobles  send  a  deputation  to 
Ximenes  and  receive  his  answer, 
467,  468.  The  Flemish  ministers 
of  Charles  persuade  him  to  send  as- 
sociates in  the  regency  to  curb  Xi- 
menes, 468,  469.  Ximenes  retains 
an  easy  supremacy,  469.  The  Cor- 
tes proclaim  Charles  V.  king,  and 
vote  him  an  allowance,  480.  The 
opposition  of  the  people  to  the  as- 
sumption of  the  imperial  dignity 
by  Charles,  505.  The  Cortes  re- 
monstrate against  assembling  in 
Gallicia,  .506.  The  nobles  are 
gained  over  to  the  king,  507,  508. 
The  Cardinal  Adrian  made  viceroy 
of,  508.  Indignation  of  the  Castil- 
ians  at  the  appointment,  ib.  In- 
surrections in,  II.  4.  The  "Holy 
Junta,"  11.  The  insurgents  act  in 
the  name  of  Queen  Joanna,  13. 
Charles  sends  letters  to  the  cities 
and  nobles  of,  15.  The  remon- 
strance of  the  holy  junta,  15-19. 
Alarm  of  the  nobles  at  the  revolu- 
tionary plans  of  the  junta,  20,  21. 
The  revolutionists  take  the  field,  22. 
Conde  de  Ilaro  obtains  possession 
of  Queen  Joanna,  the  great  seal, 
&c.,  24.  The  insurgents  supplied 
with  money  by  the  wife  of  Padilla, 
25.  Unwillingness  of  the  nobles 
to  attack  the  junta,  26.  Their  pro- 
posals for  a  union  against  royal 
misgovemment,  27.  The  causes 
of  division  and  weakness,  27,  28. 
Defeat  of  the  junta,  30-33.  Ef- 
fect of  the  unsuccessful  revolt  to 
strengthen  the  royal  power,  36. 
The  Cortes  and  the  cities  lose  their 
privileges,  36.  37.  Charles's  clem- 
ency, 42.  The  Cortes  refuse  to 
frant  money  to  Charles,  and  com- 


plain of  his  foreign  policy,  327,  32S 
The  Cortes  dismissed  by  Charles, 
329.  The  power  of  the  noble-  on 
the  wane,  ib.  The  increase  of  roy- 
al  power  in,  gained  by  Charles  V., 
III.  296. 

Catalonia,  rebellion  in,  i.  173. 

Catherine  of  Aragon,  queen  of  Henry 
VIII.     See  Henry  VI I L 

Cavalry,  former  importance  of,  i. 
101,  110. 

Cerisoles,  victory  of  the  French  at,  ii. 
422-424. 

Ciialons,  Philibert  de,  commander  of 
the  army  after  the  death  of  Bour- 
bon, II.  160.  Killed  at  the  siege 
of  Florence,  204. 

Champs  de  Mars  and  de  Mai,  ac- 
count of  those  assemblies  of  the 
Gixuls,  I.  387. 

Charlemagne,  i.  23,  88.  Dismember- 
ment of  the  empire  of,  200.  His 
administration  of  justice,  336. 

Charles  IV.,  Emperor  of  Gennany, 
dissipates  the  imperial  domaiiis,  i. 
406.  His  observations  on  the  man 
ners  of  the  clergy,  557,  note. 

Charles  V.,  birlh  and  parentage  of,  i. 
426.  His  dominions  enlarged  by 
his  grandfather  Ferdinand,  448. 
Jealousy  of  Ferdinand  towards, 
449.  Ferdinand's  will  in  favor  of, 
451.  His  age  and  residence  at  the 
death  of  Ferdinand,  451,  452.  His 
education    under   Chievres,    452- 

454.  His  character  and  manners, 

455.  The  venality  of  the  Flemish 
courtiers,  and  the  consequent  indig- 
nation of  Ximenes,  471,  472.  He 
is  urged  by  Ximenes  to  set  out  for 
Spain,  472.  The  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  his  doing  so,  472-474.  He 
makes  a  trfaty  with  Francis  ot 
France,  473,  474.  Endeavors  of 
Chievres  and  the  Flemings  to  pre- 
vent his  going  to  Spain,  475.  He 
makes  the  journey,  476.  His  m 
ception,   ih.      His   neglect   of    the 


INDEX. 


519 


wholesome  advice  of  Ximcnes,  478. 
His  (old  and  cruel  trcatnirnt  of 
Ximcnes,  followed  by  the  death  of 
the  latter,  479.  He  is  proclaimed 
king,  though  not  without  difficulty, 

480.  His  gross  partiality  towards 
his  Flemish  favorites,  480-482. 
Their  shameless  rapacity,  ib.  His 
ii^no.  ance  of  the  Spanish  language, 

481.  He  appoints  Sauvage  Chan- 
celloi-  of  Castile,  481,  482,  and  ap- 
points De  Croy  Archbishop  of  To- 
ledo, 482.  Visits  capital  of  Ara- 
gon,  482.  The  difficulty  he  en- 
countered in  being  recognized  as 
king.  483.  Caution  of  the  Cortes 
in  granting  him  money,  483,  484. 
He  refuses  to  give  up  Navarre,  484. 
He  is  coldly  received  in  Catalonia, 
484.  The  nobles  of  Castile  form  a 
league  against  the  Flemish  favor- 
ites of  the  king,  485.  He  neglects 
their  remonstrances,  ib.  Aspires  to 
become  Emperor  in  room  of  Maxi- 
milian, deceased,  arguments  and 
arts  emph)yed,  487  -  490.  The 
Swiss  Cantons  espouse  his  cause, 
492.  Pope  Leo  X.  endeavors  to 
frustrate  his  election,  493,  494. 
Frederic  of  Saxony  declines  in  his 
favor,  496.  He  offers  Frederic 
money,  vhich  is  promptly  refused, 
497,  498.  He  is  unanimously 
elected  Emperor,  499.  His  am- 
bassadors sign  a  capitulation  or  con- 
tract with  his  subjects,  500.  His 
joy  at  the  result,  501.  Assumes 
the  style  of  majesty,  501.  Accepts 
the  imperial  dignity,  502.  The  op- 
position of  his  Spanish  subjects  to 
Jiis  becoming  Emperor,  501,  502. 
Disorders  in  Valencia,  503,  504. 
The  nobles  refuse  to  acknowledge 
Adrian  as  his  repn  sentative,  504. 
He  aids  the  people  against  the  no- 
bles, 505.  The  feeling  in  Castile 
against  his  removal,  505.  He  sum- 
mons the  Cortes  to  meet  in  GaUicia, 


506.  He  gains  over  the  nobles  and 
obtains  a  donative,  507.  He  makes 
Cardinal  Adrian  viceroy  of  Ca?tile. 
508.  Departs  for  Germany,  509. 
Reasons  for  immediately  visiting 
Germany,  510,  511.  Grounds  for 
hostility  between  himself  and  Fran- 
cis 1.,  51 1,  512.  Endeavors  to 
gain  the  alliance  of  Henry  VIII. 
of  England,  514.-  Visits  England, 
519,  520.  Gains  over  Wolsey  to 
his  interest,  520.  Is  crowned  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle,  .522,  523.  Calls  a 
diet  at  Worms  to  sup])ress  the  Ref- 
ormation, 524.  Summons  Luther 
to  the  diet  at  Worms,  579.  Kca- 
sons  which  prevented  him  from 
favoring  Luther,  578.  Decreo 
against  Luther,  581.  Probability 
of  a  war  with  Francis  I.,  58.*^,  586. 
Manoeuvres  of  Pope  Leo  between 
the  rival  monarchs,  586  et  seq. 
Makes  a  treaty  with  Pope  Leo 
against  Francis,  589.  Conceals 
his  movements  from  Chievres,  ib. 
Death  of  Chiovres,  590.  Francis 
makes  war  against  him,  in  behall 
of  the  children  of  D'Albret,  for 
Navarre,  591.  The  country  con 
querod,  592.  Navaire  recon- 
quered, 593.  Robert  de  la  Mark 
of  Bouillon  declares  war  ajrainsl 
him,  594.  Sends  an  army  to  chas- 
tise De  la  Mark,  595.  Henry 
VIII.  undertakes  to  mediate,  and 
appoints  Wolsey,  596,  597.  The 
congress  unsuccessful,  598.  Makes 
a  new  treaty  with  Henry  through 
Wolsey,  ib.  The  Pope  Leo  X. 
espouses  his  cause  in  Italy  againsi 
the  French,  602.  His  general,  Pes- 
cara,  takes  Milan  from  the  French, 
606,  607.  Adrian  of  Utrecht  made 
Pope  by  his  influence,  609.  Co- 
lonna  reduees  Genoa,  612.  Visits 
Henry  in  England,  614.  Lautrec 
attempts  to  reconquer  the  Milan- 
ese, 6 1 0.    Lautrec  defeated  through 


520 


INDEX 


the  vigilance  of  Morono,  610-612. 
Heniy  declares  war  agninst  Fran- 
cis, 613.  GruPS  the  island  Malta 
to  tbe  Knights  of  8t.  John,  61 S. 
He  arrives  in  Spain,  ii.  4.  Insur- 
rections during  his  ahsence,  4-11. 
Sends  a  circular  letter  to  the  cities 
of  Castile,  15.  Also  to  the  nohles, 
tb.  The  demands  of  the  "Holv 
Junta,"  15-19.  Eeturn  of  the 
commi^'Sion  without  presenting  the 
remonstrance,  21.  The  royalists 
and  the  insurgents  take  the  field, 
22,  23.  Success  of  the  former,  24. 
Divisions  and  weakness  of  the  lat- 
ter, 27,  28.  Defeat  of  the  insur- 
gents, 30-33.  Increase  of  his 
power  upon  the  defeat  of  the  junta, 
36,  37.  His  viceroy  suppresses  the 
insurrection  in  Valencia,  38,  39. 
The  divisions  hetween  the  Spanish 
kingdoms  prevent  a  successful  con- 
federacy, 41.  His  clemency  to  the 
rebels,  42.  Adrian  upon  becoming 
Pope  desires  to  bring  about  peace, 
44.  The  Italian  states  join  with 
him  against  Francis,  45,  46.  The 
Duke  of  Bourbon  joins  him,  50  - 
52.  Defence  of  Milan,  53,  54. 
His  neglect  of  his  promise  to  Wol- 
sey,  55.  Wolsey's  resentment,  56. 
The  movements  of  Henry  VIII., 
his  ally,  57,  58.  His  ill  success 
against  Burgundy  and  Guienne,  58. 
Renewal  of  hostilities,  59.  Pope 
Clement  endeavors  to  make  peace, 
ib.  His  generals  drive  the  French 
from  the  Milanese,  59-62.  Views 
cf  the  Italian  states  as  to  his  quarrel 
with  Francis,  74,  75.  His  project 
for  invading  Provence^  75.  Defeat 
of  his  forces,  76  -  78.  His  posses- 
sions and  military  resources,  81. 
Movements  of  his  forces  in  Italy, 
80.  81.  The  genius  and  braveiy 
of  his  generals,  81,  82.  Siege  of 
Pavia,  83  Pope  Clement  becomes 
jealous  of  his  success,  85.     The  im- 


perial force'  mt'i'ch  to  the  relief  of 
Pavia,  87,  88.  Defeat  and  capture 
of  Franc's,  39-91.  His  reception 
of  the  news,  92,  93.  Policy  of 
Henry  VIII.,  95-98.  Henry  de- 
mands the  custody  of  Francis,  97. 
Refuses  to  ratify  Lannoy's  treaty 
with  the  Pope,  but  yet  keeps  the 
Pope's  money,  98,  99.  His  narrow 
resources  a  check  to  his  ambition, 
100.  His  demands  of  the  captive 
King  Francis,  101,  102.  Carries 
Francis  to  Spain,  103.  Henry 
VIII.  makes  an  alliance  with 
France  against  him,  104.  The 
conspiracy  of  Morone  against  him, 
1 04  -  1 11 .  His  treatment  of  Fran- 
cis, HI.  Makes  him  a  visit,  112. 
His  reception  of  Bourbon,  113. 
flakes  him  general  in  Italy,  and 
Duke  of  Milan,  114.  Proposes 
hard  terais  for  the  release  of  Fran- 
cis, 115.  Signs  a  treaty  for  the 
liberation  of  Francis,  117.  Mar- 
ries Isabella  of  Portugal,  122.  Re- 
ceives a  large  do^\Ty,  123.  State 
of  Gemiany  during  liis  absence, 
123  et  sfq.  Francis  delays  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  treat}',  134,  135. 
Francis  forms  a  league  with  the 
Italian  states  against  him,  136,  137. 
The  Pope  absolves  Francis  from 
his  oath,  137.  Sends  ambassadors 
to  summon  Francis  to  perform  his 
agreement  or  return  a  prisoner  to 
Madrid,  138,  139.  Complains  of 
the  bad  faith  of  Francis,  140.  His 
preparations,  141  His  forces  un- 
der Duke  of  Bourbon  take  Milan, 
142.  His  ambassador  induces  Car- 
dinal Colonna  to  surprise  the  Pope, 
144.  He  dictates  terms  to  the 
Pope,  145,  146.  Increase  of  his 
army,  and  straitened  circumstan- 
ces, 146,  147.  Lannoy  makes  a 
treaty  with  the  Pope,  152;  which 
Bourbon  disregards,  i53,  154.  Tho 
assault  of  Rome  bv  his  tro  ps  ui- 


INDEX. 


521 


der  Bourbon,  155-160.  His  se- 
cret joy  at  the  re<luction  of  Rome 
and  the  capture  of  the  Pope,  161, 
162.  Ilis  disinclination  to  sup- 
press the  Reformation  in  Germany, 
164.  His  appeal  from  the  Pope  to 
a  general  council,  155.  Indigna- 
tion througliout  Europe  at  his 
treatment  of  the  Pope,  166,  167. 
League  against  him,  167,  168,  171. 
His  generals  unable  to  govern  their 
troops  in  Rome,  or  lead  them  to 
any  new  expedition,  170.  Opera- 
tions of  the  allies  against  him,  171, 
172.  His  reasons  for  not  canying 
the  Pope  to  Spain,  173.  The  Cor- 
tes of  Castile  refuse  to  grant  him 
money,  173,  174.  Agrees  to  liber- 
ate the  Pope  upon  an  exorbitant 
ransom,  174,  175.  The  Pope 
mak",s  his  escape,  175.  His  prop- 
ositions to  Francis  and  Henry  de- 
clined or  evaded,  176,177.  They 
declare  war  against  him,  177.  His 
replies,  178.  Francis  challenges 
hiiT)  to  single  combat,  178  His 
army  at  last  leaves  Rome,  180. 
Enters  Naples,  181.  His  army  in 
Naples  besieged  by  the  allies  under 
Lautrec,  181.  Defections  and  dis- 
asters in  the  allied  army,  182  -  187. 
His  army  routs  the  French  in  the 
Milanese,  190.  Movements  for 
peace  by  Margaret  of  Austria,  and 
Louise  of  Savoy,  192.  Makes  a 
treaty  with  the  Pope,  192,  193. 
Concludes  a  treaty  with  Francis  at 
Oambray,  193.  Contrast  in  cnar- 
acter  between  him  and  Francis,  194 
-196.  Lands  in  Italy,  199.  His 
reception  in  Barcelona,  200.  Meets 
the  Pope  at  Bologna,  200,  201. 
His  conduct  in  Italy,  201.  Par- 
dons Sforza,  gives  him  possession 
Ci  Milan  and  his  niece  in  marriage, 
202  Re-establishes  Alexander  dc' 
Medici  in  Florence,  203,  204.  Pro- 
claimed king  of  Lombardy  and 
VOL.  ni.  66 


Emperor  of  the  Romans,  204. 
Turns  attention  to  the  state  of  re- 
ligion in  Germany,  2().'),  206.  His 
interview  with  the  I'ope  concerning 
the  Protestants,  208,  209.  His  en- 
try into  Augsburg,  210.  Efforts  at 
conciliation  without  avail,  211.  Ad- 
vises a  decree  against  the  Protes- 
tants, 212.  Makes  his  brother  Fer- 
dinand king  of  the  Romans,  214- 
216.  Indisposed  to  extii-pate  the 
Protestants,  218.  Comes  to  an 
agreement  with  the  Protestant  prin- 
ces, 218,  219.  Raises  an  army  to 
repel  Solyman,  220.  Forces  hira 
to  retire,  221.  Induces  the  Italian 
states  to  form  a  league  for  their 
defence,  224,  225.  Disbands  his 
forces  in  Italy,  225.  Sails  for 
Spain,  ib.  Francis  endeavors  to 
excite  the  enmity  of  the  Pope 
against  him,  226-228.  Meets  the 
Pope  a  second  time  at  Bologna, 
222.  Urges  him  to  call  a  general 
council,  222,  223.  Undertakes  to 
restore  Muley-IIascen  to  the  throne 
of  Tunis,  258.  Heads  the  expedi- 
tion, 259,  Reduces  the  Goletta, 
260,   261.      Conquers   Barbarossa, 

263.  His  troops  plunder  the  city, 

264.  Imposes  a  treaty  upon  Mu- 
le^'-Hascen,  265,  266.  The  fame 
of  the  Emperor  from  this  undertak- 
ing, 267.  The  Duke  of  Savoy  ap- 
plies to  him  for  aid,  280.  Takes 
possession  of  Milan  upon  the  death 
of  Sforza,  281.  His  duplicity  to- 
wards Francis  concerning  Milan, 
282.  Prepares  for  war,  283. 
Makes  an  harangue  against  Fran- 
cis at  Rome,  284-287.  Com- 
mencement of  hostilities,  289.  He 
is  aided  by  the  treason  of  Saluces, 
291,  292.  Invades  France,  294; 
Baffled  by  the  cautious  policy  of 
the  French,  295  -  298.  His  retreat, 
299.  Proclamation  against  him  by 
Francis,  303.  A  truce  agreed  upon^ 


522 


INDEX. 


304,  305,  308.  The  Sultan  joins 
FirtHfii  againftt  him,  306,  307. 
The  Pope  endeavors  to  bring  him 
and  Francis  together,  309.  Invit- 
ed by  Francis  to  visit  him,  311, 
312.  Marries  his  natural  daughter, 
Margaret,  to  the  grandson  of  the 
Pope,  312,  313.  Aids  Cosmo  de' 
Medici  in  his  goveniment  of  Flor- 
ence, 316  Renews  negotiations 
with  Henry  VIII.,  318,  319.  His 
policy  towards  the  German  Protes- 
tants, 319,  320,  324.  His  action 
with  reference  to  the  proposed  coun- 
cil, 320,  321.  Mutiny  in  his  ar- 
mies on  account  of  arrears  of  pay 
due,  326,  327.  The  Cortes  of  Cas- 
tile refuse  to  grant  him  money,  327, 
328.  Dissolves  the  Cortes,  329. 
Depresses  the  nobles,  ib.  His  pru- 
dence or  timidity  towards  the  Duke 
of  Infantado,  330,  331.  The  city 
of  Ghent  refuses  to  pay  its  quota  of 
taxes,  331 .  His  haughty  treatment 
of  the  messengers  from  Ghent,  333. 
Francis  informs  him  of  the  propo- 
sal of  Ghent,  337.  Obtains  per- 
mission to  pass  through  France, 
338,  339.  His  visit  in  Paris,  341. 
Delays  fulfilling  his  promise  to 
Francis  concerning  Milan,  342. 
His  cruel  treatment  o^  the  insur- 
gents in  Ghent,  343.  Refuses  to 
give  Francis  possession  of  Milan, 
344.  Is  present  at  a  discussion  be- 
tween the  Protestants  and  Catho- 
lics in  Germany,  365-369.  His 
reapers  for  lenity  towards  the  Prot- 
estants, 370,  371.  Makes  conees- 
gions  to  the  Protestants,  376.  Con- 
fers with  the  Pope  concerning  the 
religious  difficulties  in  Germany,  ib. 
Is  unwilling  to  attempt  the  recov- 
ery of  Hungary,  376,  378,  379. 
Raises  an  expedition  against  the 
pirates  of  Algiers,  377-379.  Is 
advised  by  Doria  not  to  set  sail  in 
the  stormy  season,  380.     The  army 


upon  landing  is  exposed  to  a  fart 
ous  tempe.'  -,  381 .  Most  of  his  tieet 
destroyed  382, 383.  Marches  with 
his  shattered  forces  to  Metafuz,  384, 
385.  Reaches  Spain,  386.  Fran- 
cis meditates  renewal  of  hostilities 
against  him,  387 ;  but  is  unable  to 
procure  active  allies  save  Denmark 
and  Sweden,  391,  392.  Marquis 
del  Guasto,  governor  of  Milan, 
murders  two  ambassadors  of  Fran- 
cis, 389,  390.  Francis  demands 
redress,  390.  Francis  equips  five 
armies  against  him,  393.  Opera- 
tions in  Roussillon,  394, 395.  Bor- 
roAvs  money  of  John,  king  of  Por- 
tugal, and  ])ledges  to  him  the  Mo- 
lucca isles,  ;;96.  Contracts  for  the 
marriage  ol"  his  son  Philip  with 
Mary,  daughter  of  John,  396,  397. 
Sails  to  Italy,  397.  Conference 
witli  the  Pope,  ib.  Withdraws  his 
forces  from  Florence,  398.  Makes 
a  league  with  Henry  VIII.,  ib.  In- 
vades the  duchy  of  Cleves  and 
humbles  the  duke,  403-405.  Be- 
sieges Landrecy,  but  is  forced  to 
retire,  405,  406.  His  troops  march 
to  the  relief  of  Kice,  besieged  by 
the  French  and  Turks,  407.  His 
personal  animosity  towards  Fran- 
cis, 408.  He  endeavors  to  rouse 
the  German  princes  against  Fran- 
cis, 408,  409.  His  concessions  in 
fivor  of  the  Protestants,  413,  418. 
Holds  a  diet  at  Spires,  414.  He 
courts  the  chiefs  of  the  Protestant 
party,  415.  Demands  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Gei-man  princes  against 
Francis  and  the  Turks,  416,  417. 
War  declared  against  Francis  in 
the  name  of  the  empire,  418.  Se- 
cures the  alliance  of  Denmark  and 
England,  419.  His  army  under 
Del  Guasto  defeated  at  Ccrisoles, 
422  -  424.  Takes  the  field  against 
France,  425.  Besieges  St.  Disier, 
426.     Want  of  harmony  in  actioo 


INDEX. 


523 


Hetween  him  and  his  ally,  Henry 
VIII.,  427.  Gains  St.  Disier  by 
a  stratagem,  428.  Overtures  made 
for  peace,  429.  Advances  towards 
Paris,  430.  Demands  of  Henry 
VIII.  'JO  fulfil  his  agreement,  ib. 
Makes  a  treaty  with  Francis,  432. 
His  motives  for  making  peace,  433, 
434,  43.5.'  The  Pope  remonstrates 
against  his  course  towards  the 
Protestants,  433.  His  skill  in 
adapting  his  treaty  with  Francis 
to  his  circumstances,  436.  Prom- 
ises Ferdinand's  do.ughter  in  mar- 
riage to  the  Duke  of  Orleaus, 
438.  Has  the  gout,  ib.  Designs 
to  humble  the  Protestant  party 
of  Germany,  439.  Favors  the 
meeting  of  the  council  at  Trent, 

440.  Makes  pacific  overtures  to 
the  Porte,  439,  440,  447.  The 
diet  at  Worms,  440.  His  al- 
tered conduct  to  the  Protestants, 

441,  442.  Arrives  at  Worms,  443. 
Postpones  the  settlement  of  the  dif- 
ficulty, 445.  Summons  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  to  trial  for  here- 
sy, 446.  Persecutes  the  Lutherans 
in  Netherlands,  447.  Is  freed  from 
his  engagement  to  Francis  by  the 
death  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  447. 
Declines  remodelling  the  treaty  of 
Crespy,  448.  Refuses  to  confirm 
the  investiture  of  Parma,  &c.  grant- 
ed by  Pope  Paul  III.  to  his  son, 
Peter  Lewis,  449.  His  conduct  re- 
specting the  Council  of  Trent,  452, 
453.  Apprehensions  of  the  Prot- 
estants as  to  his  intentions,  454, 
455.  Concludes  a  treaty  with  Soly- 
man,  470.  Counts  upon  divisions 
among  the  German  princes,  471. 
Opens  the  diet  at  Ratisbon,  472. 
His  dissimulation  towards  the  Prot- 
estants, 472,  475.  Makes  a  treaty 
with  the  Pope  to  suppress  them, 
476.  His  artful  circular  to  the 
German  princes,  477,     The  Pope 

7 


publishes  the  terms  of  the  treaty, 
479.  His  duplicity,  479,  480.  The 
Protestant  confederates  endeavor  t«5 
procure  aid  against  him,  481  -484. 
The  confederates  raise  an  army 
against  him,  485,  486.  They  pub- 
lish an  appeal  to  him,  488.  He 
pronounces  against  them  the  ban 
of  the  empire,  488,  489.  Marches 
from  Ratisbon  and  joins  the  Pope's 
forces,  493,  494.  Takes  a  fortified 
position  at  Ingoldstadt,  495.  Re- 
fuses to  leave  the  trenches  to  give 
battle,  497.  Receives  a  reinforce- 
ment from  Netherlands,  499.  Ne- 
cessities of  his  army,  500.  Makes 
a  treaty  with  Maurice  of  Saxony, 
502.  The  army  of  the  league  of 
Smalkalde  is  divided,  508-510. 
He  pursues  his  advantage,  511, 
512.  Dismisses  his  Flemish  troops, 
516.  The  Pope  recalls  his  own 
troops,  516.  Is  prevented  from  in- 
vading Saxony  by  the  insurrection 
in  Genoa,  518.  Is  sent  for  to  at- 
tack Jerome  Fiesco,  533.  Francis 
endeavors  to  form  alliances  against 
him,  536  -  540.  Relieved  from  ap- 
prehension of  the  combination 
against  him  by  the  death  of  Fran- 
cis, 541  Contrast  between  his 
character,  talents,  and  government, 
and  those  of  his  rival,  Francis,  541 
-  545.  Marches  against  the  Elector 
of  Saxony,  546.  Takes  him  pris 
oner,  552.  His  treatment  of  the 
Elector,  553.  Tries  him  before  a 
court-martial,  556.  Attempts  to 
capture  Wittemberg,  555.  Agrees 
to  spare  the  life  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony  upon  conditions,  559,  560. 
Comes  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Landgrave,  561  -  566.  His  severe 
and  unjust  treatment  of  the  Land- 
grave, 565-567.  Detains  the  Land- 
grave a  prisoner  568.  Refuses  to 
listen  to  advice,  570.  571.  Takes 
vengeance  upon  all  the  members  of 
2Y 


524 


INDEX. 


the  Smalkaldic  league,  573.  Treats 
the  Germans  as  a  conquered  people, 
573.  Holds  a  diet  at  Augsburg, 
576.  Ee-establishes  the  Roman 
worship  by  force,  577.  The  gen- 
eral council  removes  to  Bologna, 
causing  a  schism,  579.  The  pi'el- 
ates  in  the  Emperor's  interest  re- 
main at  Trent,  ib.  His  officers  are 
concerned  in  the  overthrow  of  Pe- 
ter Lewis  Farnese  of  Placentia,  580. 
He  seizes  and  refuses  to  give  up 
Placentia,  582,  583.  His  adroit 
management  in  securing  a  union 
among  the  German  ecclesiastics, 
585,  586.  Demands  of  the  Pope 
that  the  council  should  return  to 
Trent,  587.  Protests  against  the 
legality  of  the  session  at  Bologna, 
588.  Appoints  divines  to  prepare 
a  system  of  doctrine,  589,  590.  En- 
forces the  Interim  as  a  decree  of  the 
empire,  591.  Is  unable  to  induce 
the  captive  Elector  of  Saxony  to 
approve  the  Interim,  597.  Subverts 
the  free  governments  of  Augsburg, 
Ulm,  and  other  cities,  599,  600. 
The  Pope  dismisses  the  Council  of 
Bologna,  601.  Charles  orders  his 
prelates  to  remain  at  Trent,  602. 
Receives  a  visit  from  his  son  Philip 
at  Brassels,  602-604.  Enforces 
the  Interim,  in  the  Geraian  cities, 
604.  Gives  his  daughter  Mary  in 
marriage  to  Maximilian,  son  of  Fer- 
dinand, 603.  Calls  a  diet  at  Augs- 
burg, 1 1 1 . 1 1 .  His  measures  against 
the  GeiTnan  Protestants  are  met  by 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  12-17.  Mau- 
rice deceives  him  by  his  menaces 
towards  Magdeburg,  19.  Deter- 
mines to  reduce  Magdeburg,  20. 
Appoints  Maurice  to  command  the 
army  against  the  city,  21.  Ap- 
proves the  Council  at  Trent,  22. 
Is  solicited  anew  to  give  tlie  Land- 
grave his  liberty,  23.  Absolves 
Maurice  and  the  Elector  of  Branden- 


burg from  their  engagements  to  the 
Landgrave,  ib.  His  schemes  for 
procuring  the  succession  for  Philip, 
25.  Intoxicating  influence  of  sue 
cess  upon  his  mind,  25.  Endeavors 
to  induce  his  brother  Ferdinand  to 
renounce  his  claim  to  the  succession 
in  the  empire,  26,  27.  Proposes  his 
son  Philip  to  the  electors,  28.  His 
schemes  frustrated,  29,  30.  The 
Pope  obtains  his  assistance  against 
Octavio  Farnese,  governor  of  Par- 
ma, 33,  34.  Endeavors  to  sustain 
the  authority  of  the  Council  of 
Trent,  35,  36.  Takes  severe  meas- 
ures against  the  Protestants,  36,  37. 
Takes  up  his  residence  at  Inspruck, 
37.  The  city  of  Magdeburg,  in- 
vested by  his  troops,  surrenders  to 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  40.  Maurice, 
though  scheming  against  the  Em- 
peror, manages  to  amuse  him,  41  - 
45.  His  attention  occupied  by  the 
proceedings  of  the  Council  of  Trent, 
45,  46.  Maurice  of  Saxony  enga- 
ges Henry  II.  of  France  in  a  league 
against  him,  54,  55.  Maurice  makes 
a  foiTnal  demand  for  the  liberation 
of  the  Landgrave,  57.  The  Emper- 
or's suspicions  lulled  by  Maurice, 
59.  Granvelle,  his  minister,  bribes 
the  ministers  of  Mamice,  but  to  no 
pui-pose,  62,  63.  Maurice  publishes 
a  manifesto,  and  takes  the  ficdd 
against  him,  63,  64,  His  unpro- 
tected position  and  lack  of  resources, 
66,  67.  Attempts  to  negotiate,  67. 
Hearing  of  Maurice's  approach,  he 
flies  fi-om  Inspruck,  72.  Sets  free 
the  captive  Elector  of  Saxony,  73 
Ferdinand  in  his  name  meets  the 
German  princes  at  Passau,  81 
Ferdinand  urges  him  to  come  to 
terms  with  Maurice,  85.  The  Em- 
peror refuses,  87.  Maurice  renews 
hostilities,  88.  Ferdinand  persuades 
him  to  make  concessions,  88.  Peace 
agreed  upon  at  Passau.  90.     At 


INDEX. 


525 


tempts  to  t^gain  possession  of  the 
towns  conquered  by  Henry,  98,  99. 
He  falls  upon  Metz,  100.  His  van- 
guard routed  by  a  sally  from  the 
city,  104,  Albert  of  Brandenburg 
becomes  an  ally  in  the  siege,  104, 
105.  Sufferings  of  his  troops,  106. 
He  raises  the  siege,  108.  Generos- 
ity of  the  Duke  of  Guise  to  his  sick 
and  wounded  troops,  109.  Bor- 
rows money  of  Cosmo  de'  Medici, 
110.  He  loses  Siena,  111,  112. 
Retires  into  Netherlands,  114.  His 
army  takes  Terouenne  and  Hesden, 
122.  His  losses  in  Italy,  123, 12.4. 
Proposes  his  son  Philip  as  a  hus- 
band to  Mary  of  England,  136, 137. 
The  negotiations,  139.  The  nup- 
tials, 141 .  Keeps  an  army  in  Flan- 
ders to  support  his  son,  142.  Eng- 
land refuses  to  assist  him  against 
France,  144.  Henry  commences  a 
campaign  against  him  in  Nether- 
lands, 145,  146.  Battle  at  Renti, 
147, 148.  Agreement  with  Cosmo 
de'  Medici,  150.  Who  dislodges 
the  French  from  Siena,  151-158. 
The  Emperor  takes  possession  of 
Siena,  violating  the  terms  of  ca- 
pitulation, 158, 1 59.  Persuaded  by 
Ruy  de  Gomez  de  Silva  to  name 
his  rival,  the  Duke  of  Alva,  as  com- 
mander in  Piedmont,  160.  Alva 
fails  to  satisfy  the  Emperor's  expec- 
tations in  the  campaign,  161.  Plot 
of  a  Franciscan  to  deliver  Metz  to 
the  imperial  troops  discovered  and 
frustrated,  162  -  165.  His  plenipo- 
tentiaries attend  a  peace  conference 
called  at  the  instance  of  Cardinal 
Pole,  166,  167.  He  summons  a 
diet  to  meet  at  Augsburg,  168. 
Resumes  his  plan  for  procuring 
the  succession  for  Philip,  172.  The 
antipathy  of  Pope  Paul  TV.  and  his 
nephews  against  him,  188.  The 
Pope  proposes  to  Henry  of  France 
an  alliance  against  him,  190.     Re- 


signs his  hereditary  dominions  to 
his  son  Philip,  195.  The  reasons 
which  moved  him  to  the  step,  I9r. 
- 198.  The  ceremony  of  the  resig 
nation,  201  -  206.  Reser%'es  a  pen- 
sion for  himself,  206.  His  last  un- 
successful attempt  to  procure  the 
succession  of  the  empire  for  Philip, 
222.  Resigns  the  government  ot 
the  empire  to  Ferdinand,  223.  Sets 
sail  for  Spain,  223,  224.  Takes  up 
his  abode  at  the  monastery  of  St 
Justus,  or  Yuste,  226,  227.  Per- 
suades Philip  to  agree  to  a  truce 
with  France,  208.  His  resignation 
accepted  by  the  electors,  258,  259. 
His  amusements  at  St.  Justus,  271 
-273.  His  penances,  274,  275. 
His  death,  276.  His  characteris- 
tics, 276  et  seq.  Comparison  be- 
tween him  and  his  rivals  Francis 
I.  and  Henry  VIH.,  277  -  280.  A 
view  of  his  acquisitions  as  trans- 
mitted to  Philip,  295  -  298.  Orders 
a  mansion  to  be  erected  at  Yuste, 
335.  His  departure  from  Brussels 
for  Spain,  335,  336.  His  house- 
hold, 337.  Meets  his  son  Philip, 
lb.  Lands  in  Spain,  339.  His 
disappointment  at  his  reception, 
340,  341 .  Forms  the  design  of  ab- 
dicating the  throne  years  before  he 
accomplishes  it,  331,  332.  Choice 
of  Yuste  for  a  residence,  334.  In- 
ti-usts  Quixada  with  the  care  of  his 
illegitimate  son,  Don  John  of  Aus- 
tria, 343.  Makes  him  his  major- 
domo,  344.  His  reception  at  Bur- 
gos on  his  way  to  Yuste,  346.  His 
meeting  with  his  grandson,  Don 
Carlos,  348.  His  stay  at  Valla- 
dolid,  349,  350.  His  quarters  with 
Rodrigo  de  Duenas,  353.  His  stay 
with  Count  Onpesa,  356.  Prep- 
ai-ations  for  him  at  Yuste,  358,  359 
His  interest  in  Philip's  war  against 
Pope  Paul  IV,,  360,  361 .  His  vis. 
itors,  362  -  366.    His  inordinate  ap- 


526 


INDEX. 


petite,  367-371.  Ilis  consequent 
gout,  372,  373,  His  narrow  re- 
sources, 374.  Reduction  of  his 
household,  375,  376.  His  recep- 
tion at  Yuste,  377,  378.  The  style 
of  his  residence,  379-382.  His 
wardrobe,  &c.,  383-385.  His  su- 
perstition, 386.  His  connoisseur- 
ship  in  paintings,  and  patronage  of 
Titian,  387,  3S8.  His  Ubrary,  389, 
390.  His  mode  of  rewarding  his 
chamberlain,  Van  Male,  392,  393. 
The  character  and  expenses  of  his 
household  at  Yuste,  394  -  396  His 
habits,  397  -  404.  His  deference  to 
his  confessor,  399.  His  attention 
to  mechanism,  400-402.  His  at- 
tention to  music,  402,  403,  and  to 
church  ceremonies,  &c.,  406-410. 
His  "profession"  at  Yuste,  410. 
His  health,  413.  His  amusements, 
416-418.  The  eiToncous  opinions 
prevalent  concerning  his  interest  in 
public  affairs,  420,  421 .  Philip  II. 
sends  Ruy  Gomez  to  confer  ^vith 
him,  422,  423.  He  promises  to 
assist  Philip  in  financial  matters, 
423,  424.  His  rage  at  the  abstrac- 
tion of  the  bullion  from  the  public 
store,  425,  426.  His  rejoicing  over 
the  victory  at  St.  Quentin,  427.  Is 
overwhelmed  with  applicants  for 
his  influence  and  aid,  429.  His 
attentions  to  Sepulveda  the  histo- 
rian, 429  -  432.  His  freedom  from 
vanity  illustrated,  431-433.  His 
anxiety  to  hear  from  Philip,  434 
The  public  expectation  as  to  his 
leaving  Yuste  for  active  life,  434. 
Quiets  his  conscience  as  to  Na- 
varre, 435.  His  regret  at  the  un- 
equal terms  of  Philip's  treaty  witli 
Pope  Paul  IV  ,  439,  440.  His  an- 
noyances from  his  neighbors  at 
Cuacos,  441,  442.  Instances  of 
his  lenity,  442,  443.  His  inter- 
ference to  prevent  his  danahtcr 
Joanna's  making  claim  to  the  re- 


gency of  Portugal,  443, 444.  Sends 
an  envoy  to  make  claim  for  Don 
Carlos,  444,  445.  Receives  a  visit 
from  his  sisters,  449,  450.  His 
feelings  upon  the  news  of  the  fall 
of  Calais,  456.  Death  of  his  sister, 
the  queen  of  France,  457.  His 
affliction,  458.  Receives  a  second 
visit  from  his  sister  Mary,  459. 
His  movements  against  the  Prot- 
estants, 458,  459,  466.  Receives 
the  news  of  the  acceptance  of  his 
resignation  of  the  empire,  461.  His 
renunciation  of  the  honors  of  sov- 
ereignty, 462.  His  alarm  at  the 
spread  of  the  Protestant  doctrines^ 
463.  His  intolerant  bigotry,  465. 
Confesses  to  having  written  his 
autobiography,  446,  447.  The  me- 
moirs destroyed  or  lost,  448,  449. 
His  ill  health,  467, 468.  Celebrates 
his  own  obsequies,  469,  470.  The 
Jeronymite  account  of  the  com- 
mencement of  his  fatal  illness,  472, 
473,478.  Makes  a  codicil  to  his 
will,  480,  481.  Pensions  his  at- 
tendants, ib.  His  bitter  intolerance 
towards  Luther  and  the  heretics, 

482.  Provides  for  his  burial-place, 

483.  Progress  of  the  disorder,  485. 
Extreme  unction,  486.  His  inter- 
A^ew  with  Quixada,  487.  Receives 
thesacrament,  488,  489.  Attended 
by  Carranza,  and  by  Villalva,  490 
491,  His  death.  493.  The  ap- 
pearance of  his  body  after  death, 
494.  The  funeral  obsequies,  495 
-497.  The  Regent  Joanna  claims 
his  personal  effects,  498,  499  His 
obsequies  also  celebrated  at  Valla- 
dolid  and  elsewhere,  500.  The 
impression  produced  by  his  death, 
ib.  The  funeral  ceremonies  at 
Brussels,  501,  502,  His  remains 
removed  to  the  Escorial,  504-506. 

Charles  VII.  of  France,  his  standing 
army,  i.  109.  His  power,  llJL 
113. 


INDEX. 


52" 


Charles  VIII  of  France,  his  expe- 
dition into  Italy,  i.  125  - 130.  Cost 
of  his  Italian  campaign,  135,  136. 

Charles,  Count  d'Anjou,  i.  117,  126. 
Conquers  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
and  Sicily,  161. 

Charles  the'SoId,  i.  117,  121. 

Charles,  Duke  of  Orleans,  claims  the 
duchy  of  Milan,  i.  164. 

Charles,  Duke  of  Savoy,  his  relations 
with  Francis,  ii.  275,  276.  Loss 
of  his  territories,  310,  311. 

Charters  of  immunity  granted  by  the 
king  and  nobles  in  France,  i.  280- 
288. 

Cheregato,  nuncio  of  the  Pope  to  the 
diet  of  Nuremburg,  ii.  66. 

Chievres,  William  de  Croy,  lord  of, 
appointed  governor  of  Charles  V. 
in  his  minority,  i.  452.  He  ap- 
points Adrian  of  Utrecht  preceptor, 
453.  His  avarice,  471,  472.  His 
policy,  473.  His  ascendency  over 
Charies,  480.  His  rapacity,  481. 
Charles  conceals  his  treaty  with 
Pope  Leo  from,  589.  Chagrin 
and  death  of,  590. 

Chivalry,  influence  of  the  spirit  of,  i. 
80-84. 

Cities,  grants  of  municipal  jurisdic- 
tion to,  I.  35-38.  Inhabitants  of, 
acquire  liberty  and  power,  42.  Be- 
come entitled  to  representation,  43. 
Growth  of  privileges  of,  276  -  293. 

Civil  Law,  the,  i.  76-80. 

Clement  VII.  chosen  Pope,  ii.  54. 
Kefuses  to  join  the  league  against 
France,  and  endeavors  to  make 
peace,  59.  His  character  and  pol- 
icy, 71,  72.  Sends  a  nuncio  to  the 
diet  at  Nuremburg,  exhorting  them 
to  execute  their  decree  against  Lu- 
ther, 72.  But  without  success,  73. 
Jealous  of  the  Emperor,  he  makes 
a  treaty  of  neutrality  with  Francis, 
85.  Makes  a  treaty  with  Lannoy, 
advancing  money  to  Charles,  98. 
Which   treaty  Charles  refused    to 


ratify,  99.  Joins  the  league  against 
Charies,  136,  137.  Absolves  Fran- 
cis from  his  oath  to  Charles,  137. 
Complains  of  the  inacti^'ity  of  Fran- 
cis, 143.  Is  surprised  by  Cardinal 
Colonna,  and  forced  to  submit  to 
terms  from  the  Emperor,  144,  145. 
His  vengeance  upon  Colonna,  149. 
Attacks  Naples,  149.  Makes  a 
treaty  with  Lannoy,  152.  Which 
Bourbon  refuses  to  be  bound  by, 
154.  Defence  of  Rome  against 
Bourbon,  156.  The  taking  and 
sack  of  the  city,  158-160.  Re- 
tires to  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo, 

159.  D'Urbino  refuses  to  aid  him, 

160,  161.  Capitulates  with  humili- 
ating conditions,  161.  Is  detained 
a  prisoner,  ih.  Charles  appeals  from 
him  to  a  general  council,  165.  In- 
dignation throughout  Europe  at  his 
capture,  166,  167.  League  for  his 
deliverance,  167,  168.  Florence 
throws  off  his  authority,  and  Ven- 
ice seizes  Ravenna  while  he  is  a 
captive,  169.  Lautrec  advances  to 
his  aid,  172,  173.  Agrees  to  pay 
an  exorbitant  ransom,  174,  175. 
Makes  his  escape,  175.  His  want 
of  good  faith  towards  his  allies, 
182.  Makes  a  treaty  with  the  em- 
peror, 192,  193.  His  desire  to  sup- 
press the  Protestants  in  Germany, 
208,  209.  Meets  Charles  a  second 
time  at  Bologna,  222.  Is  averse  to 
calling  a  general  council,  223.  De- 
lays decision  of  the  suit  of  Henry 
VIII.  for  a  divorce,  229,  230.  Ex- 
communicates him  for  marrying 
Anne  Boleyn,  230.  His  death, 
231, 

Clergy,  scandalous  lives  of  the,  i.  555 
-  559.  Their  encroachments  upon 
the  rights  of  others,  559  -  566. 
Their  assumption  of  temporal  pow- 
er, 560.  Tenure  of  lands  by  the, 
561. 

Cleves,  the  Duke  of,  his  dominions 
2V2 


528 


INDEX. 


invaded  by  Charles  ;  his  humilia- 
tion, II.  403-405.  Marries  a 
daughter  of  Ferdinand,  405. 

Clotaire  I.,  instance  of  the  small  au- 
thority he  had  over  his  army,  i. 
386. 

Clovis,  King,  asks  in  vain  for  a  vase, 
which  his  army  had  plundered  from 
a  church,  i.  242. 

Ciiipperdoling,  a  follower  of  Matthi- 
as, II.  236.  Made  consul  at  Mun- 
ster,  237.  Deposed  by  Jolm,  239. 
Made  governor  of  the  city,  240. 
Taken  prisoner,  245. 

Coligny,  the  Admiral,  endeavors  to 
save  St.  Quentin,  iii.  236  et  seq. 
His  courage  and  conduct,  243. 
Taken  prisoner,  244. 

Colleges,  first  establishment  of,  in 
Europe,  i.  352. 

Colonna,  Prosper,  general  of  the  Pa- 
pal ti'oops  against  DeFoix,  i.  603. 
Becomes  master  of  Genoa,  612. 
Defends  Milan,  ii.  53,  54. 

Colonna,  Cardinal  Pompeo,  at  the 
instigation  of  Charles,  surprises 
and  captures  the  Pope,  ii.  1-14,  145. 
The  ambassador  of  the  Emperor, 
having  gained  his  ends,  neglects 
Colonna,  146.  The  vengeance  of 
Pope  Clement,  149.  Is  gained 
over  by  the  Pope,  174. 

Columbus,  the  discoveries  of,  i. 
429. 

Commerce,  influence  of  the  progress 
of,  I.  89,  90,  95.  A  consequence 
of  the  Crusades,  91.  Kise  and 
progress  of  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
353-367. 

Communities.  See  Municipal  Insti- 
tutions. 

Comnena,  Anna,  her  character  of  the 
Crusaders,  i.  273. 

Compass,  the  invention  of  the  mari- 
ner's, I.  92. 

Composition  for  crimes,  price  of,  i. 
558. 


Compurgators,  i.  57. 

Conchillos,  employed  by  Ferdinand 
of  Aragon,  i.  437. 

Condottieri,  the,  i.  155. 

Confession  of  Augsburg,  drawn  up 
by  Melancthon,  ii.  211. 

Conrad,  the  Emperor,  i.  160. 

Conrad  of  Franconia  elected  Emper- 
or of  Germany,  i.  201. 

Conradin,  prince  of  the  house  of  Swa- 
bia,  I.  161. 

Constance,  the  city  of,  compelled  to 
give  adherence  to  tlie  Interim,  ii. 
604. 

Constantinople,  its  magnificence  un- 
der the  Greek  emperors,  i.  273- 
275. 

Cordova,  Gonsalvo  de,  t?ie  great  cap- 
tain, I.  163.  Jealousy  entertained 
by  Ferdinand  towards,  446,  447. 

Cornelius,  Dr.,  consulting  physician 
to  Charles  V.,  in.  479,  480. 

Corsairs.     See  Algiers,  Barbarossa. 

Cortes.     See  Aragon,  Castile,  Spain. 

Cosmo,  the  first,  i.  158. 

Courts,  Baronial,  right  of  appeal 
fi'om,  I.  66.  A  source  of  revenue, 
68. 

Courts,  Ecclesiastical,  rise  and  growth 
of,  I.  72-76. 

Cranmer,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, annuls  the  marriage  of  Hen- 
ry VIII.  with  Catherine  of  Aragon, 
II.  229. 

Croy,  William  de.  See  Chidvres  and 
De  Croy. 

Crusaders,  sale  of  individual  property 
by,  I.  32. 

Crasades,  the,  i.  25.  Their  efiects 
upon  Europe,  31  -35.  Commerce 
a  consequence  of  the,  91,  92.  Notes 
upon  the,  267  -  272.  Frenzy  of 
those  engaged  in  the,  268,  269. 
Privileges  granted  to  those  engaged 
in  the,  269.  Historians  of  the,  270, 
271.  Expenses  of,  how  defrayed, 
271,  272. 


INDEX. 


529 


D'Albret,  Henry,  king  of  Navarre, 
taken  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Pa- 
via,  II.  91. 
D'AIbret,  John,  expelled  from  Na- 
van-e,  and  his  dominions  annexed 
to  Castile,  i.  449.  Invades  Na- 
varre to  regain  possession,  but  is 
defeated  by  Ximenes,  470.  His 
demand  for  Navai-re  according  to 
the  treaty  of  Noyon  is  denied  by 
Charles  V.,  484. 
D'Alenqon,  Duke,  commander  of  the 

French  amiy,  i.  596. 
Danes,  their  wealth  derived  from  the 

fisheries,  i,  36.5. 
"Dark  Ages,"  the,  i.  23,  24. 
Dauphin   of   France,   eldest  son   of 
Francis  I.  delivered  to  Charles  as 
a  hostage,  ii.  117.     His  death  im- 
puted to  poison,  300. 
Dauphin,  late  Dake  of  Orleans,  sec- 
ond son  of  Francis  I ,  commands 
an   army   and   invades   Spain,  ii. 
393.      Relinquishes   the    siege    of 
Perpignan,  395.     Secretly  protests 
against  the  treaty  of  Crespy,  437, 
438. 
Dauphin,  son  of  Henry  II.,  married 
to  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  iii.  261  - 
263. 
De     Croy,     William,     nephew     of 
Chievres,  made  Archbishop  of  To- 
ledo by  Charles  V.,  i.  482.     The 
indignation   of   the    Spaniards   at 
the   appointment,  ib.      His  death, 
II.  35. 
D'Enguien,    Count,    commander    of 
the  forces  of  France  against  Pied- 
mont, II.  421.     Obtahis  peraiission 
to  -isk  a  general  engagement,  421, 
422.     Victory  of  Ccrisoles,  422- 
424. 
Denia,  the  Marquis  of,  remains  faith- 
ful to  Ferdinand,  i.  437. 
Denmark,  the  king  makes  an  alliance 
with  Francis  I.,  ii.  392.     Francis 
VOL.  III.  6V 


proposes  a  league  agamst  the  Em- 
peror, 537.     State  of,  iii.  322,  323. 

De  Retz,  writes  a  history  of  the  con- 
spiracy of  Fiesco,  II.  532,  yiote. 

De  Wied,  Count  Herman,  Archbish- 
op of  Cologne,  becoming  a  Re- 
former, is  summoned  to  trial  by 
Charles,  ii.  445,  446.  Excommu- 
nicated by  the  Pope,  468.  Resigns 
his  see,  514. 

Diana  of  Poitiers,  mistress  to  Henry 
II.,  aids  in  persuading  him  to  make 
an  alliance  with  Paul  IV.  against 
the  Emperor,  iii.  192.  Induces 
Henry  to  break  the  ti-eaty  of  Vau- 
celles,  215.  Marries  her  grand- 
daughter to  one  of  Montmorency's 
sons,  269. 

Diet  of  Germany,  account  of  the  rise 
of,  I.  411. 

Doria,  Andrew,  the  admiral,  aids  in 
the  taking  of  Genoa,  ii.  172. 
Blockades  the  harbor  of  Naples, 
181.  His  galleys  defeat  the  Span- 
ish under  Moncada,  182.  The 
insults  offered  him  by  the  French 
ministers,  184.  He  eludes  Barbe- 
sieux,  185.  Renounces  the  French 
and  enlists  in  the  service  of  the  Em- 
peror, ib.  Frees  Genoa  from  the 
rule  of  the  French,  187,  188.  His 
magnanimity,  188,  189.  Admiral 
of  the  fleet  sent  to  reduce  Tunis, 
259.  Forces  Barbarossa  to  retire 
from  the  coast  of  Naples,  307.  Ad- 
vises Charles  not  to  set  sail  for  Al- 
giers at  the  stormy  season,  379. 
His  ships  shattered,  and  manj  lost 
in  a  tempest,  382,  383.  Sails  for 
Cape  Metafuz,  384.  His  partiality 
for  his  grand-nephew,  Giannetino, 
519.  A  conspiracy  under  Fiesco 
to  destroy  him  and  his  grand-neph- 
ew, and  overthrow  the  government 
of  Genoa,  520-534.  His  foitu- 
nate  escape,  529.  Returns  to  the 
city  and  assumes  the  government, 
532.      Sends  to  the  Emperor  r» 


630 


INDEX. 


aid  against  Jerome  Fiesco,  533. 
Commands  the  galleys  to  escort 
Philip  in  liis  tour  northward,  603. 

Poria,  Giannetino,  designed  by  his 
great-uncle,  Andrew,  to  succeed 
him  in  the  government  of  Genoa, 
II.  519.  Slain  in  the  insuiTCction 
under  Fiesco,  529. 

Duelling,  influence  of  the  challenge 
between  Charles  V.  and  Francis 
in  promoting  the  practice,  ii.  179, 
180. 

Duefias,  Rodrigo  de,  entertains  the 
Emperor,  iii.  353. 

Du  Prat,  counsellor  at  law  for  Lou- 
ise mother  of  Francis,  ii.  49. 

D'Urbino,  Duke,  commander  of  the 
Italian  forces,  marches  to  the  relief 
of  Rome,  ii.  160.    But  retires,  161. 


E. 


Eccius,  holds  a  debate  with  Luther, 
I.  544.  Holds  a  debate  with  Me- 
lancthon,  ii.  366. 

Ecclesiastical  Courts,  rise  and  growth 
of,  I.  72-76. 

Ecclesiastics,  when  and  by  what 
means  they  acquired  exemption 
from  the  civil  power,  i.  340,  341. 
Frequently  renowned  in  arms,  348. 

Edinburgh  plundered  and  burnt  by 
the  Earl  of  Hertford,  ii.  427. 

Edward  HI.  of  England,  attempts  to 
establish  manufactures  and  com- 
merce, I.  94,  95. 

Edward  VI.  of  England,  Maurice 
asks  him  for  aid  against  the  Em- 
peror, III.  56,  57.  His  illness  and 
death,  135,  136. 

Egmont,  Count,  commands  the  forces 
of  Philip  against  the  French  in 
Netherlands,  in.  264,  265. 

Egypt  added  to  the  Ottoman  Empire, 
I.  488. 

Ehrenberg,  capture  of  the  castle  of, 
by  Maurice  of  Saxony,  in.  70,  71. 


Eignotz,  a  faction  in  Geneva,  ii.  278k 

Eleanora  of  Portugal,  Charles,  Duke 
of  Bourbon,  desires  to  marry  her,  ii. 
114.  Francis  I.  of  France,  while  a 
captive,  offers  to  marry  her,  115. 
Marriage  with  Francis,  120.  Paya 
a  visit  to  her  brother,  the  Emperor, 
at  Yuste,  in.  449,  450.  Her  meet- 
ing with  her  daughter,  the  Infanta, 
451-453.     Her  death,  457. 

Electors  of  Germany,  the  rise  of  their 
privileges,  i.  409. 

Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Henry  II.  of 
France,  promised  in  marriage  to 
Philip,  III.  288,291. 

Elizabeth,  becomes  queen  of  Eng- 
land, III.  281.  Henry  of  France, 
and  Philip  of  Spain,  court  her 
friendship,  281,  282.  Philip  offers 
to  marry  her,  282.  She  evades  the 
offer,  284.  Agrees  to  the  treaty 
with  France  as  to  Calais,  287. 

Emanuel  Phillibert,  of  Savoy.  See 
Savoy. 

Emperors  of  Germany,  note  upon 
their  power,  jurisdiction,  and  rev- 
enue, I.  405.  Mode  of  election 
of,  408. 

England,  its  contests  with  France,  i. 
103.  Cession  of  its  Continental 
possessions  to  France,  106.  Im- 
provement of,  under  the  reign  of 
Henry  VII.,  119,  120.  Vitality 
of  Saxon  institutions  in,  227,  228. 
Ignorance  of  the  clergy  in  the  time 
of  Alfred,  262.  Extinction  of  pri- 
vate wars  in,  314,  315.  Establish- 
ment of  courts  of  justice  in,  339 
Collection  of  legal  rules  and  max- 
ims by  Glanville,  345.  Progress 
of  commerce  in,  366.  Manufac- 
tures in,  367.  Deep  feeling  against 
the  marriage  of  Queen  Mary  with 
Philip  of  Spain,  in.  137,  138.  In- 
surrection occasioned  by  it,  140, 
141.  Mary  attempts  to  extirpate 
the  Protestant  religion,  142,  143. 
Its  possessions  in  France  taken  by 


INDEX. 


531 


tho  Duke  of  Guise,  254  -  257. 
Rage  of  the  people  at  the  loss, 
258.     Progress  of,  304-308. 

Enguien,  Count  de,  besieges  Carig- 
nan,  ii.  421.  Defeats  Guasto  in 
battle,  423. 

Erard  de  la  INTark,  ambassador  of 
Charles  V.  to  the  diet  at  Frank- 
fort, I.  498. 

Erasmus,  character  and  influence  of, 
1.  574  -  576.    Censures  Luther,  576. 

Escurial,  build hig  of  the  palace  of 
the,  III.  246.  The  remains  of  the 
royal  family  gathered  by  Philip 
and  entombed  in  the,  504. 

Europe,  con([uest  of,  by  the  Romans, 
1.2.  Civilization  of,  2.  Conquered 
and  colonized  by  the  barbarians,  6 
-13.  Political  condition  of  the 
kingdoms  of,  in  the  beginning  of 
the  fifteenth  century,  99  -  105. 
Commencement  of  the  present  inti- 
mate connection  between  the  king- 
doms of,  105.  Changes  in  the 
state  of,  following  the  marriage  of 
the  heiress  of  Burgundy,  121  -  125. 
Changes  in  policy  and  diplomacy, 
consequent  upon  the  invasion  of 
Italy  by  Charles  VIIL,  130.  State 
of,  daring  the  reign  of  Charles  V., 
III.  292  et  seq. 


F. 


Farnese,  Alexander,  elected  Pope  un- 
der the  name  of  Paul  III.,  ii.  232. 

Farnese,  Cardinal,  accompanies  the 
troops  sent  by  the  Pope  to  the  Em- 
peror against  the  Protestant  league, 
II.  494. 

Farnese,  Octavio,  his  maniage  to  the 
natural  daughter  of  the  Emperor, 

.  II,  312,  313.  The  Pope  solicits  for 
him  the  duchy  of  Milan,  397. 
Commander  of  the  Pope's  forces 
furnished  to  aid  the  Emperor 
againut  the  German  Protestants, 
*94.      Endeavors  to  surpnse  Par- 


ma, but  unsuccessfully,  in.  5 
Makes  overtures  to  the  Emperot. 
ih.  His  preparations  for  the  de- 
fence of  Parma,  31.  The  Pope  re- 
fuses him  aid,  31,  32.  Obtains  an 
alliance  with  Henry  II.  of  France, 
33.  The  Pope,  with  the  Emperor's 
aid,  sends  forces  against  him,  33, 34. 

Farnese,  Peter  Lewis,  governor  of 
Placentia,  his  odious  character,  ii, 
580,  581.  Overpowered  and  slain 
by  a  conspiracy,  581,  582. 

Ferdinand  of  Aragon,  i.  120,  Re- 
acquires Roussillon,  127.  Aids  the 
Italians  against  Charles  VIIL,  129. 
A  party  to  the  league  of  Cambray, 
138.  Combines  with  Louis  XII. 
against  Frederic,  king  of  Naples, 
162.  Obtains  the  kingdom  of  Na- 
ples by  force,  163.  Marriage  of, 
with  Isabella,  170.  Reduces  the 
overgrown  power  of  the  nobles, 
186-188.  Annexes  the  master- 
ships of  the  military  orders  to  the 
crown,  187.  Ascends  the  throne 
of  Aragon,  429.  Appointed  regent 
of  Castile  during  the  minority  of 
Charles,  433.  He  receives  half 
the  revenues  of  the  Indies,  and  the 
masterships  of  the  military  orders, 
ih.  His  character  and  unpopular- 
ity, 434,435.  Employs  his  arts  to 
retain  his  power  as  regent,  437.  Is 
deserted  by  the  Castilian  nobility, 
ib.  Resolves  to  attempt  to  deprive 
his  daughter  Joanna,  and  her  pos- 
terity, of  the  crown  of  Castile,  437, 
438.  Demands  in  marriage  Joan- 
na, supposed  daughter  of  Henry 
IV,  of  Castile,  but  is  repulsed,  438. 
He  marries  a  niece  of  Louis  XIL, 
ib.  Makes  a  treaty  with  Philip, 
440.  Solicits  an  interview  with 
Philip,  441.  Is  compelled  to  re- 
sign the  regency,  ib.  Retires  to 
Aragon,  and  protests  against  the 
treaty,  442.  Absent  at  Naples 
upon    the    death    of   Philip,   446. 


532 


INDEX. 


His  jealousy  of  Gonsalvo  de  Cor- 
dova, ib.  His  claims  to  the  regen- 
cy supported  by  Ximenes,  447. 
Becomes  regent,  448.  His  prudent 
go  'Crnment,  ib.  Makes  additions 
to  Ins  territories,  ib.  Expels  John 
d'Albrct  from  Navarre,  and  seizes 
that  kingdom,  449.  His  jealousy 
of  his  grandson,  Charles,  ib.  His 
desire  for  oiFspring,  in  order  to 
su])plant  Charles,  ib.  The  experi- 
ments of  his  physicians,  449,  450. 
His  will  in  favor  of  Prince  Ferdi- 
nand, 450.  Is  induced  at  last  to 
alter  it  in  favor  of  Charles,  451. 
His  death,  ib.  He  appoints  Xime- 
nes regent,  456. 
Ferdinand,  second  son  of  Philip  and 
Joanna,  birth  of,  i.  432.  Will  in 
favor  of  by  Ferdinand  of  Aragon, 
450.  The  w-ill  altered,  451.  Re- 
moved by  Ximenes  to  Madrid,  460. 
Kaises  forces  for  the  Emperor,  ii. 
146.  Is  elected  King  of  Hungary 
and  Bohemia,  163,  164.  Is  made 
Iving  of  the  Romans,  214-216. 
Grets  possession  of  the  duchy  of 
Wurtemberg,  246.  Is  driven  out, 
247.  Comes  to  an  agreement  with 
the  Elector  of  Saxony,  248.  Makes 
an  agreement  with  John  Zapol  Scae- 
pus  for  the  succession  to  the  throne 
of  Hungaiy,  371  ;  who  afterwards 
marries,  and  breaks  the  treaty,  372. 
Demands  the  kingdom  of  the  re- 
gents, 373.  Raises  an  army  against 
them,  373.  Is  defeated,  374.  Pro- 
poses to  Solyman  to  hold  Hun- 
gary subject  to  tribute,  375.  So- 
lyman threatens  to  drive  him  from 
the  to^vns  he  still  held,  376.  His 
concessions  in  favor  of  the  Prot- 
estants, 413.  Opens  the  diet  at 
Worms,  441.  He  communicates 
the  Emperor's  propositions  to  the 
Gremian  princes,  ib  His  agree- 
ment -wnth  Charles  an^  the  Sultan 
as    to  Hungary,    470       His   ven- 


geance upon  the  association  o( 
Protestants  in  Bohemia,  575.  Ex- 
tends his  prerogative,  and  takes 
away  the  ancient  privileges  of  the 
kingdom,  576.  Declines  giving 
up  his  claim  to  the  succession 
of  the  imperial  crown  in  favor  of 
Philip,  III.  26,  27.  Invited  by 
Martinuzzi,  invades  Transylvania 

48.  Isabella,  queen  of  Hungary 
compelled  to  renounce  in  his  favor 

49.  He  appoints  Martinuzzi  gov 
emor  of  Transylvania,  50.  But 
jealous  of  his  talents  and  influence 
he  procures  his  assassination,  51 
-  53.  Joins  in  the  application  for 
the  liberation  of  the  Landgi-ave  of 
Hesse,  58.  Proposes  negotiation 
to  Maurice  in  behalf  of  the  Em- 
peror, 67,  68.  In  behalf  of  the 
Emperor,  meets  Maurice  at  Pas- 
sau,  81.  His  secret  satisfaction  at 
the  check  to  the  Emperor's  am- 
bition, 85.  Advocates  the  propo- 
sals of  Maurice,  86,  87.  Induces 
the  Emperor  to  come  to  tenns,  88, 
90.  His  troops  being  unpaid,  his 
generals  cannot  oppose  the  return 
of  Isabella  and  her  son  into  Tran^ 
sylvania,  124,  125.  Opens  the  diet 
of  Augsburg  by  a  speech  in  behalf 
of  the  Emperor,  168,  169.  Deter- 
mines to  resist  Charles  in  his  en- 
deavor to  procure  for  Philip  the 
succession  of  the  empire,  172,  173. 
Favors  the  Protestants,  174.  Re- 
fuses the  solicitations  of  Charles 
to  give  up  his  pretensions  to  the 
empire,  222,  223.  Charles  resigns 
the  empire,  and  transfei-s  the  alle- 
giance to  him,  as  King  of  the  Ro- 
mans, 223.  Presents  the  resigna- 
tion of  Charles  V.,  and  is  himself 
chosen  his  successor,  258,  259. 
The  Pope  refuses  to  acknowledge 
him,  259-261.  His  power  and 
aggrandizement,  29S-300. 

Ferdinand  I.  of  Naple.'-,  i.  160. 


INDEX. 


533 


Feudal  system,  the,  i.  15.  Its  effects, 
2] ,  Notes  upon  the  origin  of  the, 
243  -  256.  Distinction  between 
freemen  and  vassals  under  the,  246. 

Fiefs  under  the  feudal  system,  a  his- 
tory of,  I.  243  et  seq. 

Fienne,  John  de,  negotiates  a  treaty 
with  Maurice  for  Henry  II,,  iii.  55. 

Fiesco,  Jerome,  his  blunder  in  the 
insurrection  of  Genoa,  ii.  529-531. 
Captured  and  put  to  death,  540. 

Fiesco,  John  Lewis,  Count  of  La- 
vagna,  his  character,  ii.  520.  Pro- 
poses to  overthrow  the  government 


of  Doria, 


Joins  with  Vcrri- 


na,  lb.  His  studied  dissimulation, 
522,  523.  Makes  known  his  plan 
to  his  followers,  525,  526.  He 
parts  with  his  wife,  527.  He  cap- 
tures the  galleys,  528.  Falls  over- 
board and  is  drowned,  529. 

Fisheries,  sources  of  wealth  to  the 
Danes,  i.  365. 

Fitzstephen,  his  observations  upon 
London  in  the  time  of  Henry  II., 
I.  293. 

Flanders.     See  Netherlands. 

Florence,  i.  128.  A  republic,  144. 
Constitution  of,  158.  Upon  the 
capture  of  Pope  Clement,  the  in- 
habitants throw  off  his  authority 
and  declare  themselves  indepen- 
dent, II.  169.  The  inhabitants 
oppose  the  restoration  of  the  Me- 
dici, 202  -  204.  Its  ruler,  Alexan- 
der de'  Medici,  slain  by  his  kins- 
man, 313,  314.  Cosmo  de'  Medici 
raised  to  power,  314.  Charles  V. 
aids  Cosmo,  and  prevents  the  es- 
tablishment of  the  ancient  republi- 
can government,  316. 

Fonseca,  Antonio  de,  appointed  to 
besiege  Segovia,  ii.  7.  Destroys 
Medina  del  Campo,  8. 

France,  its  contests  with  England,  i. 
103.  Annexation  of  English  Con- 
tinental possessions  to  the  crown 
of,   106.    A   standing  army  estab- 


lished by  Charles  VII.,  109.  Its 
importance  in  consequence.  111. 
Decline  of  the  power  of  the  feudal 
aristocracy  in,  1 1 1  - 11 5.  Growth  of 
the  royal  power  in,  112-114.  Ex- 
pedition of  Charles  VIII.  into  Italy, 
125-130.  Discipline  of  infan- 
try in,  134.  Its  political  condition, 
power  of  its  kings,  etc.  191,  192. 
Power  of  the  nobles  under  the  reign 
of  Hugh  Capet,  1 92.  Power  of  the 
States-General  under  the  descend- 
ants of  Hugh  Capet,  194.  Growth 
of  royal  power  in,  195,  196.  Par 
Hament  of  Paris,  198,  199.  Ten 
ures  of  land  in,  under  the  feudal 
system,  253.  Charters  of  commu- 
nities for  security  of  persons  and 
property,  280-288.  Progress  of 
the  spirit  of  liberty  in,  293-296. 
Prevalence  of  private  wars  in,  310 
-  313.  Establishment  of  fixed 
courts  in,  337,  338.  Collection  of 
laws  under  Charles  VII.,  346. 
The  power  of  its  kings  originally 
limited,  386.  The  Salic  law,  388. 
Its  second  race  of  kings  raised  to 
the  throne  by  election,  391.  Its 
legislative  assemblies  and  govern- 
ment under  the  second  race  of  kings, 
392.  Change  in  its  constitution, 
by  merging  of  legislative  power  in 
the  crown,  and  the  usurpations  of 
the  nobles,  395-399.  Parliament 
of  Paris,  its  origin  and  powers,  399 
-404.  Its  elements  of  strength, 
and  military  spirit,  iii.  300-304. 
Francis  I.  of  France,  claims  and  f  re- 
pares  to  invade  Milan,  i.  166,  167. 
Makes  a  treaty  at  Noyon  with 
Charles  V.,  474.  Demands  that 
Charles  should  restore  Navarre,  ac- 
cording to  the  treaty  of  Noyon,  484. 
Aspires  to  become  emperor  in  place 
of  Maximilian,  deceased,  487.  His 
mode  of  gaining  favor  with  the  Ger- 
man electors,  491.  The  Veiietians 
favor  his  election,  492.    Poje  Lee 


534 


INDEX. 


X.   secretly  opposes  his  election, 
494.       Reasons    for   hostility   be- 
tween   Charles   V.  and,  511,  512. 
Policy  of  the  Pope  between  the  ri- 
vals, 513.     Endeavors  to  gain  the 
favor  of  Henry  VIII.   as   against 
Charles,  514.     His   intrigues  with 
Wolsey,  518.    Meeting  with  Henry, 
521.      Prospects   of    a  war    with 
Charles  V.,    585,   586.     The   ma- 
noeuvres of  Pope  Leo,   586   et  seq. 
Makes  a  treaty  with  Pope  Leo,  588. 
The  Pope  deserts  him  and  joins  his 
rival,   the   Emperor,    589.      Com- 
mences a  war,  in  the  name  of  the 
children  of  D'Albret,  for  the  pos- 
session of  Navarre,  591.      Navarre 
conquered,   592.     Navarre   re-con- 
quered by  the  Spaniards,  593.     By 
his  instigation,  Robert  de  la  Mark 
of  Bouillon   declares  war  against 
Charles,    594.      Charles   chastises 
De  la  Mark,  595.    Henry  VIII.  un- 
dertakes to  mediate,  and  appoints 
Wolsey,   596,  597.     The  congress 
unsuccessful,  598.      A  new  treaty 
against  him  by  Charles  and  Henry, 
598.     The  Pope  Leo  X.  espouses 
the  cause  of  Charles,  602.     Prom- 
ises money  to  aid  Lautrec,  governor 
of  Milan,'  but  f^iils   to  fulfil,  603. 
Consequent  loss  of  his  Swiss  troops, 
605.     Milan  captured  by  the  Span- 
ish troops,  606,  607.     Fails  to  pro- 
vide Lautrec  with  proper  means  to 
recapture    Milan,    607.       Lautrec 
takes  the  field  again,   610.     Rash 
nravery  of  the  Swiss   troops,  611. 
Lautrec  retires  into  France,   612. 
Colonna  reduces  Genoa,  612.  Hen- 
ry declares  war,  613.     Henry  rava- 
ges the  coast  of  France,  615.  Duke 
of  Vendome  forces  the  English  un- 
der Surrey  to  retire,  615.     Adrian, 
upon   becoming    Pope,  desires   to 
bring   about  peace,   ii.    44.     The 
Italian  states  desert  Francis  for  the 
Emperor,  45.  46,     His  preparations 


for  war,  46.  He  is  delayed  by  the 
plot  of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  47. 
His  meeting  with  the  Duke,  51. 
His  endeavors  to  repair  the  mischief 
occasioned  by  the  escape  of  the 
Duke,  52.  Appoints  Bonnivet  to 
command  the  forces  against  Milan, 
lb.  The  attack  unsuccessful,  53,  54. 
His  general.  La  Ti-amouille,  repels 
the  attacks  of  Henry  VIII.,  57,  58. 
His  generals  successful  in  Bur- 
gundy and  Guienne,  58.  Disasters 
of  the  next  campaign,  59.  Pope 
Clement  i-efuses  to  join  the  league 
against  France,  and  endeavors  to 
make  peace,  59.  His  forces  de- 
feated, and  driven  from  the  Mila- 
nese, 59  -  62.  Views  of  the  Italian 
states  as  to  his  quarrel  with  the 
Emperor,  74,  75.  He  drives  the 
imperial  forces  under  Pescara  out 
of  Provence,  76-78.  Pushes  on 
to  re-conquer  the  Milanese,  79,  80. 
Lays  siege  to  Pavia,  83.  ISIakes  a 
treaty  of  neutrality  with  Pope  Clem- 
ent, 85.  Battle  before  the  walls  of 
Pavia,  87-91.  His  defeat  and 
capture  by  the  imperial  troops  un- 
der Lannoy,  91,  92.  Committed 
to  the  castle  of  Pizzitchitone,  92. 
News  of  his  capture  in  France,  93, 
94.  Brave  conduct  of  his  mother, 
94 .  Refuses  the  terai  s  of  liberation 
proposed  by  Charles,  101,  102.  He 
is  carried  to  Spain,  103.  His  hopes 
from  the  aid  of  Henry  VIII.,  104. 
His  treatment  by  Charles,  111. 
Receives  a  ^asit  from  Charles,  112. 
Negotiations  for  his  release,  115. 
Signs  a  resignation  in  favor  of  the 
Dauphin,  116.  Signs  a  treaty  for 
his  liberation,  117;  but  secretly 
protests  against  it,  as  executed  un- 
der duress,  119.  Mairies  the  queen 
of  Portugal,  120.  The  ceremony 
of  his  liberation,  121, 122.  Evades 
tiie  demands  of  the  Emperor's  am* 
bassadors,  to   execute   the   treaty 


INDEX. 


5'S5 


134,  135.     Returns  thanks  to  Hen- 
ry VIII.,  134.     Forms  an  alliance 
with    the     Italian    states     against 
Charles,  136,  137.     The  Pope  ab- 
solves him  from  his  oalii  to  Charles, 
137.     Refers  the  formal  demand  of 
tlie  Emperor  to  the  deputies  of  Bur- 
gundy, which  they  deny,  139,  140. 
His  desire  for  peace,  141.     His  in- 
activity in  the  affairs  of  Italy,  143. 
His  troops  under  D'Urbino  advance 
to  the  relief  of  the  Pope,  160.     But 
give  no  aid,  161.     Joins  the  league 
for  checking  the  Emperor  and  re- 
dressing the  wrongs  of  Pope  Clem- 
ent,  167,  168.     Operations  of  the 
allies,  171,  172.    Declines  or  evades 
the  propositions  of  the  Emperor  as 
to  the  settlement  of  their  difficulties 
and  the  release  of  his  sons,  176,  177. 
Declares  war,  177, 178.  Challenges 
Charles   to    single    combat,     178. 
Neglects  to  supply  his  general,  Lau- 
trec,  in  his  blockade  of  Naples,  183.  j 
The  revolt  of  Andrew  Doria,  183- 
185.     Death  of  Lautrec,  186.     Dis- 
asters of  his  army,  186,  187.     De- 
feat of  his  army  in  the   Milanese, 
190.     His  mother  and  Margaret  of 
Austria  undertake  to  make   peace 
with  the  Emperor,  192,  193.     Hard 
terms  of  the  treaty,  194.     His  char- 
acter   preventing    his    success   in 
statesmanship,  194-196.     His  loss 
of  reputation  with  his  allies,   196. 
His  machinations  among  the  Prot- 
estant princes   of  Germany,    216, 
217.     His  bad  faith  respecting  the 
peace  of  Carabray,  225,  226.     En- 
deavors to  secure  the  interest  of  the 
Pope,  226-228.     Marries  his  son 
Henry  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  227 
-229.     Change  in  his  plans  occa- 
sioned by  the   death  of  Clement, 
232.    Aids  the  Duke  of  Wurtem- 
berg  to  recover  his  dominions  from 
Ferdinand,  246,  247.     Objects   to 
fliantua  as  the  place  of  meeting  for 


the  proposed  general  counJl,  249. 
Makes  proposals  through  Maravi- 
glia  to  Sforza,  to  deliver  him  from 
vassalage    to    the  Emperor,   269. 
Courts  the  Protestants,  271.    Burnb 
heretics  in  Paris,  273.     The  Prot- 
estants refuse  to  assist  him,  274. 
Attacks  Savoy,  277.    His  intrigues 
in  Geneva,  279.     Makes  new  claim 
to  the  duchy  of  Milan,  281.    Reply 
of  Charles  to  his  demands,  284  - 
287.     Preparations   for  hostilities, 
289.    Revolt  of  his  general.  Marquis 
de  Saluces,  291.    He  lays  Avaste  his 
own  dominions  to  check  invasion, 
294.     Cautious  conduct  of  his  gen- 
eral, Montmorency,  296,  297.     Re- 
treat of  the   imperial   army,   298. 
Death  of  the  Dauphin,  his  son,  300. 
His  accusation  and  summons  to  the 
Emperor,  302, 303.    Progress  of  the 
war,   304,   305,     Makes   a  league 
with  Solyman,  306.     Negotiations 
for   peace,   308,  309.     Invites  the 
Emperor  to  visit  him,  311.     Gives 
his  daughter  Magdalen  in  marriage 
to  James  V.  of  Scotland,  317.    His 
action   with  reference  to  the   pro- 
posed council,  321.     The  citizens 
of  Ghent  offer  to  give  him  posses- 
sion T)f  their  city,  334.     His   hopes 
of  acquiring  Milan,  335.     Rejects 
the  proposal  of  Ghent,  and  informs 
the  Emperor,  337.     Gives  the  Em- 
peror permission    to  pass  through 
France,   338,   339.      Receives   the 
Emperor  in  Paris,  341.     The  Env 
peror  delays,   and  finally   refuses, 
performing  his  promise  concerning 
Milan,  342,  344.     Meditates  a  re^ 
newal  of  hostilities  against  Charles, 
387.     Makes  a  closer  alliance  with 
Solyman,  388,  389.     Sends  agents 
to  Venice,  who  are  murdered  by 
Marquis  del    Guasto,   governor  of 
Milan,  389,  390.     Demands  redress 
of  the  Emperor,  390.     Is  unable  to 
secure  active  allies,  save  Dcamark 
2W 


53b 


INT)EX. 


and  Sweden,  391,  392.  Dismisses 
his  minister,  Montmorency,  393. 
Brings  five  armies  into  the  field, 
two  of  them  commanded  by  his 
sons,  ib.  Reasons  for  disagreement 
with  Henry  VIII.,  31^8,  399. 
League  of  the  Emperor  and  Kenry 
against  him,  400,  401.  His  prepa- 
rations for  war,  401 .  Gains  the  aid 
of  Solyman,  402.  His  campaign 
in  the  KetheHands,  403.  Siege  of 
Perpignan,  394,  395.  Jealousy  be- 
tween his  sons,  395.  Barren  results 
of  the  campaign,  396.  Advances  to 
the  relief  of  Landrecy,  405.  The 
Ernperor  forced  to  retire,  406.  Aid- 
ed by  Solyman,  besieges  Nice,  but 
unsuccessfully,  407.  His  personal 
animosity  towards  the  Emperor, 
408.  Charles  rouses  the  German 
princes  to  declare  war  against  him, 
415-418.  Francis  detaches  Scot- 
land from  its  alliance  with  Henry 
Vril.  of  England,  419.  He  aban- 
dons the  aid  of  Solyman,  420. 
Sends  his  forces  into  Piedmont, 
421.  Gives  his  general  permission 
to  risk  a  general  battle,  422.  Vic- 
tory of  Cerisoles,  422  -  424.  Defence 
of  St.  Disicr  under  Sancerre  against 
the  Emperor,  426.  ThetowiTtaken 
by  stratagem,  428.  He  collects  an 
army,  427.  428.  Peace  proposed, 
430.  Concluded  at  Crespy,  432. 
The  Dauphin  protests  against  the 
treaty,  437,  438.  Charles  promises 
to  give  the  daughter  of  Ferdinand 
in  marriage  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
438.  Death  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
447.  Charles  refuses  to  remodel 
the  treaty  of  Crespy,  448.  Fur- 
nishes money  to  Henry,  Duke  of 
Branswick,  which  he  treacherously 
uses  for  his  own  advantage,  450. 
Makes  a  treaty  with  Henry  VIII., 
483.  Refuses  to  join  the  league  of 
Smalkalde  against  the  Emperor, 
i84.     Proposes  alliance  against  the 


Emperor  to  the  league  of  Smal* 
kalde,  536 ;  to  Solyman,  t6. ;  to 
the  Pope  and  the  Venetians,  537  ; 
to  Denmark,  ib. ;  to  England, 
538.  Makes  preparations  for  war, 
ib.  His  death.  541.  His  talents, 
character,  and  policy  contrasted 
with  those  of  his  rival,  the  Em- 
peror, 541  -  545.  His  patronage 
of  letters  and  art,  544,  545.  His 
personal  characteristics  compared 
with  those  of  the  Emperor  Charles 
v.,  III.  277-279. 

Francis  11.  succeeds  to  the  throne  of 
France,  iii.  291. 

Franks,  the,  i.  12. 

Frederic  II.,  the  Emperor,  i.  160. 

Frederic  III ,  the  Emperor,  i.  124. 

Frederic  of  Aragon,  king  of  Naples, 
I.  162. 

Frederic  Barbarossa,  Emperor,  hia 
ti'caty  with  the  free  cities  of  Italy, 
I.  279. 

Frederic,  Elector  of  Saxony.  See 
Saxony. 

Fredum,  I.  328. 

Fregoso,  a  Genoese,  agent  sent  by 
Francis  to  Venice,  and  murdered 
by  the  governor  of  Milan,  ii.  389, 
390. 

Fronspcrg,  George,  raises  forces  for 
Charles  hi  Germany,  ii.  146. 

Fulcherius  Carnotensis,  his  account 
of  Constantinople,  i.  274. 

G. 

Gachard,  M ,   his   researches   in   the 

archives  of  Simancas,  iii.  329. 
Gasca,  Don  Pedro  de  la,  his  hospital- 
ity to  the  Emperor,  iii.  347. 
Gaul,  tenures  of  land  in,  i.  252.    The 
government,  385.     The  Salic  laws, 
I       388. 

j  Gaztelu.  secretary  to   Char/es  V.,  hia 
!      salary,  iii.  395.     Named  as  one  of 
I      the  executors  of  the  Emperor's  will, 
498. 


INDEX. 


537 


Geneva,  becomes  independent  of  Sa- 
voy, II.  277-2SO. 

Genoa,  i.  29,  33,  167.  Interest  paid 
to  bankers  of,  by  Charles  VIII., 
136.  A  republic,  144.  Taken  by 
the  allies  under  Lautrec,  ii.  172. 
The  deliverance  of,  by  Andrew 
Doria,  183-188.  Its  free  consti- 
tution, 189.  The  insun-ection  in, 
under  Fiesco,  Count  of  Lavagna, 
518-5.34,  540. 

Geoffrey  de  Villehardouin,  his  ac- 
count of  Constantinople,  i.  275. 

George,  Elector  of  Saxony.  See  Sax- 
on j/. 

German  nobles,  their  contests  with 
the  see  of  Rome,  i.  104. 

Germans,  state  of  society  among  the 
ancient,  i.  236-238. 

Germany,  formation  of  disciplined  ar- 
mies in,  I.  133,  134.  Constitution 
of  the  empire  of,  200-216.  Con- 
rad, Count  of  Franconia,  elected 
emperor  of,  201.  Henry  of  Sax- 
ony elected  emperor  of,  201.  De- 
cline of  the  authority  of  the  emper- 
ors of,  206.  Seven  princes  acquire 
the  power  of  electors  of,  213.  llo- 
dolph  of  Hapsburg  elected  emperor 
of,  206.  Change  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  the  empire  of,  206,  207. 
Reform  of  abuses  in  the  empire  of, 
by  Maximilian,  208.  Tenures  of 
land  in,  under  the  feudal  system, 
255.  Rise  and  progress  of  munici- 
pal institutions  in,  288-290.  Prac- 
tice of  private  wars  in,  316-318. 
Jurisprudence  in,  340.  Inquiry  in- 
to the  power  and  revenues  of  its 
emperors,  405.  Mode  of  election 
of,  408.  Rise  of  the  privileges  of 
the  electors  of,  409.  History  of 
the  diets  of,  411.  Power  of  the 
imperial  chamber  of,  412,  413. 
Aulic  council  of,  415.  State  of, 
at  the  death  of  Maximilian,  485 
et  seg.  Charles  V.  and  Francis  I. 
aspire  to  the  imperial  dignity,  487. 
T  OL.  III.  68 


The  Swiss  cantons  favor  Charles, 

492.  The  Venetians  fiivor  Fran- 
cis, ib.  Henry  VIII.  offers  him- 
self as  a  candidate,  492,  493.  Leo 
X.  opposes  the  election  of  Charles, 

493.  His  advice  to  the  German 
princes,  494.  His  duplicity  towards* 
Francis,  ib.  The  policy  of  the  elec- 
tors in  the  choice  of  an  emperor, 
495,  496.  They  offer  the  crown  to 
Frederic  of  Saxony,  which  he  re- 
fuses, 496.  He  votes  for  Charles 
v.,  497.  Charles  elected,  499.  The 
electors  require  a  written  pledge 
from  Charles  that  he  will  not  vio- 
late the  laws  and  privileges  of  the 
empire,  500.  Beginning  of  the  Ref- 
ormation in,  524.  Weight  of  eccle- 
siastical oppression  in,  560,  562, 
565,  566.  Property  of  the  Church 
in,  564.  Church  property  not  tax- 
able, 565.  Proceedings  of  the  diet 
of  Worms,  578.  A  council  of  re- 
gency appointed  to  assist  Ferdi- 
nand in  any  occasional  absence  of 
the  Emperor,  ib.  Luther  attends 
the  diet  upon  the  safe-conduct  of 
Charles,  579.  The  members  of  the 
diet  of  Worms  CA'ade  the  execution 
of  its  decree  against  Luther,  ii.  67. 
Progress  of  ilie  Reformation  in,  64 
-67.  The  German  princes  draw 
up  a  list  of  a  hundred  grievances 
against  the  Clmrch,  68.  The  nun- 
cio avoids  making  answer  to  them, 
72.  The  diet  make  a  decree  leav- 
ing Luther  unmolested,  73.  Stata 
of,  dm-ing  the  absence  of  the  Em- 
peror in  Spain,  123  et  seq.  Insur- 
rection at  Ulm,  125.  In  Thuringia, 
128  -  131.  The  decline  of  the  Teu- 
tonic order  of  knights  in,  133, 134. 
The  rise  of  Prussia,  ib.  Menaced 
by  the  Turks,  201,  202.  Progress 
of  the  Reformation  in,  204,  205. 
Disturbances  occasioned  by  the 
fanaticism  of  Muncer,  233  et  seq. 
League    of    the    Protestants,  see 


.38 


INDEX. 


Smaikalde.  League  of  the  Cath- 
olic pnnces  of  the  emph-e,  323. 
Provision  made  to  repel  the  Turks, 
376.  The  corahination  of  the 
Protestant  princes  under  Maurice 
against  the  Emperor,  terminated 
by  the  peace  at  Passau,  iii.  57- 
94.  Peace  guaranteed  in,  by  es- 
tablishing religious  toleration,  175, 
176.  Charles  resigns  the  imperial 
crown,  223.  The  electors  accept 
of  the  resignation  of  Charles  V., 
and  choose  his  brother  Ferdinand 
in  his  stead,  258,  259. 

Ghent,  the  citizens  protest  against 
paying  a  tax  to  the  Emperor,  ii. 
331,  332.  Haughty  reception  of  its 
messengers  by  Cliarles,  333.  The 
people  revolt,  and  offer  to  Francis 
the  sovereignty  of  the  city,  334. 
He  dechnes,  and  communicates  the 
proposal  to  the  Emperor,  336,  337. 
Rigorous  treatment  of  the  insur- 
gents by  Charles,  343. 

Ghibellines  and  Guelfs.     See  Giielfs. 

Giron,  Don  Pedro  de,  general  of  the 
junta,  II.  22,  23,  His  character 
and  ill  conduct,  24.     Resigns,  25. 

Glanville,  Chief  Justice,  compiles  the 
English  Common  Law,  i.  345. 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  i.  33. 

Goletta,  a  fort  near  Tunis,  taken  by 
Charles,  ii.  260,  261. 

Gomez,  Ruy,  sent  by  PhiUp  II.  to  his 
father  at  Yuste,  iii.  422,  423. 

Gonzaga,  governor  of  Milan,  aids  in 
the  murder  of  Farnese  of  Placentia, 

II.  581.    Attacks  Octavio  Farnese, 

III.  31,  33. 

Gonzalez  MS.,  account  of  the  discov- 
ery of  the.  III.  327,  328. 

Goths,  irruption  of  the,  i.  4,  12.  Cru- 
elties practised  by  the,  228,  22^. 

Goths  and  Vandals,  conquest  of  Spain 
by,  I.  167. 

Gouffier,  ambassador  fi-om  Francis  to 
the  Emperor,  i.  473. 

Grauvelle,  Cai-dinal,  his  stratagem  to 


gain  possession  of  St.  Disiei  ii. 
428.  Amuses  the  Protestants  with 
plausible  reasons  for  the  Eniperor'8 
military  preparations,  458, 459.  Hia 
opinion  of  Maurice  as  a  diplomatist, 
III.  61,  62.  Bribes  Maurice's  min- 
isters, but  is  duped  himself,  62,  63. 

Gray,  Lady  Jane,  executed,  iii.  141. 

Greek  empire,  splendor  of  the,  i.  273 
-275. 

Greeks,  philosophical  pursuits  among 
the,  I.  87. 

Gi'egoiy  of  Tours,  i.  24. 

Gregory  VII.,  Po};e,  i.  149.  His 
character  and  policy,  204,  205. 
His  rupture  wivh  Henry  IV.,  204, 
205. 

Cropper,  a  canon  of  Cologne,  ap- 
pointed l\v  the  Emperor  as  an  ad- 
vocate of  the  Catholic  faith  at  the 
diet  of  Ratisbon,  ii.  366.  Sup 
posed  author  of  a  treatise  designed 
to  reconcile  the  Protestants  and 
Catholics,  367. 

Guasto,  Marquis  del,  taken  prisoner 
by  Doria,  ii.  182.  Induces  Dona 
to  make  overtures  to  the  Emperor, 
185.  General  of  the  land  forces 
to  reduce  Tunis,  259.  Advises 
Charles  not  to  invade  France,  291. 
Succeeds  De  Leyva  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Milan,  299.  Governor  of 
Milan,  causes  the  murder  of  two 
ambassadors  of  the  French  king, 
389,  390.  Denies  the  charge,  390- 
The  proof,  391.  Advances  to  the 
relief  of  Carignan,  421 .  Gives  bat- 
tle to  the  French  at  Cerisoles,  422, 
423.  Defeated,  wounded,  and  com- 
pelled to  fly,  ib. 

Guelfs,  contest  of,  ^vith  the  Ghibel- 
lines, 1.  163,  164.  Origin  of  these 
factions,  205. 

Guicciardini,  his  account  of  the  sale 
of  indulgences,  i.  534,  note.  Gov- 
ernor of  Reggio,  602. 

Guise,  Francis  Lorrain,  Duke  of,  ap. 
pointed   to   the   commanl   of  th« 


INDEX. 


539 


army  for  the  defence  of  Metz,  in. 
100.  His  heroic  conduct,  100- 
107.  His  generosity  to  the  sick 
and  wounded  of  the  enemy,  108, 
109.  Commander  in  the  French 
army  at  Renti,  148.  Commander 
of  the  French  forces  in  aid  of  Paul 
IV.,  228-232.  His  reception  in 
France,  253.  Invests  and  takes 
Calais,  2.54-257.  Jealousy  of 
Montmorency  towards  him,  268, 
269. 

Guise,  Mary  of,  married  to  James 
V.  of  Scotland,  ii.  318.  Frus- 
trates the  intended  marriage  be- 
tween her  daughter  and  Prince 
Edward  of  England,  419. 

Gurk,  Cardinal  de,  favors  the  election 
of  Charles  to  the  imperial  throne, 
I.  498. 

Gunpowder,  effects  of  the  use  of,  in 
miUtary  affairs,  i.  109,  110. 

Guzman,  Don  Fadrique,  an  envoy 
from  Queen  Joanna,  in.  443. 


H. 

Hamburg,  i.  93. 

Hanseatic  league,  note  upon  the,  i. 
365. 

Haro,  Conde  de,  appointed  to  com- 
mand the  forces  against  the  junta, 
II.  23.  Effects  a  junction  of  forces 
with  Velasco,  30.  Defeats  Padilla 
and  takes  him  prisoner,  30,  31. 

Hascen-Aga,  governor  of  Algiers, 
his  piracies,  ii.  377.  Expedition 
planned  by  Charles  against  him, 
377-379.  He  determines  to  de- 
fend himself,  381.  His  troops  fall 
on  the  Emperor's  army  when  over- 
whelmed by  a  great  storm,  382. 
The  retreat  of  the  remnant  of  the 
invading  force,  384-386. 

5ayradin.     See  Barharossa. 

Helding,  appointed  by  the  Emperor 
lo  prepare  the  Interim,  ii.  589. 


Heldo,  Yice-Chaeecllor  to  Charles 
v.,  attends  the  Pope's  nuncio  to 
Sraalkaldc,  it.  320. 

Henry,  Duke  of  Brunswick.  See 
Brunswick. 

Henry  I.  of  England,  i.  63. 

Henry  V.  of  England,  i.  106. 

Henry  VII.  of  England,  attempts  to 
follow  the  example  of  Louis  XI , 
I.  118,  119. 

Henry  VIIL  of  England,  i.  139. 
Endeavors  of  both  Charles  and 
Francis  to  obtain  the  aid  of,  514. 
The  state  of  England,  515.  His  oavh 
endeavors  to  preserve  an  equilib- 
rium, 516.  The  influence  of  Wol- 
sey  over  him,  516,  517.  Receives 
a  visit  from  Charles,  519,  520. 
His  interview  with  Francis  I.  at 
Guisnes,  521.  His  treatise  against 
Luther,  583.  Receives  the  title  ot 
Defender  of  the  Faith,  584.  Neg- 
lects to  act  in  good  faith  as  media- 
tor between  Charles  and  Francis, 
586.  Holds  a  peace  congress  at 
Calais  to  mediate  between  Charles 
and  Francis,  596.  Appoints  Wol 
sey  to  negotiate,  597.  Make?  a 
new  treaty  with  Charles  against 
Francis,  598,  599.  Declares  war 
against  Francis,  613.  Receives  a 
visit  from  Charles,  614.  Ravages 
the  coast  of  France,  615.  His  ar- 
my under  Surrey  retires  without 
success,  from  Picardy,  615.  His 
military  resources,  ii.  56,  57.  The 
expedition  into  France  under  the 
Duke  of  Suffolk,  58.  His  igno- 
minious retreat,  ib.  Promises  to 
aid  the  Emperor  in  his  attack  on 
France,  77.  Fails  to  fulfil  his 
agreement,  78.  His  alarm  at  the 
growing  power  of  the  Emperor,  95 
Gives  secret  assurances  to  France, 
96.  Makes  proposals  to  the  Em- 
peror concerning  the  education  of 
Mary,  and  demands  the  custody  ol 
Francis,  97.  Makes  a  treaty  with 
2W2 


540 


INDEX. 


Loiise  to  aid  in  the  deliverance  of 
Francis  from  captivity,  104.  De- 
sires a  divorce  from  his  queen, 
Catherine  of  Aragon,  16S.  Joins 
the  league  against  the  Emperor, 
168,  169.  Agrees  to  the  marriage 
of  his  daughter  Mary  with  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  168.  Joins  with 
Francis  in  declaring  war,  177,  178. 
Unable  to  fulfil  his  promise  of 
a  campaign  in  Netherlands,  183. 
Consents  to  the  peace  of  Cambray, 
197.  Solicits  from  the  Pope  a  di- 
vorce from  Catherine,  ib.  Desires 
to  marry  Anne  Boleyn,  198.  Is 
baffled  by  the  chicanery  of  the  Ro- 
man court,  ib.  Aids  Francis  in  the 
ransom  of  his  sons,  199.  His  pol- 
icy towards  the  Protestants,  218. 
Delay  of  his  suit  for  a  divorce,  229. 
Cranmer  pronounces  his  marriage 
with  Catherine  null,  229,  230. 
Marries  Anne  Boleyn,  230.  Ex- 
communicated by  the  Pope,  ib. 
His  conduct  in  reference  to  the 
Reformation,  231.  Refuses  to  ac- 
knowledge a  council  called  by  the 
_'ope,  249.  Offers  to  Francis  to 
-narry  Mary  of  Guise,  317,  318. 
Ivenewal  of  negotiations  with 
Charles,  318,  319.  Reasons  for 
nis  disagreement  with  Francis,  398, 
399.  His  efforts  against  Papal  su- 
premacy, 399.  Takes  up  arms 
against  Scotland,  399,  400.  Chan- 
ges his  policy  towards  that  coun- 
try, 400.  Makes  a  league  with 
Charles,  ib.  Sends  troops  to  aid 
him,  405.  Unwilling  to  take  an 
active  part  against  the  Emperor, 
391.  His  rage  against  Francis  for 
interfering  with  his  designs  in  ref- 
erence to  Scotland,  419.  Joins  the 
Emperor,  ib.  His  army  ravages 
Scotland,  426,  427.  He  attacks 
Boulogne  and  Montreuil,  427.  His 
want  of  harmony  of  action  with 
CharLjs,  ib.     Refuses   to   perform 


his  agreement,  430.  Offended  Avith 
the  Emperor  for  making  peace  with 
Francis  without  his  advice  and  con- 
currence, 436.  He  continues  hostili- 
ties, 437.  Makes  a  peace  with  Fran- 
cis, 483.  Refuses  to  Join  the  league 
of  Smalkalde  against  the  Emperor, 
484.  His  character  compared  with 
that  of  the  Emperor  Charles  V., 
III.  277-279.  His  policy  towards 
the  English  nobility,  304. 
Heniy  II.  of  France  is  urged  by  the 
Pope  to  join  in  a  league  against 
the  Emperor,  ii.  583.  His  son, 
the  Dauphin,  marries  the  queen 
of  Scotland,  584.  Declines  the 
Pope's  request,  ib.  His  successes 
as  against  the  English,  iii.  32.  Be- 
comes an  ally  with  Octavio  Famese 
against  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor, 
33,  34.  He  protests  through  a 
messenger  against  the  Council  of 
Trent,  34,  35.  Makes  an  alliance 
with  Maurice  of  Saxony,  54-56. 
Publishes  a  manifesto,  65.  Takes 
the  field  and  captures  several  cities 
and  towns,  68.  Endeavors  to  gain 
Strasburg,  but  fails,  77  -  79.  The 
territory  of  Champagne  laid  waste 
by  the  governess  of  Netherlands, 
78,  79.  Neglected  by  Maurice  in 
his  treaty  with  the  Emperor,  93,  94. 
The  Emperor  endeavors  to  regain 
the  towns  taken  from  him,  99.  He 
sends  the  Duke  of  Guise  to  defend 
Metz,  100.  Heroic  defence  of  that 
city,  101-107.  Albert  of  Bran- 
denburg, after  menacing  both  par- 
ties, joins  the  Emperor,  105.  The 
Emperor  raises  the  siege,  108.  Is 
solicited  to  attack  Naples,  112.  He 
prevails  on  Solyman  to  send  a  fleet 
to  the  ^Mediterranean,  113.  The 
Emperor's  forces  take  two  towns 
by  assault,  121.  He  marches  into 
Netherlands  without  provokmg  a 
battle,  123.  His  forces  are  firmly 
established  in  Tuscany,  124      Kn- 


INDEX. 


541 


dearcrs  to  prevent  the  marriage  of 
Mary  of  England  with  Philip,  144, 

145.  Advances  upon  Netherlands, 

146.  Invests  Renti,  147.  The 
campaign  without  any  important 
result,  149.  His  guneral,  Brissac, 
gains  advantage  over  the  Imperial- 
ists under  the  Duke  of  Alva,  160, 
161.  A  plot  to  deliver  Metz  to  the 
Emperor  discovered  and  frustrated, 
162  -  166.  He  sends  plenipotentia- 
ries to  make  peace,  but  to  no  pur- 
pose, 166,  167.  The  Pope  pro- 
poses iin  alliance  against  the  Em- 
peror, 190.  The  plan  opposed  by 
Montmorency,  ib.  Favored  by  oth- 
er ministers,  191.  Cardinal  Lor- 
rain  concludes  the  treaty  with  the 
Pope,  195.  Agrees  to  a  truce  with 
Philip,  208.  Is  persuaded  by  the 
Pope's  envoy,  CaratFa,  to  break  his 
oath  to  the  treaty  with  Philip,  211 
-215.  Sends  the  Duke  of  Guise 
to  aid  the  Pope,  228.  The  cam- 
paign rendered  of  no  avail  by  tlie 
Pope's  inefficiency,  230-232.  Phil- 
ip's forces  besiege  St.  Quentin,  236. 
The  attempt  of  Montmorency  to 
save  the  town  unsuccessful,  238- 
240.  Paris  menaced  by  Philip's 
forces,  242.  St.  Quentin  taken  by 
assault,  244.  His  active  efforts  for 
the  defence  of  his  kingdom  against 
Philip,  244.  Rewards  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  253.  His  son,  the  Dauphin, 
married  to  the  queen  of  Scotland, 
261-263.  His  army  defeated  at 
Gravelines  by  the  Flemish  and 
English,  264,  265.  His  army  un- 
der the  Duke  of  Guise  takes  Cal- 
ais, 254  -  257  ;  and  drives  the  Eng- 
lish from  France,  257,  258.  His 
wish  for  peace  with  Philip,  266, 
267.  Is  persuaded  by  Montmo- 
rency to  make  overtures  to  Philip, 
268  -  270.  Endeavors  to  secure  the 
favor  of  Elizabeth  of  England,  281, 
282      Makes  a  treaty  with  her  con- 


cerning Calais,  287.  I'romises  hin 
daughter,  Elizabeth,  in  marrv..ge  to 
Philip,  288 ;  and  his  sister  to  the 
Duke  of  Savoy,  ib.  Agrees  to  a 
general  pacification  with  Philip  and 
other  European  powers,  288  -  290 
His  death,  291. 

Henry  IV.  of  Castile,  tried  by  hia 
nobles,  i.  173. 

Henry  IV.,  Emperor,  his  contest 
with  Pope  Gregory  VII.,  i.  204, 
205. 

Henry  of  Saxony,  elected  Emperor 
of  Germany,  i.  201. 

Henry,  Elector  of  Saxony.  Sue 
Saxoni/. 

Hermandad,  Santa,  account  of  the, 
I.  384. 

Hesse,  the  Landgrave  of,  takes  the 
field  against  Miinccr,  ii.  130.  As- 
sists tlie  Duke  of  Wurtemberg  to 
recover  his  possessions  from  Ferdi 
nand  of  Austria,  246,  247.  Aida 
the  league  of  Protestant  princes  in 
raising  an  army  against  the  Em- 
peror, 486.  Is  placed  under  the 
ban  of  the  empire,  488,  489.  Com- 
mander of  the  forces  jointly  with 
the  Elector  of  Saxony,  492.  Scheme 
of  Maurice  of  Saxony  for  obtain- 
ing the  possessions  of,  502  -  507 
Consents  to  an  agreement  with  the 
Emperor,  561,  562.  Maurice  of 
Saxony  acts  as  mediator,  563. 
The  articles  of  agreement,  563- 
565.  His  humiliation,  566,  567. 
He  is  detained  a  prisoner,  568. 
His  impatience  in  captivity,  5'^2. 
Feeble  and  inetfectual  efforts  to 
procure  his  release,  592.  His  ig- 
nominious treatment  by  the  Em- 
peror, 597.  Can-ied  a  prisoner  to 
Netherlands,  601.  New  exertions 
for  his  release,  in.  15.  Charles 
refuses,  23.  Maurice  makes  a  new 
and  foi-mal  demand  for  his  libera- 
tion, 57.  His  liberty  secured  by 
the  treaty  of  Passau,  81 -90.    Be* 


542 


INDEX. 


ing  set  at  liberty,  is  recaptured  by 
the  queen  of  Hungary,  governess 
of  jSetherlaiuls,  96.  But  is  at 
length  restored  to  his  dominions, 
97. 

Hesse,  William,  son  of  the  Land- 
grave, a  eonfcderate  with  Maurice 
against  the  Emperor,  iii.  56. 

Heyradin.     Sec  Barbarossa. 

Home.     See  Barbarossa. 

Hugh  Capet,  i.  192. 

Hungary,   invasion  of,  by  Solyman, 

I.  616,  II.  162      Battle  of  Mohacz, 

II.  162.  Ferdinand,  Archduke  of 
Austria,  made  king  of,  163,  164. 
Progress  of  the  Turks  in,  371. 
Agreement  of  King  John  Zapol 
Scajpus  with  his  rival,  Ferdinand, 
concerning  the  succession,  ib.  John 
marries,  and  breaks  the  treaty,  372. 
Charles  unwilling  to  attempt  the  re- 
covery of,  376,  378,  379.  The  joint 
regency  of  Isabella  and  ^Nlartinuzzi, 

III.  47.  Isabella  courts  a  Turkish 
aiiiance ;  the  bishop  courts  Ferdi- 
nand of  Austria,  ^^7-49.  The 
bishop  compels  Isabella  to  resign 
in  favor  of  Ferdinand,  49,  50.  Isa- 
bella and  her  son  return  to  Tran- 
sylvania in  ti-iumph,  124,  125. 

Huns,  irruption  of  the,  i.  4,  12. 
Devastations  of  the,  231,  232. 


Immaculate  Conception,  the,  i.  383. 

Imperial  Chamber  of  Ciermany  insti- 
tuted, i.  412 -415. 

Indians,  American,  parallel  between 
European  savages  and  the,  i.  239 
-241. 

Indulgences,  the  doctrine  of,  i.  526. 
Opposed  by  Luther,  529. 

Infantado,  Duke  of,  his  haughty  bear- 
ing towards  the  Emperor,  ii.  330, 
331. 

Infantry,  insignificance  of,  in  former 


times,  I.  101,  110.  Effectivcnesa 
of,  shown  by  the  Swiss,  132-1.34. 

Innocent  VIII.,  i.  187. 

Inns  in  the  Middle  Ages,  i.  35-i. 

Interest  for  money,  opinions  conceni- 
ing,  in  the  Middle  Ages,  i.  362. 
Eate  of,  363. 

Interim,  the,  a  system  of  belief  de- 
signed to  unite  the  religious  world, 
promulgated  by  the  Emperor,  ii. 
591-593.  It  is  attacked  by  both 
parties,  593 ;  and  especially  at 
Kome,  594.  The  free  cities  re- 
monstrate against  it,  598. 

Isabella  of  Castile,  i.  120.  Her  mar- 
riage with  Ferdinand,  170.  Kaised 
to  the  throne,  428,  429.  Death  of, 
433.  Appoints  her  husband,  Fer- 
dinand, regent  of  Castile,  ib. 

Isabella,  Queen  of  Hungary,  courts 
the  Turks  for  aid  against  her  co- 
regent,  Martinuzzi,  iii.  47.  Is 
compelled  to  renounce  in  favor  of 
Ferdinand,  49.  Retires  with  her 
son  into  Silesia,  50.  Returns  with 
her  son,  and  is  supported  by  the 
nobility  and  the  Porte  against  Fer- 
dinand, 124,  125. 

Isabella  of  Portugal,  marries  Charles 
v.,  II.  122. 

Italians,  the  commerce  of,  i.  361. 

Italy,  the  first  seat  of  commerce,  i. 
91,  92.  Inhabitants  of,  the  first 
bankers,  manufacturers,  and  curri- 
ers, 93.  Expedition  of  Charles 
VIII.  into,  125-130.  Combina- 
tion of  states  of,  against  Charles 
VIIL,  129, 130.  Pohtical  condition 
of,  at  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  144-167.  Marks  of  the 
ravages  of  the  barbarians  in,  233. 
Tenures  of  land  in,  under  the  feu- 
dal system,  254.  Note  upon  the 
cities  of,  276-280.  League  be- 
tween the  free  cities  of,  confirmed 
by  Frederick  Barbarossa,  279  In- 
stances of  wealth  in  the  Midole 
Ages,  364.    The  states  desire  po^'.t* 


INDEX. 


543 


between  Francis  and  the  Emperor, 
II.  45.  The  states  desert  Francis, 
and  join  the  Emperor,  45,  46. 
Views  of  the  states  of,  with  regard 
to  the  quarrel  between  Francis  and 
the  Emperor,  74,  75.  Ah\rm  oc- 
casioned by  the  battle  of  Pavia,  98. 
The  states,  at  Charles's  request, 
form  a  league  for  their  defence, 
224,  225  Tranquillity  restored  by 
the  balance  of  power  in,  iii.  252. 


James  V.  of  Scotland,  marries  Mag- 
dalen, daughter  of  Francis  of 
France,  ii.  317.  Sohcits  from 
Francis,  Mary  of  Guise  in  mar- 
riage, 317,  318.  Does  not  favor 
the  plan  of  reformation  proposed 
by  Henry  VIII ,  399.  His  death, 
400. 

Janizaries,  origin  of  the,  i.  220. 
Note  upon  the,  420. 

Jesuits,  origin  of  the,  i.  592.  Estab- 
lishment of  the  order,  ii.  346-348. 
Character  of  the  order,  348  -  353. 
Growth  of  power  and  wealth,  354 
-356.  The  zeal  of  the  order 
against  Protestants,  357.  Their 
eftbrts  in  educating  youth,  358. 
Their  labors  in  the  Western  Con- 
tinent, 359-362.  Opposed  by 
Charles,  363.  Their  rules  become 
public,  364.  Their  purity  of  man- 
ners, 364,  365. 

Joanna,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Is- 
abella, mother  of  Charles  V,  i.  428. 
Heiress  to  the  crown,  429.  Cruel 
neglect  of  her  husband,  Philip,  to- 
wards, 430,  431.  Gives  birth  to 
Ferdinand,  afterwards  king  of  Hun- 
gary, 432.  Her  disordered  mind 
after  Philip's  death,  443,  444.  On 
account  of  incapacity,  superseded 
by  Charles  V.,  480.  Is  taken  pos- 
Bession  of  by  Padilla,  ii.  12.    Can- 


not be  induced  to  resume  her&a^ 
thority,  13.     Her  death,  in.  200. 

Joanna,  daughter  of  Charles  V.,  re- 
ceives directions  from  Philip  as  to 
the  reception  of  her  fother,  iii.  341, 
342.  Wishes  to  make  chiim  to  the 
regency  of  Portugal,  443.  But  is 
prevented  by  Charles,  444.  Claims 
her  fiuher  (Cliarles's)  personal  ef- 
fects, 498,  499. 

John,  Don,  of  Austria,  his  education 
under  Qnixada,  in.  343.  His  visit 
to  his  father,  Charles  V.,  479,  480. 
The  Emperor  commends  him  to 
the  care  of  Philip  II.,  487.  Philip 
recognizes  him,  499. 

John  II.  of  Aragon,  i.  173. 

John  III.  of  Portugal,  loans  money 
to  Charles,  n.  396.  Contracts  a 
marriage  between  his  daughter 
Mary  and  Philip  of  Spain,  396, 
397.     His  death,  in.  443. 

Jolm  Fredci'ic,  Elector  of  Saxony. 
See  SdTom/. 

Jolm  Zapol  Sciepus,  acquires  part  of 
Hungary  by  the  aid  of  Solyman, 
II.  371.  Makes  an  agreement  with 
his  rival,  Ferdinand,  ib.  Marries 
and  breaks  his  agreement,  372. 
Appoints  Martinuzzi  guardian  of 
his  son,  and  regent,  ib.  His  death, 
ib. 

Julio,  Cardinal  de  Medici,  candi- 
date for  PojSS  upon  Leo's  death, 
I.  608. 

Julius  II.,  Pope,  originator  of  the 
league  of  Cambray,  i.  137.  Forms 
a  new  league  against  the  French, 
139.     Character  of,  555. 

Julius  III.,  his  election  to  the  pontifi- 
cate, III.  7.  Creates  Innocent  3 
cardinal,  8.  His  frivolous  and  un- 
christian conduct,  9.  Calls  a  new 
council  at  Trent,  11,  21.  Becomes 
hostile  to  Octavio  Famese,  31,  32. 
With  the  Emperor's  co-operation, 
sends  forces  against  him,  33,  34. 
Sends  Cardinal  Morone  to  the  diet 


644 


INDEX. 


of  Augsburg,  170.  His  course  of 
life,  illness,  and  death,  171. 

Judgment  of  God,  trial  by,  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  i.  54-65. 

Judicial  combat,  i.  54  -  65.  Trial  by, 
319-326. 

Judw'.nm  crucis,  trial  by,  i.  318. 

Justice,  administration  of.  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  I.  48,  49.  Trial  by  com- 
bat, 54,  55.  Trial  by  compurga- 
tors, 57.  Trial  by  fiery  ordeals,  58. 
Administration  of,  intrusted  to  law- 
yers, 80.  Note  concerning  the  im- 
provement in  the  administration  of, 
327  -  340. 

Justinian's  Pandects,  i.  77. 

Justiza  of  Aragon,  his  powers,  &c.,  i. 
368-371. 


K. 

Knighthood  conferred  on  eminent  law- 
yers and  scholars,  i.  349. 

Koran,  its  restraints  upon  the  Sul- 
tans, I.  220. 

Knipperdoling.     See  CnipperdoUng. 


L. 


La  Chau,  sent  as  an  associate  with 
Ximenes  in  the  regency  of  Castile 
by  Charles,  i.  469. 

Land,  tenure  of,  under  the  feudal  sys- 
tem. See  Feudal  Si/stem.  Allodial 
possession  of,  among  the  barbarous 
nations,  i.  244.  Allodial,  distin- 
guished from  beneficiary  possession, 
245.  Allodial  property  converted 
into  feudal,  247,  248.  Eeasons  for 
this  change  of  tenure,  252. 

Landrecy,  siege  of,  ii.  405. 

Languages,  European,  state  of,  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  i.  88. 

Lannoy,  his  services  in  the  imperial 
army  in  Italy,  ii.  81,  82.  Makes 
a  prisoner  of  the  French  king  at 


the  battle  of  Pavia,  91.  Makes  a 
treaty  and  obtains  money  from  the 
Pope,  98.  Uses  the  money  to  quiet 
his  rebellious  army,  99.  Sent  as 
ambassador  to  Francis,  139.  Makes 
a  ti-eaty  with  the  Pope,  152.  Which 
Bourbon  disi-egards,  153.  Marches 
to  Rome,  169,  170.  Is  unable  to 
control  the  army,  ib. 

Lanuza,  Don  John  de,  appointed  vice- 
roy of  Aragon  on  the  departure  of 
Charles  V.,  i.  508. 

Latin  language,  the,  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  I.  88,  89. 

Lautrec,  Odet  de  Foix,  Marechal  de, 
French  governor  of  Milan,  i,  601. 
By  his  haughty  conduct  alienates 
the  affection  of  the  Milanese,  ib. 
Invests  Reggio,  but  is  repulsed, 
602.  Asks  Francis  for  troops  and 
money,  603.  Is  deprived  of  the 
expected  money  by  Louise  of  Sa- 
voy, 603.  Loss  of  his  Swiss  troops, 
605.  Milan  captured  by  the  Span- 
ish under  Pescara,  606,  607.  Un- 
able to  take  advantage  of  circum- 
stances to  recapture  Milan,  607. 
Repulsed  by  Guicciardini  from 
Parma,  607,  608.  Takes  the  field 
to  reconquer  the  Milanese,  i.  610. 
Misconduct  of  his  Swiss  troops,  ib. 
Their  rash  bravery  and  defeat,  611. 
Retires  into  France,  612.  Appoint- 
ed general  of  the  allied  army  in 
Italy  against  the  Emperor,  ii.  171. 
Conquers  Genoa  and  Pavia,  172. 
Advances  towards  Rome,  1 73.  Be- 
sieges Naples,  181.  The  Pope  gives 
him  no  aid,  182.  Francis  neglects 
to  supply  the  army,  183.  The  re- 
volt of  Aixdrew  Doria,  183-185. 
Disease  in  his  army,  186.  His 
death,  ib. 

Lavagnac,  Count  of,  ii.  520.  See 
Fiesco. 

Law,  administration  of  the,  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  i.  48,  49.  Codifica- 
tion of,  78.     Becomes  a  ocien«'e, 


INDEX. 


645 


and  its  study  a  profession,  80, 
349. 

Law,  Canon,  i.  72  -  76.  Its  progress, 
342,  343. 

LaAV,  Roman,  i.  76-80. 

he  Chevalier  Deliberd,  a  poem,  iii, 
390,  392,  393. 

Leo  X.,  Pope,  his  policy  and  conduct 
with  regard  to  the  election  of  Em- 
peror in  place  of  Maximilian,  i. 
493,  494.  His  policy  as  between 
Charles  and  Erancis,  after  the  for- 
mer became  Emperor,  513.  His 
real  leaning  to  the  Emperor,  514. 
Condition  of  the  Papal  Church  at 
the  accession  of,  525.  Sale  of  in- 
dulgences by,  526.  At  first  indif- 
ferent to  the  movements  of  Luther, 

535.  Summons  Luther  to  Home, 

536.  Appoints  Cajetan  to  hear 
him,  537.  Issues  a  bull  in  favor 
of  indulgences,  543.  Not  wishing 
to  ofl^end  Ercderic,  delays  to  ex- 
communicate Luther,  543,  544. 
Excommunicates  Luther,  546.  Fa- 
tal effects  of  his  delay,  550.  His 
ambition  and  his  endeavors  to  pro- 
duce war  between  the  rivals  Charles 
and  Francis,  586  et  seq.  Makes  a 
treaty  with  Francis,  588.  Deserts 
and  makes  overtures  to  the  Emper- 
or, lb.  Makes  a  treaty  with  the 
Emperor,  589.  A  party  to  the 
attempt  against  the  French  power 
in  Milan,  601.  Declares  war 
against  Francis,  602.  Dies  with 
joy  at  the  news  of  the  capture  of 
Milan,  60" 

I^onard,  a  Franciscan,  plots  to  deliv- 
er Metz  to  the  Emperor,  in.  162. 
The  plot  is  discovered  and  frus- 
trated, 164,  165.  He  is  condemned 
to  death,  165.  But  is  slain  by  his 
own  brethren,  166. 

L'Esparre,  Andrew  de  Foix,  de,  gen- 
eral of  the  French  forces  in  the  con- 
quest of  Navarre,  i.  591. 

Levesque,  Dcm,  his  account  of  the 
VOL.  Ill  69 


motives  that  induced  Charles  V. 
to  abdicate,  in.  199,  note. 
Lewis  n.  of  Hungary,  conquered  and 

slain  by  Solyman,  n.  162. 
Leyva,  Antonio   de,  defends    Pavia 
from  a  siege  by  the  French  under 
Francis,  n.  83  -  86,  90.    A  witness 
of  the  treachery  of  Morone,  110. 
His  victory  over  the  French  in  the 
Milanese,  1 90.    General  of  the  Era- 
peror's  forces  against  France,  289. 
Liberty,  promoted  by  the  privileges 
acquired  by  cities  and  towns,  i.  44. 
liise  and   progress  of,  in  France, 
293-296. 
Literature,   influence   of,  i.   84.     Its 
character  in  the  Middle  Ages,  86, 
87.     Contempt  felt  by  the  barba- 
rians  for,  225,  226.     Illustrations 
of  the  state  of,  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  261  -264. 
LomI)ards,   the,   i.   12.      Their   mer- 
chants, 92.     Their  commerce  with 
the  Hanseatic  towns,  93,  94.     The 
first  bankers,  363. 
Lorrain,  Cardinal,  negotiates  an  al- 
liance between  Henry  II.  and  Pope 
Paul  IV.,  III.  192.    His  imprudent 
behavior  towards  the  Duchess  of 
Valentinois,  269. 
Louis,  Duke  of  Orleans,  i.  164. 
Louis  X.,  1.  46 

Louis  XI.  of  France,  his  character 
and  policy,  i.  113  -  1 17.  Employs 
Swiss  troops,  116.  His  acquisitions 
of  territory,  117.  His  foreign  pol- 
icy, 118.  His  conduct  towards 
Mary  of  Burgundy,  122-1 24,  428. 
Results  of  his  duphcity,  125.  Fa- 
vors Francis  Sforza,  usurping  Duke 
of  Milan,  166. 
Louis  XII.,  a  party  to  the  league  of 
Cambray,  i.  138,  Liague  formed 
by  the  Pope  against,  139,  140. 
Combines  with  Ferdinand  against 
Frederic,  king  of  .Naples,  162. 
Makes  claim  to  the  duchy  of  Mi 
Ian,  166. 


548 


INDEX. 


Louise  of  Savoy,  mother  of  Francis 
I.,  persuades  him  to  break  his  word 
to  his  general,  Lautrec,  i.  603. 
Her  dislike  to  the  Duke  of  Bour- 
bon, II.  47,  48.  Her  amorous  pas- 
sion for  him,  48.  Her  revenge  for 
his  indifference,  49,  Dissuades  her 
son  Francis  from  the  expedition 
against  Milan,  80.  Her  brave  con- 
duct upon  the  capture  ol  Fiancis, 
94.  She  courts  the  friendship  of 
England,  96.  As  regent  of  France, 
signs  the  trcaty  for  the  liberation  of 
Francis,  121 .  Undertakes  to  make 
peace  between  the  Emperor  and  her 
son  Francis,  192,  193.  A  second 
time  mediator,  304. 
Loyola,  Ignatius,  cause  of  his  devo- 
tion to  the  Church  and  establish- 
ment of  the  Order  of  Jesus,  i.  .')92. 
Founder  of  the  order  of  the  Jesuits, 
II.  346 -.348. 
Lnbec,  I.  93. 
Lunenburg,    the   Duke   of,  embraces 

Luther's  opinions,  ii.  65. 
Luther,  the  reformation  under  the  lead 
of,  I.  524.  Aroused  by  the  sale  of 
indulgences,  529-531.  His  youth 
and  education,  530.  He  preaches 
against  Tetzel,  531.  He  publishes 
his  theses,  532.  Secretly  encour- 
aged by  the  Elector,  533.  Sum- 
moned to  Rome,  536.  Obtains  the 
hearing  in  Germany,  537.  Goes  to 
Augsburg  under  the  Emperor's  safe- 
conduct,  ib.  Refuses  to  recant  at 
Cajetan's  demand,  539.  Cajetan 
demands  of  the  Elector  to  send  Lu- 
ther a  prisoner  to  Rome,  540  Con- 
demned as  a  heretic,  541.  Appeals 
to  a  general  council,  542.  Dispute 
with  Eccius,  544.  Finds  an  associ- 
ate in  Zuinglius,  545.  He  is  ex- 
communicated, 546.  He  defies  the 
papal  power,  547.  Progress  of  his 
opinions  among  the  people,  549. 
Qradual  change  in  his  own  mind, 
K52.     Circumstances  that  aided  the 


progress  of  his  doctnnes,  554.  Is 
heard  with  joy  as  he  denounced  the 
corrupt  clergy,  570.  Aided  by  the 
invention  of  printing,  571  ;  and  ov 
the  revival  of  leaming,  572.  Is 
censured  as  rash  by  Erasmus,  fj76. 
Attends  the  diet  at  Worms,  579. 
His  reception,  580.  T)ic  decree 
against  him,  581.  He  is  seized  by 
friendly  violence  and  secreted  at 
Wartburg,  581,  582  His  employ- 
ments ui  his  retirement,  582.  De- 
cree against  his  doctrines  l)y  the 
University  of  Paris,  583.  Answer 
to  his  book  by  Henry  VIIL,  /6. 
His  replies,  584.  Leaves  his  retreat 
and  returns  to  Wittemberg,  ii.  63. 
Translates  the  Bible  into  German, 

64.  Noble  converts  to  his  doctrines, 

65.  The  diet  refuses  to  proceed  to 
extremes  against  him,  67.  Clement 
exhorts  the  diet  to  execute  its  de- 
cree against  him,  72.  Without 
success,  73.  The  conduct  of,  131. 
His  marriage,  132.  His  endeavors 
to  strengthen  the  spirit  of  his  party, 
213.  Attacks  vehemently  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Anabaptists,  242. 
Death  of,  460.  His  character,  ser- 
vices, Sec,  461  -  465.  His  funeral, 
465.     His  descendants,  466. 

Luxembourg,  invaded  by  Robert  de 
la  Mark,  i.  594.  Invaded  by  Duke 
of  Orleans,  II  394.  Again  invaded 
by  Francis,  403. 

M. 

Madrid,  the  treaty  of,  between  Charles 
V.  and  Francis  I.,  ii.  117. 

Magdalen,  daughter  of  Francis,  mar- 
ried to  James  V.  of  Scotland,  ii. 
317. 

Magdeburg  refuses  to  adhere  to  tlie 
Literim,u  604;  in.  18,  20.  The 
Emperor  determines  to  reduce  fhti 
city,  20,  21.  The  anny  for  that 
p  rpose  intrusted  to  the  comraiind 


INDEX. 


547 


of  Maurice,  21.  The  siege  of,  con- 
tinued, 37,  38.  The  city  attacked 
by  George  of  Mecklenburg,  ib. 
Tlie  besieging  army  comes  under 
the  command  of  Maurice,  39,  The 
city  surrenders  to  Maurice,  40,  41 ; 
but  retains  its  liberties,  42. 

Mahmed,  king  of  Tunis,  history  of 
his  sons,  ii.  255. 

Maine  and  Provence,  the  Count  of,  i. 
16-2. 

Majesty,  title  first  assumed,  i.  501. 

Majorca,  the  insun-ection  in,  ii.  40. 

Maldonada,  Don  Francis,  commander 
of  the  insurgent  forces  of  Salaman- 
ca, taken  prisoner  and  executed,  ii. 
31. 

Malines,  account  of  the  council  of,  ii. 
333. 

Malta,  granted  to  the  Knights  of  St. 
John,  I.  618. 

Mamelukes,  extii-pated  by  Selim  II., 
I.  488. 

Manfred,  son  of  Frederic  II.,  i.  160, 
161. 

Mantua,  fixed  upon  by  the  Pope  as 
the  place  for  a  general  council,  ii. 
319,  320. 

Manuel,  Don  John,  ambassador  of 
Ferdinand  at  the  imperial  court, 
pays  his  addresses  to  Philip  upon 
the  death  of  Isabella,  i.  436.  Ad- 
vises Philip  to  resist  Ferdinand,  ib. 
Intercepts  Joanna's  letter  confirm- 
ing Ferdinand's  regency,  i.  437. 
His  ti-iumph,  i.  442.  Declares  for 
Maximilian  for  regent  of  Castile,  i. 
446.  The  Emperor's  ambassador 
at  the  court  of  Leo,  i.  588.  Pro- 
cures the  election  of  Adrian  as 
Pope,  I.  609. 

Manumission  of  the  peasantry,  i.  45. 
Particulars  embraced  in  charters  of, 
granted  to  slaves  and  villani,  296, 
297. 

Marcellus  II.  elected  Pope,  in.  182. 
His  death,  183. 

Alarciivno,  battle  of,  in.  154. 


Margaret  of  Austria  has  the  care  of 
Charles  V.  in  his  youth,  r.  452. 
Undertakes  to  make  peace  between 
the  Emperor  and  Francis,  ii.  192 
193.  A  second  time  a  mediator, 
304. 

Margaret  of  Austria,  natural  daugh- 
ter of  Charles  V.,  married  to  Oc- 
tavio  Faniese,  ii.  312,  313. 

Margaret,  sister  of  Henry  II.,  prom- 
ised in  marriage  to  the  Duke  of 
Savoy,  III.  288,  289. 

Margaret  of  York  has  the  care  of 
Charles  V.  in  liis  youth,  i.  452. 

Marignano,  :Marquis  of,  commands 
the  Florentine  army,  in.  151.  De- 
feats the  French,  1 55.  Takes  Siena, 
156.  Reduces  Porte  Ercole,  159. 
His  troops  ordered  into  Piedmont; 
ib. 

Mark,  Robert  de  la.     See  Robert. 

Marseilles,  besieged  by  the  Spanish 
under  Pescara,  without  success,  ii. 
77,  78. 

Martinuzzi,  George,  Bishop  of  Wara- 
din,  appointed  by  King  John  of 
Hungary  guardian  of  his  son,  and 
regent  in  conjunction  with  the 
queen,  ii.  372.  Refuses  to  give  up 
the  kingdom  to  Ferdmand,  and  ap- 
plies to  Solyman  for  aid,  373.  De- 
fends Buda,  374.  Fraud  of  the 
Sultan,  375.  Appointed  regent  of 
Hungary,  jointly  with  Queen  Isa- 
bella, in.  47.  He  invites  Ferdi- 
nand of  Austria  to  lay  claim  to  the 
kingdom,  48.  Compels  her  to  re- 
nounce in  favor  of  Ferdinand,  49. 
Is  appointed  governor  of  Transyl- 
vania, 50.  Ferdinand,  jealous  of 
his  talents  and  influence,  procures 
his  assassination,  51  -  53. 

Mary  of  Burgundy,  i.  121-125. 
Conduct  of  Louis  XL  towards, 
428. 

Mary,  the  Infiinta  of  Portugal,  con- 
tracted in  marriage  with  Philip  of 
Spain,  n.  397.     Her  meeting  with 
2X 


548 


INDEX 


herraothei,  at  Badajoz,   iii.  453. 
Her  death,  458. 

Mary  of  England  is  pleased  with  the 
offer  of  marriage  from  Philip  of 
Spain,  III.  137,  138.  The  negoti- 
ations, 139.  Feeling  of  the  English 
against  the  man-iage,  140.  The 
nuptials,  141.  She  deteiTnines  to 
extirpate  the  Protestant  religion, 
142.  Martyrdoms,  143.  Her  death, 
281. 

Mary  of  Gnise  given  in  marriage  to 
James  V.,  ir.  317,  318. 

Mary,  queen  dowager  of  Hungary, 
resigns  the  regency  of  the  Nether- 
lands, iii.  205.  Pays  a  visit  to  her 
brother,  the  Emperor,  at  Yuste, 
449,  450.  Makes  a  second  visit  to 
the  Emperor,  459.  Takes  up  her 
abode  at  Valladolid,  460.  Her 
death,  ib. 

Mary  Queen  of  Scots  married  to  the 
Dauphin  of  France,  in.  261  -263 

Mathys,  Dr.,  the  physician  of  Charles 
v..  III.  460,  476,  479. 

Matilda,  the  Countess,  i.  146. 

Matthias,  John,  an  Anabaptist  proph- 
et, II.  235,  236.  Governs  Munster, 
237.  Vanquishes  tlie  Bishop  in 
battle,  238.  Is  slain,  238,  239. 
Succeeded  by  John  Boccold,  239. 

Maurice,  Duke  of  Saxony,  his  abili- 
ties and  policy,  ii.  409.  Pcfuses 
to  join  the  league  of  Smalkalde,  ib. 
Aids  the  Emperor,  410.  His  jeal- 
ousy of  his  cousin,  the  Elector, /ft. 
Favors  the  policy  of  the  Emperor, 
444.  Joins  the  Emperor  against 
the  Protestant  league,  486.  His 
ambitious  schemes,  501,  The  char- 
acter of  his  treaty  with  the  Em-  | 
peror,  502.  His  artful  diplomacy, 
503,  504.  His  movements  to  se- 
cure the  possessions  of  the  Land- 
grave and  the  Elector,  505-507. 
Indignation  at  his  conduct,  507. 
Attacked  by  the  Elector,  and  nearly 
OTerthrowa,  5'  4.  His  allv,  Albert  of 


Brandenburg,  intercepted  and  beat 
en,  515.  Proposes  negotiation  to 
the  Elector,  ib.  Offers  the  Emperor 
help  to  reduce  Wittemberg,  but  is 
unable  to  do  so,  555,  556.  The 
Emperor  gives  hira  possession  of 
Wittemberg,  560,  561.  His  treach- 
erous advice  to  the  Landgrave,  561, 

562.  Acts  as  mediator  between 
the  Landgrave   and  the   Emperor, 

563.  Protests  against  the  impris- 
onment of  the  Landgrave,  569,  570. 
Intercedes  for  the  liberation  of  the 
Landgrave,  592.  Is  invested  with 
the  electoral  dignity,  ib.  His  posi- 
tion among  the  German  princes, 
III.  12.  His  opposition  to  the  Em- 
peror's policy,  13-17.  Makes  new 
exertions  to  obtain  the  freedom  of 
the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  15.  His 
Aaews  upon  points  of  religion  in 
dispute.  16.  Undertakes  to  reduce 
Magdeburg  for  non-compliance 
with  the  Interim,  18.  Endeavors 
anew  to  liberate  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony, 23.  Charles  assumes  to  re- 
lease him  from  his  obligation  to  the 
Elector,  ib.  Assumes  command  of 
the  army  besieging  Magdeburg,  39. 
Receives  the  capitulation  of  the 
city,  40.  Gives  the  citizens  secret 
assurances,  41.  Is  elected  chief 
magistrate  of  the  city,  ib  Suc- 
ceeds in  blinding  the  Emperor,  and 
still  keeping  his  troops  together, 
43.  Feigns  a  zeal  in  behalf  of  the 
Council  of  Trent,  44,  45.  Engages 
Henry  of  France  against  the  Em- 
peror, 54,  55.  The  profound  se- 
crecy of  his  movements,  56.  Ap- 
plies unsuccessfully  to  England  for 
aid,  ib.  Makes  a  new  and  formal 
demand  for  the  liberation  of  tiie 
Landgrave,  57.  The  policy  of  his 
agents  a-t  the  Council  of  Trent,  58, 

59.  Keeps  his  army  in  readiness, 

60.  His  ministers   are  bribed  by 
Granvellc,  62.     His  address  in  pre- 


INDEX. 


549 


Veming:  theii*  betraying  him,  62,  63. 
Takes  the  field,  63,  64.  Publishes 
ti  manifesto,  64.  Listens  to  over- 
tures for  negotiation,  67  ;  without 
any  result,  68.  Presses  on  towards 
Inspruck,  69,  70.  Captures  the 
castle  of  Ehrenberg,  7U  Is  de- 
layed by  a  mutiny,  71,  72.  Enters 
luspruek  after  the  Emperor's  fliglit, 
73  Embarrassment  caused  by  the 
lawless  conduct  of  his  ally,  Albert 
of  Brandenburg,  79,  80.  Kestores 
the  Lutheran  ministers  to  their 
churches,  8L  Meets  Ferdinand  at 
Passau,  ib.  His  demands,  ib.  The 
German  princes  join  in  asking  a 
truce  until  the  difficulties  could  be 
settled,  82,  83.  He  oifers  to  aid 
Ferdinand  against  the  Turks,  and 
so  secures  his  good  offices,  86. 
Upon  the  Emperor's  refusal  of 
terms,  he  takes  the  field  again,  87, 
88.  Ferdinand  brings  about  a 
peace,  88  -  90.  The  treaty  of  Pas- 
sau and  its  results,  90-93.  His 
neglect  of  his  ally,  Henry  II.,  93, 
94.  Marches  against  the  Turks  in 
Hungary,  95,  96.  Appointed  gener- 
alissimo of  the  confederacy  against 
Albert  of  Brandenburg,  116.  De- 
feats Albert  at  Sieverhausen,  117  ; 
and  is  himself  slain,  118.  His 
character,  118,  119.  His  brother, 
Augustus,  succeeds  him  as  Elector, 
120,  121. 
Maximilian,  the  Emperor,  marries 
Mary  of  Burgundy,  i.  124.  Aids 
the  Italian  alliance  against  Charles 
VIII.  of  France,  129.  A  party  to  the 
league  of  Cambray,  138.  Known 
Hs  the  Moneyless  at  Venice,  1.57. 
Institutes  the  Imperial  Ciiamber, 
208.  Claims  the  regency  of  Cas- 
tile, but  loses  it,  446.  Regent  of 
the  Netherlands  during  the  minor- 
ity of  Charles  V.,  452.  Advises 
Charles  to  visit  Spain,  476.  Death 
of,  485 


Maximilian,  son  of  Ferdinand  of 
Austria,  left  in  the  government  of 
Spain  by  Philip  on  his  tour,  ii. 
603. 

Mecklenburg,  George  of,  serves  in 
the  army  against  Magdeburg,  m. 
37,  38.  Is  taken  prisoner,  39. 
Keeps  together  the  army  of  Mau- 
rice, 43,  60.  Aids  in  taking  Ehrcu- 
berg,  71. 

Mecklenburg,  John  Albert,  Duke  of, 
a  confederate  with  Maurice  against 
the  Emperor,  iii.  56. 

Medecino,  John  James,  Marquis  of 
Marignano,  appointed  to  command 
the  army  against  Siena,  iii.  15i. 
Defeats  Strozzi,  154,  155.  Takes 
Siena,  157. 

Medici,  the,  i.  158.  Agreement  of 
Charles  iu  favor  of  the,  589,  590. 

Medici,  Alexander  de',  assassination 
of,  II.  313,  314. 

Medici,  Catherine  de',  is  married  to 
the  Duke  of  Orleans,  ii.  227-229. 
Suspected  of  poisoning  the  Dauphin 
of  France,  ii.  302. 

Medici,  Cosmo  de',  raised  to  supremo 
power  in  Florence,  ii.  314.  Makes 
a  present  to  the  Empcrar  upon  his 
withdrawing  troops  from  Florence, 
398.  Loans  the  Emperor  money 
upon  the  security  of  the  principal- 
ity of  Piombino,  iii.  110.  Pro- 
poses to  the  Emperor  to  drive  the 
French  out  of  Siena,  149,  150. 
His  policy  in  making,  alliances, 
151.  Appoints  Medecino  general, 
ib. ;  who  defeats  the  French  under 
Strozzi,  154,  155;  and  takes  Siena, 
156,  157.  His  scheme  to  add  Sie- 
na to  his  dominions,  249-2.52. 
The  possessions  transmitted  to  his 
descendants,  320. 

Medici,  Lorenzo  de',  assassinates  hie 
kinsman,  Alexander,  ii   313,  31+ 

Medina  del  Campo,  destruction  of, 
by  Fonseca,  ii.  7,  8. 

Meiancthon  draws  up  the  Coifes'^ion 


550 


INDEX. 


of  Augsburg,  II.  211  Invjtcd  by 
Francis  to  Paris,  271,  274.  Holds 
a  debate  with  Eckius,  366.  Is  in- 
(hiced  to  favor  the  hilsrim,   iii.  16. 

Moiido/.a,  Don  Diego,  Conde  de  Me- 
hto,  made  viceroy  of  Valencia  in 
the  absence  of  Charles  V.,  i.  .508 
Made  commander  of  Siena,  iii. 
1 1 0.  Loses  the  city  by  his  ill  con- 
luct.  111. 

Mennonites,  ii  246. 

Mentz,  the  Archbishop,  his  crafty 
conduct  in  establishing  the  Interim, 
II.  591. 

Merveille,  sent  from  Francis  to  ]Mi- 
lan,  his  fate,  ii.  269,  270. 

Metz,  defence  of,  under  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  III.  100-108.  A  plot  to 
deliver  it  to  the  Em]ieror  discov- 
ered and  frustrated,  1G2-  165. 

MezLi-es,  the  siege  of,  i.  596. 

Mignet,  M ,  author  of  a  wcjrk  upon 
Charles  V.,  hi.  329. 

Milan,  governed  by  dukes,  i  144. 
Constitution  of  the  ducliy  of,  163. 
Governed  by  the  Visconti,  164. 
Claimed  by  Charles,  Duke  of  Or- 
leans, 164.  The  people  of,  es- 
tablish a  republic.  165.  Charles 
agrees  with  Pope  Leo  to  drive  the 
French  from,  5S9.  Dislike  of 
French  rule  by  the  inhabitants  of, 
600.  Scheme  of  Morone  for  over- 
throwing the  French  power  in,  601. 
Its  inhabitants  hostile  to  the  French 
rule  under  Lautrec,  601.  Captured 
by  Pescara,  606,  607.  Unsuccess- 
ful attempt  of  Lautrec  to  retake  it, 
610-612.  Bonnivet  appointed  to 
command  the  troops  against,  ii.  52. 
Defended  successfully  by  Colonna 
and  Morone,  53,  54.  Conquest  of, 
by  the  Emperor's  forces,  59  -  62 
Francis  attempts  to  recover,  79,  80 
League  to  reinstate  Sforza  in  the 
duchy,  136,  137.  The  castle  of, 
5)csieged  and  taken  by  the  imperial 
bts  under  theDukcof  Eourl)On,l42. 


Expedients  of  the  Duke  of  Boar 
bon  to  raise  money  in,  147.  The 
Emperor  evades,  and  refuses  ful- 
tilling,  his  promise  to  bestow  on 
Francis  the  investiture  of  the 
duchy,  342,  344. 

Modena,  i.  167. 

Mohacz,  in  Hungary,  victory  of  So- 
lyman  at,  ii.  162,  163. 

Monastic  Orders,  the  principles  of  the, 
II.  349. 

Moncada,  Don  Hugo  de,  tlie  Emper- 
or's ambassador,  through  whose 
instigation  Colonna  humbles  the 
Pope,  II.  144,  145.  Successor  of 
Lannoy  as  viceroy,  is  defeated  and 
slain  in  a  naval  battle  with  Philip- 
pine,  II.  181,  182. 

Monluc,  messenger  to  Francis,  so- 
liciting leave  to  give  battle  to  the 
Emperor's  troops,  ii.  421,  422. 

Monte,  Cardinal  di,  elected  Pope  as 
Julius  III.,  III.  7. 

Monte  Alcino,  settled  by  the  citizens 
of  Siena,  iii.  158. 

Montecuculi.  Count  de,  chai-ged  with 
poisoning  the  Dauphin  of  France, 
II.  300. 

Montfort,  defends  Nice  against  the 
Turks  and  the  French,  ii.  407. 

Montmorency,  the  Constable,  advises 
Francis  not  to  comply  with  the 
otfer  of  Ghent,  ii.  336.  JNIinister 
of  Francis,  dismissed,  393.  His 
jealousy  of  the  Duke  of  Guise,  iii. 
268,  269.  Persuades  Henry  to 
make  peace  with  Philip,  270.  He 
is  appointed  to  make  overtures,  ib. 
His  agency  in  the  treaty,  285. 

Moors,  invasion  of  Spain  by  the,  i. 
169.  Contests  with  the  Christians, 
ih.    Expulsion  of,  from  Si)ain,  120. 

Morone,  Jerome,  vice-chancellor  of 
Milan,  i.  601.  His  vigilance  against 
Liiutrec,  610.  Aids  in  the  defence 
of  Milan,  ii.  53,  54.  Procures 
money  for  the  imperial  army  at 
Milan,  60.    His  dissatisfaet'-on  w^tb 


INDEX. 


551 


the  Emperor,  104,  105.  His  at- 
tempts to  engage  Pescara  in  the 
conspiracy,  106  - 108.  His  discov- 
ery and  arrest,  109,  110.  Liber- 
ated by  Boui-bon,  and  becomes 
his  confidant,  148.  Recovers  his 
credit  witlx  the  imperialists,  174. 

Morone,  Cardinal,  sent  by  the  Pope 
to  the  diet  of  Augsburg,  iii.  170. 

Mulhausen,  battle  of,  ii.  551. 

Muloy-Hascen,  king  of  Tunis,  ii. 
255.  Overthro^vn  by  Barbarossa, 
257.  Makes  a  treaty  with  Charles 
for  aid  to  restore  himself  to  the 
tlirone,  258.  The  expedition,  259. 
Its  success,  263.  His  treaty  with 
Charles,  265,  266 

Muncer  [Munzer],  Thomas,  the  re- 
volt under,  ii.  128-131.  Put  to 
death,  131.     His  doctrines,  234. 

Municipal  institutions,  growth  of,  i. 
35.  In  France,  280-288.  In  Ger- 
many, 288-290.  In  Spain,  292, 
379,  380.  In  England,  293.  In 
Italy,  276-280. 

Miinster,  seized  and  governed  by  the 
Anal)a])tists  under  Matthias,  ii. 
236  ;  afterwards  by  John  of  Ley- 
den,  239.  Retaken  by  an  army 
under  the  bishop,  245. 

Munzer.     See  Muncer. 

Mustapha,  the  favorite  son  of  Soly- 
man,  iii.  126.  Ruined  and  slain 
by  the  machinations  of  Roxalana, 
Solyman'.s  mistress,  127-133. 

N. 

Naples,  death  l)y  fright  of  the  king 
of,  I.  128.  The  constitution  of, 
159.  And  Sicily,  the  kingdom 
conquered  by  Charles  d'Anjou, 
161.  Frederic  resigns  the  crown 
of,  162.  Louis  XII.  and  Ferdi- 
nand disagree  as  to  division  of,  163. 
Kingdom  of,  secured  by  Ferdinand 
of  Aragon,    163.      The    Imperial 


army  besieged  in,  181.  Blockaded 
by  Lautrec,  ii.  181.  Oppr^v^sed  by 
the  viceroy,  becomes  disaffected 
towards  the  Emperor,  m.  112 
Menaced  by  Solyman's  fleet,  113 

Nassau,  commander  of  the  Sfanish 
forces  against  De  la  Mark,  i.  595. 

Navarre,  annexed  to  the  crown  ot 
Castile,  i.  449.  Invaded  by  its 
former  monarch,  John  d'Albret, 
470.  The  attempt  to  recover  it 
frustrated  by  Ximenes,  ib.  Charles 
refuses  to  give  up  the  kingdom  of, 
according  to  the  treaty  of  Noyon, 
484.  Francis  commences  a  war 
for  the  claim  of  the  family  of  D'Al- 
bret to  the  kingdom  of,  591.  Con- 
quered by  L'Esparre,  592.  Re- 
conquered by  the  Spaniards.  593. 
The  unquiet  conscience  of  Charles 
concerning  the  possession  of,  in. 
435.  Negotiations  with  Vendome 
concerning,  436. 

Netherlands,  Maximilian  regent  dur- 
ing the  minority  of  Charles  V.,  i. 
452.  Resigned  by  Charles  V.  to 
his  son,  Philip,  in.  195.  Mary, 
governess  of,  resigns  her  regency 
upon  the  accession  of  Philip,  205, 
The  revolt  against  Philip  in  the, 
321,  322. 

Nobles,  oppression  of  the  people  in 
the  Middle  Ages  by  the,  i.  35,  36. 
Lex  talionis  among  the,  50  -  54. 
Power  of,  curtailed  by  allowing 
appeals  from  their  courts,  66.  Rev- 
enue derived  from  their  courts  Viy, 
68.  Influence  of  chivalry  upon 
the,  80  -  84.  Ignorance  among 
the,  during  the  Middle  Ages,  261, 
262.     See  Barons. 

Normans,  few  traces  of  the  customs 
of,  in  England,  1.  227,  228. 

Noyon,  the  treaty  of,  between  Charles 
V.  and  Francis,  i.  474.  Charles 
breaks  the  treaty  of,  by  refusing  to 
restore  Navarre,  484. 

2X2 


i352 


i::dex. 


nUati,  1 .  2rvO,  ?(>] ,  300. 

Oran,  iK feat  oJ'  the  Sjjanish  fon-es 
near,  iii.  484. 

Orlcaiis,  Duke  of,  delivered  to  Ciiarles 
V.  as  liostage,  ii.  121.  Is  married 
to  Catlierine  de'  Medici,  228.  Be- 
romcs  Dauphin  bv  the  death  o^  his 
brother,  300.  Comn>ander  of  a 
French  anny  in  Lttxenibourjr, 
39.3.  Charles  promises  Ferdinand's 
daucrhter  in  marriage  to  the,  438. 
Death  of,  447. 

OftuMi.ui  Empire,  i.  217-224.  See 
Turkish  Empire. 


P. 


Pacheco,  Donna  Maria,  wife  of  Pa- 
dilla,  her  expedient  to  provide 
money  for  her  husband's  army,  ii. 
25,  26.  Her  defence  of  Toledo, 
34,  35.     Her  defeat  and  flight,  36. 

Padilla,  Don  John,  leader  of  the  rev- 
olution in  Castile,  ii.  4.  Aids  Se- 
govia, 7.  Takes  possession  of 
Queen  Joanna,  12.  Endeavors 
without  success  to  induce  her  to 
resume  her  authority,  13.  Seizes 
the  seals  and  archives,  14.  Super- 
seded as  general  by  Don  Pedro  de 
Giron,  22,  23.  Keappointed,  25. 
His  wife  strips  the  Cathedral  of 
Toledo  to  obtain  money  for  the 
insurgent  army,  25,  26.  He  takes 
Ton-elobaton,  29.  Defeated  and 
taken  prisoner  at  Villalar,  30. 
Executed,  32.  His  letter  to  his 
wife  before  his  execution,  32,  note. 
Letter  to  Toledo,  33. 

Palatinate,  the  reformed  faith  estab- 
lished by  the  Elector  Frederic,  ii. 
451. 

Pampeluna,  reduction  of,  i.  592. 

Papal  power  in  Rome,  i.  145.  The 
government    transfen-ed   to  Avig- 


non, 148.  Its  character  and  poiver. 
150-154.     See  Rome. 

Paper,  invention  of,  i.  2t>4. 

Pajtyrus,  the  use  of,  i.  262. 

Paraguay,  establishment  and  labors 
of  the  Jesuits  in,  ii.  360-3G2. 

Parchment,  the  use  of.  i.  262,  263. 

Pari.s,  the  Parliament  of,  i.  198,  199. 
Origin  of,  399,  400.  Royal  edicts 
registered  by,  402.  Its  condemna- 
tion of  Luiher,  583.  Its  decree 
against  Charles  V.,  ii.  302. 

ParUaments,  or  legislative  assemblies, 
how  formed,  i.  42. 

Parma,  i.  167.  Charles  agrees  that 
the  Church  should  regain  posses- 
sion of,  589.  United  to  the  papal 
state,  607. 

Passau,  peace  conference  at,  iii.  81, 
90. 

Paul,  Father,  author  of  a  history  of 
the  Council  of  Trent,  iii.  76. 

Paul  III.,  his  accession  to  the  Pa- 
pacy, II.  232.  His  policy  with  re- 
gard to  a  general  council,  248, 
249.  Summons  a  general  council 
at  Mantua,  319,  320.  Prorogues 
the  council,  and  then  summons  it 
to  meet  at  Vicenza,  321.  Appoints 
a  commission  to  inquire  into  the 
abuses  and  con-uptions  of  the  Ro- 
man court,  322.  Sanctions  the 
establishment  of  the  order  of  the 
Jesuits.  348.  Takes  umbrage  at 
the  proceedings  of  the  diet  of  Rat- 
isbon  in  debating  points  of  doc- 
trine, 370.  Confers  with  Charles 
concerning  the  religious  difficulties 
in  Germany,  376.  Remains  neu- 
tral between  Charles  and  Francis, 
392.  Solicits  the  Emperor  to  grant 
Milan  to  his  grandson,  397.  Calla 
a  general  council  at  Trent,  417. 
No  legates  assemble,  and  the  Pope 
prorogues  it,  412.  Remonstrates 
with  the  Emperor  as  to  his  coni-se 
with  the  Protestants,  4.'?3.  Grants 
Parma  and   Placentia   to  his  Koa, 


INDEX. 


553 


Peter  Lewis,  449.  Excommuni- 
cates the  archbishop  of  Cologne 
for  heresy,  468.  Presses  the  Em- 
peror to  use  extreme  severity  to- 
wards the  Protestants,  470.  Fran- 
cis proposes  to  him  a  new  league 
against  the  Emperor,  537.  Makes 
a  league  with  the  Emperor  against 
the  German  Protestants,  477.  P  ab- 
lishes  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  479. 
Is  supposed  to  be  aware  of  the 
conspiracy  in  Genoa,  533.  Recalls 
his  troops  from  the  service  of  the 
Emperor  in  Germany,  516.  His 
jealousy  of  the  Emperor's  groAving 
jtovver,  517.  Succeeds  in  procur- 
ing the  adjournment  of  the  general 
council    from    Trent   to   Bologna, 

579.  Ilis  jealousy  of  the  Emperor, 

580.  He  demands  the  restoration 
of  Placentia,  whicli  had  been  seized 
by  the  Emperor  after  the  overthrow 
of  Peter  Lewis  Earnese,  .583.  En- 
deavors in  vain  to  enlist  Henry  of 
France  and  the  Venetians  against 
the  Emperor,  583,  584.  Refuses 
the  demand  of  the  Emperor  for  the 
return  of  the  Council  of  Trent,  587. 
Charles  protests  against  the  legali- 
ty of  the  session  of  the  council  at 
Bologna,  588.  His  views  of  the 
Interim  and  of  the  Emperor's  poli- 
cy, 594,  595.  Dismisses  the  general 
council  of  Bologna,  601.  Deter- 
mines to  reannex  Parma  and  Pla- 
centia to  the  Holy  See,  iii.  4.  His 
death,  6.  Note  respecting  the  cause 
of  his  death,  6,  7. 

Paul  IV.,  his  election,  iii.  183,  184. 
His  favor  to  his  nephews,  187. 
His  antipathy  to  the  Emperor,  188, 
189.  Proposes  to  Henry  of  France 
an  alliance,  190.  His  rage  at  the 
toleration    allowed    in    Germany, 

193.  Threatens  the  Emperor,  193, 

194.  Signs  the  treaty  with  Henry, 

195.  His  astonishment  at  the  tmco 
between    Henry   and   Philip,   210. 

VOL.  Ill  70 


His  dread  of  Philip's  vengeance, 
211.  His  ambassador,  Caraffa,  en- 
deavors secretly  to  detach  Henr»' 
from  the  agreement,  212-215.  His 
hostile  demonstrations  towards 
Philip,  216.  A  truce,  219.  Re- 
newed hostilities,  220.  His  reck- 
less conduct,  228.  Receives  aid 
from  tlie  French,  ib.  His  insulfi- 
cient  preparations,  230.  Makes 
peace  with  Philip,  247,  248.  Hi» 
haughty  conduct,  /6.  His  haughtv 
claims  as  to  the  confirmation  of 
the  Emperor  of  Germany,  259,  260, 
261.  Agrees  to  the  general  paci- 
fication between  England,  France, 
Spain,  &c.,  290.  His  death,  291. 
Punishment  of  his  infamous  neph- 
ews, 291,  292.  The  victorious 
progress  of  the  Duke  of  Alva  in- 
duces him  to  make  a  treaty  with 
Philip,  437,  438. 

Paul  in,  ambassador  of  Francis  to  the 
Porte,  II.  402. 

Pavia.  Francis  lays  siege  to,  ii.  83. 
The  city  defended  by  Leyva,  ib. 
The  imperial  forces  march  to  its 
relief,  87,  88.  Defeat  and  capture 
of  Francis  in  the  battle  before  it^ 
walls,  89-91.  Taken  by  the  allies 
under  Lautrec,  172. 

Peasantry,    enfranchisement   of    the, 

I.  4.5. 

Peloponnesus,    conquest   of,   by   the 

Crusaders,  i.  35. 
Pembroke,  Earl  of,  joins  the  Spanish 

forces  in  Netherlands,  in.  235. 
Perpignan,  siege  of,  ii.  394,  395. 
Pescara,    Marquis    of,   takes    Milan 

from  the  French,  i.  606.     General 

of  the  Emperor's  forces  in  Italy, 

II.  59.  His  respect  to  the  body  of 
Chevalier  Bayard,  62.  Invades 
Provence,  lays  siege  to  Marseilles, 
but  is  forced  to  retire,  76  -  78. 
Reaches  Milan  in  time  to  check 
the  French  invasion,  80,  81.  Hia 
geniuf  and  iLtrepiility,  81^  82.    liiS 


551 


INDEX 


Be- 
His 


the 
II. 


dissatisfa^  don    with    Lannoy   and 
with  the  Emperor,  106.     He  is  ap- 
proached   by    Morone,    106,    107. 
Enters   into   the    plot,    108. 
trays     Morone,    109,     110. 
death,    114. 
Peter  the  Heraiit,  i.  27,  33. 
Peter  of  Aragon,  i.  161. 
Pflug    appointed    to    represent 
Catholic    canse    in    a    debate 
366.     Appointed  by  the  Emperor 
to  prepare  the  Interim,  589. 
Philibert.     See  Savoy. 
Philip,  Archduke  of  Austria,  father 
of  Charles  V.,  his  character  and  his 
ti-eatment  of  Joanna,  i.  429  -433. 
Makes  a  treaty  with  Louis  XII.  of 
France,    432.      His    feelings    and 
conduct  upon  his  exclusion  from 
the  regency  of  Castile,  43.5,  436. 
Progress  of  his  emissaries  in  Cas- 
tile, 437.     Proposes  a  treaty  with 
Ferdinand,  439.     The  treaty,  440. 
His    duplicity,   ib.     He    sails    for 
Spain,  lb.     Is   detained  for  three 
months  in  England  by  Henry  VII., 
441.     Is  joined   by   the    Castilian 
nobility,  ib.     Obtains  the  regency, 
441,    442.      Attempts    unsuceess- 
fully  to   obtain   undivided  power, 
443.    His  death,  ib.    Note  concern- 
ing his  agency  in   procuring   the 
appointment  of  a  tutor  for  his  son, 
Charies  V.,  452. 
Philip,  son  of  Charles  V.,  contracted 
in  marriage  with  INIary  of  Portugal, 

II.  396,  397.  Recognized  as  heir 
to  the  crowns  of  Valencia  and  Ara- 
gon, 397.  Makes  a  visit  to  Neth- 
erlands, through  Italy  and  Germa- 
ny, 602  -  604.  His  right  of  succes- 
sion acknowledged,  603.  His  char- 
acter and  manners,  604.  The  rea- 
son for  his  visit  to  the  Netherlands, 

III.  25,  26.     Schemes  of  his  father, 
Charles,  to   nrocure   for  him   the 
succession,  25  -  28.     His  haughty  | 
manners,  28      Proposes  to  many  I 


Mary  of  England,  136.     The  nego- 
tiations, 138,  139.     Disliked  by  the 
English,  137,  140.     Insurrection  in 
England   on   account    of   the   ap- 
proaching marriage,  140, 141.    The 
nuptials,  141.     He  is  supported  by 
his  father's  troops  in  Flanders,  142. 
Parliament  refuses  to  crown  him 
king,  144.     His  father,  the  Emper- 
or, determines  to  resign  to  him  his 
hereditary  dominions,  195.     He  is 
sent  for  from  England,  201 .     The 
ceremony  of  the  resignation,  201  - 
206.     He  addresses  the  assembly, 
205.     Agrees  to  grant  his  father  a 
pension,  206.     Consents  to  a  treaty 
with  France,  208.     The  Pope  per- 
suades Henry  to  break  the  tiiice, 
211-215      The  Pope  assumes  to 
try  him,  216.     Hesitates  to  attack 
the  Pope  on  account  of  religious 
scniples,  217.     His  army  under  the 
Duke  of  Alva  menaces  Rome,  218. 
Alva   makes   a  truce,  219.      The 
Pope,   receiving   the  assistance  of 
France,  determines  to  renew  hoFtil- 
ities,  220.     His  negligence  in  pay- 
ing his  father's  pension,  225.    Rais- 
es an  army  to  attack  the  French 
in  the  Low  Countries,  233.     Per- 
suades Mary  to   engage  the  Eng- 
lish in  his  cause  against  France, 
234,  235.     Appoints  Emanuel  Phi- 
libert as  his  general,  235  ;  who  be- 
sieges   St.    Quentin,    236.      Philip 
visits  the  camp,  241.     Resists  the 
advice  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to 
march  on  Paris,  242.     His   forces 
take  St.  Quentin,  244.     Builds  the 
Esrurial,  246.     Makes  peace  with 
the  Pope,  247,  248.     His  supersti- 
tious fear,  ib.     He  restores  Placen- 
tia  to  Octavio  Earnese,  249     Is  in- 
duced  to  grant  S'ena  to  Cosm-^  de' 
Medici,    249-252        "Warns     his 
queen,  Mary  of  England,  of  the 
danger  of  Calais,  256.     The  town 
taken  by  the  French,  257.     His  ar- 


INDEX. 


555 


my  Tindtr  Count  Egmont  ronts  the 
French  at  Gravel ines,  264,  265. 
His  wish  for  peace  with  France, 
266,  267.  Receives  overtures  from 
Henry,  270.  Death  of  his  queen, 
Mary  of  England,  281.  Offers 
marriage  to  Elizabeth,  her  succes- 
sor, 282.  She  refuses  him,  284. 
Becomes  lukewarm  towards  Eliza- 
beth, 286.  Agrees  to  the  treaty 
with  Henry,  288-290.  Engages 
to  espouse  Elizabeth,  Henry's 
daughter,  288.  The  magnitude 
of  the  ten-itories  left  liim  by  his 
ftither,  295  -  298.  Establishes  ful- 
ly the  royal  power  in  Arag;on,  297. 
His  endeavors  to  have  his  father 
properly  received  upon  his  ari-i- 
val  in  Spain,  .341.  The  state  of 
his  affairs  when  his  father,  Charles, 
took  up  his  abode  at  Yuste,  421. 
The  French  army  attacks  Naples, 
ib.  Solyman  threatens  the  Medi- 
terranean coast,  422.  Sends  Ruy 
Gomez  to  ask  advice  of  Charles, 
422.  Cha.-les  promises  to  assist 
Philip  in  raising  funds,  423,  424. 
The  bullion  removed  from  the  roy- 
al exchequer  by  collusion,  425. 
Charles  sends  him  congratulations 
on  the  victory  of  St.  Qnentin,  427. 
His  inattention  to  writing:  to  his  fa- 
ther, 434.  His  general,  the  Duke 
of  Alva,  makes  victorious  progress 
towards  Rome,  437.  He  makes  a 
treaty  with  the  Pope,  438.  His  un- 
willingness that  tlie  Emperor's  auto- 
biography should  appear  in  public, 
448.  Recognizes  Don  John  as  flie 
Emperor's  son,  487,  499.  Cele- 
brates his  father's  ohse(piies  at  Brus- 
sels, .501,  .502.  Visits  Yuste,  502, 
503.  Gathers  the  remains  of  his 
kmdred  at  the  Escorial,  504. 

Thilip  the  Long,  i.  46. 

Philippino,  nephew  of  Doria,  defeats 
Moncada  in  a  naval  battk  before 
Naples,  u.  181,  182. 


Piadena,  Marquis  de,  invai5es  Tran. 
sylvania,  in.  48.  Assassinates 
Martinuzzi,  53.  Abandons  Tran- 
sylvania, 125. 

Picardy,  invaded  by  Henry  VHI,  i. 
615.  By  the  Duke  of  Suffolk,  ii. 
58.     By  the  imperialists,  300. 

Pichot,  Amedee,  author  of  Chromque 
de  Charles-quint,  iii.  328,  329. 

Pilgrimages  to  the  Holy  Land,  i. 
25. 

Pirates  in  the  Middle  Ages,  i.  90. 

Pisa,  I.  29,  33,  128. 

Placentia,  council  of,  i.  27.  Charles 
agri'ees  that  the  Church  should  re- 
gain possession  of,  589.  Its  gov- 
ernor, Peter  Lewis  Farnese,  sur- 
prised and  slain,  ii.  581,  582. 
Seized  and  retained  by  the  Empei 
or's  orders,  ih. 

Pole,  Cardinal,  made  legate  to  Enr^'- 
land.  III.  142.  His  endeavors  to 
make  peace  between  the  Emperor 
and  the  French  king,  166,  167. 
Recalled  from  England,  229. 

Pope,  note  on  the  humiliation  of  the 
Emperor  before  the,  i.  404. 

Po])es,  reverence  paid  to  the,  i.  153. 
Increase  of  the  power  and  preten- 
sions of  the,  203,  204.  Usurp  the 
right  of  conferring  benefices,  566, 
567.  The  authority  of  the,  iii. 
308.  Attacked  by  Luther,  309. 
Their  policy,  312.  Their  loss  of 
importance,  315.  Restraint  u]»on 
them  by  the  progress  of  the  Refor- 
mation   316,  317. 

Printing,  invention  of,  i.  264. 

Priscus,  liis  account  of  the  Roman 
embassy  to  Attila,  i.  227. 

Procopius,  his  account  of  the  devas- 
tations by  the  Northern  nations,  i 
228-235. 

Prote^;tants,  origin  oi'  the  name,  it. 
207,  208.  Decree  against  them, 
212  Thev  oppose  the  election  of 
Ferdinand  as  king  of  the  Romans 
215,  216.     Court  the  p'-ote'ri(  i»  oC 


556 


INDEX. 


England  and  France,  216.  The 
princes  make  an  agreement  with 
the  Emperor,  218,  219.  Contro- 
versy between  them  and  the  Pope, 
as  to  a  general  council,  223.  Con- 
cessions by  Ferdinand  of  Austria 
to,  248.  They  demand  that  the 
general  council  shall  meet  in  Ger- 
many, 249.  Renew  the  league  of 
Smalkalde,  2.50.  Courted  by  Fran- 
cis, 271 ;  but  without  success,  273, 
274.  Policy  of  the  Emperor  to- 
vrards  the,  319,  320.  They  refuse 
to  recognize  the  Pope's  call  for  a 
councilatMantua,  320,  321.  Their 
apprehensions  from  Charles  un- 
founded, 324.  Desire  the  Emper- 
or to  appoint  a  conference  of  di- 
vines, 36fi.  A  debate  takes  place 
in  his  presence,  3f^-3'''?  The 
decree  of  the  Emperor,  369.  They 
are  dissatisfied,  370.  Concessions 
made  by  Charles,  376.  Object  to 
Trent  as  a  place  for  the  general 
council,  411.  Concessions  of  the 
Emperor  and  of  Ferdinand,  413, 
415,  418.  They  demand  a  reform 
of  the  imperial  chamber,  414. 
Charles  designs  to  humble  the 
party  of,  439.  They  refuse  to  ac- 
knowledge the  authorit''  ^  the 
Council  of  Trent,  443,  44  i-'heir 
apprehensions  concerning  the  in- 
tentions of  the  Emperor  at  the  time 
of  the  Council  of  Trent,  454,  455. 
Divisions  among  them,  456-458. 
Effect  of  the  death  of  La«^her,  465. 
Dissimulation  of  the  Emperor, 
466.  Decision  of  the  Council  of 
Trent  upon  the  doctrines  of,  467. 
Conduct  of  Charles  at  the  diet  of 
Ratisbon  towards  them,  472  -  475. 
Charles  makes  a  league  with  the 
Pope  against,  477.  The  Pope  pub- 
lishes the  tei-ms  of  the  treaty,  479. 
The  Interim,  a  system  of  religious 
belief  imposed  upon  the  empire, 
&80-591.      They  inveigh   against 


it,  593,  598.  Their  free  cities  com- 
pelled to  submit  to  the  Emperor 
599,  600.  Aided  in  their  course  hj 
Maurice  of  Saxony,  in.  12-18. 
Severity  of  the  Emperor  towards 
the,  36,  37.  The  divines  sum- 
moned to  the  Council  of  Trent  de- 
mand a  safe-conduct  from  the  coun- 
cil, 45,  46.  The  divines  do  not 
gain  audience  before  the  proroga- 
tion of  the  council,  74.  Influence 
of  the  treaty  of  Passau  upon  thcii 
prospects,  91,  92.  '  Their  appre- 
hensions arising  from  the  address 
of  Ferdinand  at  the  diet  of  Augs- 
burg, 168,  169.  Their  security 
guaranteed  in  a  recess  of  the  diet, 
175,  176.  Persecution  by  the,  18G. 
The  Emperor's  alarm  at  the  spread 
of  their  doctrines,  and  his  efforts  to 
resist  it,  463  -  465. 

Provence,  conveyed  to  Louis  XL,  i 
117.  The  imperial  forces  dnven 
out  of,  by  Francis,  ii  75,  78. 

Prussia,  wrested  from  the  Teutonic 
knights,  and  becomes  in  process  of 
time  an  independent  kingdom,  ii. 
133,  134. 


Q. 


Quixada,  Don  Luis  Mendez,  major- 
domo  of  the  Emperor,  iii  342 
His  care  of  the  Emperor's  son 
Don  John  of  Austria,  343.  His 
character,  344.  His  preparations 
to  receive  the  Emperor,  345. 
Kis  care  of  him  during  his  fit  or 
the  gout,  372,  373.  His  salary  as 
major-domo,  395.  Becomes  per 
manently  settled  with  his  family  at 
Yuste,  414,  415.  The  Emperor's 
provision  for  him,  481.  The  Em- 
peror enjoins  upon  him  to  give  the 
care  of  Don  John  of  Austria  tri 
Philip,  487.  Attends  the  last 
hours  of  the   Emperor,  4P8    493. 


IXUEX. 


557 


Is  made  one  of  the  executors  of  the 
Emperor's  will,  498.  Leaves  Yus- 
t€.  499. 


Ratisbou,  pro.xedings  at  the  diet  of, 
conceraing  the  Protestants,  ii.  472 
-  475.  Attacked  by  the  Protestant 
army,  493.  Relieved  by  the  Em- 
peror, 495. 
Reformation,  the  rise  of  the,  i.  524, 
525.  Circumstances  that  favored 
its  early  growth,  549,  550,  554. 
Aided  by  the  invention  of  printing 
and  by  the  revival  of  learning,  571, 
572.  Influence  of  Erasmus,  574. 
Its  progress  after  Luther's  transla- 
tion of  the  Bible,  ii.  64-73.  The 
character  of,  injured  by  the  fanati- 
cism of  Muncer,  128-131.  Pro- 
moted by  the  strife  between  the 
Pope  and  the  Emperor,  164,  165. 
Progress  of,  in  Germany,  204,  205. 
Protestants,  207,  208.  In  Eng- 
land, conduct  of  Henry  VIII ,  231. 
Progress  of  the,  319.  In  Germa- 
ny, indebted  to  Maurice,  iii.  92. 
A  view  of  its  progress,  and  its  in- 
fluence upon  the  politics  of  Europe, 
and  the  power  and  character  of  the 
Popes,  308-317.     See  Protestants. 

Regio  invested  by  the  French,  i.  602. 

Regla,  Juan  de,  confessor  to  Charles 
V.  at  Yuste,  in.  397-400.  Ad- 
ministers extreme  unction  to  the 
Emperor,  487.  Named  as  one  of 
the  executors  of  the  Emperor's 
will,  490. 

Religion,  ideas  of,  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
I.  265. 

Rhodes  besieged  and  taken  by  Soly- 
man,  i.  616,  617. 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  his  remarks  on 
De  Retz's  history  of  Fiesco's  con- 
spiracy, II.  532. 

Kienzo,  Nicholas,  elected  Tribune,  i. 
149. 


Rincon,  ambassador  of  Francis  to  the 
Sultan,  II.  389.     Murdered  by  the 
Marquis  del  Guasto,  390. 
Robbers  in  the  Middle  Ages,  i.  90. 

358,  359. 
Robert  dc  la  Mark  of  Bouillon  de- 
clares war  against  Charles,  i.  594. 
Rodolph  of  Hapsburg  elected  Em- 
peror, I.  206. 
Roman  Law,  its  spread  over  Europe. 

I.  344,  345.     See  Laiv. 
Roman  Power,  overthrown  by  the  bar- 
barians, I.  4-13. 
Romans,  desolation  of  Europe  by  the, 

I.  2. 
Rome,  contests  between  German  no- 
bles and  the  see  of,  i.  104.  The 
papal  power  in,  145.  Power  of 
the  nobles  and  the  senate  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  147.  The  bar- 
ons of,  humbled  or  extirpated  by 
Alexander  VI.,  1 50.  Consequence."* 
of  its  claim  to  infallibility,  266. 
Venality  and  corruption  of  the 
court  of,  555  et  seq.  Influence  of 
the  manners  of  the  court  of,  upon 
the  Reformation,  ib.  Scandalous 
lives  of  the  ecclesiastics  of  the 
Church  of,  558  et  seq.  Assaulted, 
taken,  and  plundered  by  the  army 
of  the  Duke  of  Bourbon,  ii.  155- 
160 
Ronquillo,  leader  of  the  royal  forces, 

driven  from  Segovia,  ii.  67. 
Roussillon,  sold  to  Louis  XI.,  i.  117. 

Restored  to  Ferdinand,  127. 
Rovere,  restored  to  his  duchy  of  Ur- 

bino,  II.  43. 
Roxalana,  mistress  of  Solyman,  hex 
scheme  in  favor  of  her  children,  in. 
126.  She  is  made  free,  and  is  law- 
folly  wedded  to  Solyman,  127, 128. 
Awakens  Jiis  jealousy  of  his  son 
Mustapha,  129-131.  He  ordei-g 
Mustapha  to  be  strangled,  132,  133. 
Royal  Power,  the,  aflfected  by  feadsJ 

institutions,  1.19. 
Royal  Revenues,  i  9'» 


558 


INDEX. 


Russia,  the  state  of,  iii.  322. 

Rustan,  vizier  of  Soh'man,  accom- 
plice with  Roxalana  in  her  scheme 
against  Mustapha,  iii.  127  - 134. 


S. 


Saint  Bias,  the  Emperor's  observance 
of  the  festival  of,  m.  409,  410. 

Saint  Disier,  is  besieged  by  the  Em- 
peror's forces,  II.  426.  Gained  by 
a  stratairem  of  Granvelle,  428. 

Saint  Jai>-o  of  Spain,  order  of,  i.  186, 
381-383. 

Saint  John,  the  island  of  Rhodes,  be- 
longing to  the  Kniglits  of,  taken  by 
Solyman,  i.  607.  They  are  graft- 
ed the  island  of  Malta  by  Charles 
v.,  618. 

Saint  Justus.     See  Yiiste. 

Saint  Louis  as  a  legislator,  i.  G4. 

Saint  ISIatthias,  the  Emperor's  obsCTv- 
ance  of  the  festival  of,  iii.  408. 

Saint  Quentin  besieged  and  taken  by 
the  Duke  of  Savoy,  in.  236-244. 
Charles  V.  rejoices  over  the  victo- 
ry, 427. 

Saladin,  i.  31. 

Salamanca,  treaty  of,  i.  440. 

Salerno,  the  Prince  of,  suggests  to 
Heniy  the  design  of  attacking  Na- 
ples, III.  113. 

Salic  laws,  the,  i.  385. 

Saluces,  Marquis  de,  general  of  the 
allies,  after  the  death  of  Lautrec, 
II.  187.  His  ti-eachery  to  Francis.' 
291,  292. 

SanceiTC,  Count,  defends  St.  Disier, 
II.  426.  Is  deceived  into  a  surren- 
der of  the  town,  428. 

Sardinia,  formerly  known  as  the 
duchy  of  Savoy,  in.  321. 

Bauvage,  made  chancellor  of  Castile, 
by  Charles  V.,  i.  481,  482. 

Savoy,  the  Duke  of,  unsuccessful  at-  i 
tempt  of  Francis  to  take  Nice,  the  I 
plftcc  of  his  retreat,  ii.  407.    Eman-  ' 


uel  Philibert,  prince  uf,  genera* 
of  the  imperial  foix-es  in  Nether- 
lands, in.  146.  Emanuel  Thilibert, 
Duke  of,  appointed  by  Pliilip,  to 
command  his  forces,  235.  Besieges 
St.  Quentin,  236.  Defeats  Dande- 
lot  in  his  attempt  to  succor  the 
town,  238.  Defeats  the  Constable 
Montmorency,  and  takes  him  pris- 
oner, 239,  240.  Receives  a  visit 
from  Philip  in  his  camp,  241.  He 
advises  an  immediate  attack  on  Pa- 
ris, 242.  Takes  St.  Quentin  by 
assault,  244.  Ifelames  sister  of 
Henry  II.  of  France,  288,  289. 
The  possessions  of  the  dukes  of, 
increased,  and  now  known  as  the 
kingdom  of  Sardinia,  320,  321. 

Saxons,  the,  i.  12.  Vitality  of  their 
institutions,  in  spite  of  the  Norman 
conquest,  227. 

Saxony,  Frederic,  Elector  of,  is  of- 
fered the  imj^erial  crown,  which  he 
declines  in  favor  of  Charles  V.,  i. 
496,  497.  His  peremptory  refusal 
of  money  from  Charles,  497,  498. 
Appoints  Luther  professor  at  Wit- 
temberg,  530.  Refiises  to  give  up 
Luther  to  be  sent  to  Rome,  540. 
His  stratagem  to  presen-e  Luther, 
581,  582  Takes  the  field  against 
Munzer,  ii.  130.     His  death,  132. 

Saxony,  John,  Elector  of,  his  adhe- 
rence to  the  reformed  faith,  ii.  212. 
His  death,  222.  Succeeded  by 
John  Frederic,  ib. 

Saxony,  John  Frederick,  Elector  of 
comes  to  an  agreement  with  Ferli- 
nand  of  Austria,  n.  247,  248. 

Saxony,  George,  Elector  of,  his  death, 
1 1.  325.  Succeeded  by  his  brother, 
Henry,  ib. 

Saxony,  Henry,  Elector  of,  establishes 
the  Protestant  religion,  ii.  325. 
Aids  the  league  of  Protestant  prin- 
ces in  raising  an  army,  486  Is 
placed  under  the  ban  of  the  em- 
pire, 488,  489.     Joint  commandei 


INDEX. 


559 


of  the  forces  of  the  league  with  the 
Landgrave,  492.  Scheme  of  Mau- 
rice for  obtaining  the  possessions 
of,  502-507.  Returns  home  for 
the  defence  of  his  dominions,  508. 
Strips  Maurice  of  his  possessions, 
save  two  cities,  514.  Defeats  Al- 
bert of  Brandenburg,  sent  to  aid 
him,  515.  Listens  to  propositions 
for  peace,  ib.  Charles  marches 
against  him,  546.  His  in-esolution, 
547,  548.  Charles  crosses  the  Elbe 
and  gives  him  battle,  549,  550. 
He  attempts  to  retreat,  551.  Van- 
quished and  taken  prisoner,  552. 
He  is  tried  by  a  court-martial,  556. 
Condemned  to  death,  557.  His 
wife,  Sybilla,  defends  Wittemberg, 
554,  555.  To  save  his  life,  makes 
an  agreement  with  the  Emperor, 
559.  Remains  a  prisoner,  560. 
His  fortitude,  572.  Beholds  from 
prison  his  rival,  Maurice,  invested 
with  the  electoral  dignity,  592,  593. 
Refuses  to  give  his  adhesion  to  the 
Interim,  596,  597.  Carried  a  pris- 
oner to  Netherlands,  601.  Set  at 
liberty  by  the  Emperor  before  his 
flight  from  Inspruck,  iii.  73.  He 
fellows  the  Emperor  rather  than 
meet  Maurice,  ib.  Regains  his  lib- 
erty, 98.  Lays  claim  ineffectually 
to  the  electoral  dignity  upon  the 
death  of  Maurice,  120,  121.  His 
death,  ib. 

Saxony,  Augustus,  brother  of  Mau- 
rice, becomes  Elector,  fii.  120, 121. 

Bchertel,  Sebastian,  commander  of 
the  forces  of  Augsburg  against  the 
Emperor,  his  rapid  movements,  and 
his  recall,  ii.  490,  491.  Expelled 
from  Augsburg,  512. 

Science,  influence  of  the  progress  of, 
I,  84.  No*e  upon  the  progress  of, 
in  Europe,  350  -  353. 

Scotland,  the  clergy  oppose  King 
Henry  VIH.'s  scheme  for  reforma- 
tion, II.  399.  That  monarch  takes 
7 


up  arms,  ib. ;  but  changes  his  plana, 
and  negotiates,  400.  Marriage  of 
its  queen,  Mary,  with  the  Dauphin 
of  France,  iii.  261-263. 

Segovia,  resistance  of  the  people  to 
Adrian's  authority,  ii.  6,  7. 

Selim  II.  exterminates  the  Mame- 
lukes, adds  Egypt  and  Syria  to  his 
empire,  i.  488. 

Sepulveda,  the  historian,  the  attention 
paid  him  by  the  Emperor,  iii.  429 
-432. 

Sforza,  Francis,  becomes  Duke  of 
Milan,  1. 165.  Is  favored  by  Louis 
XI.,  166.  Charles  agrees  to  give 
the  Milanese  to,  5S9.  Plot  of  Mo- 
rone  to  secure  the  dukedom  of  Mi- 
lan for,  II.  104-108.  Makes 
known  the  plot  to  the  Emperor, 
109.  Loses  his  dukedom,  110. 
League  to  reinstate  him  in  the  Mi- 
lanese, 136,  137.  Is  obliged  to 
surrender  the  castle  of  Milan  to  the 
Duke  of  Bourbon,  142.  Is  unable 
to  induce  the  allies  to  take  Milan 
for  his  benefit,  172.  Negotiations 
between  Charles  and  the  allies  con- 
cerning, 176,  177.  Receives  par- 
don from  the  Emperor,  the  investi- 
ture of  Milan,  and  marries  the  Em- 
peror's niece,  202.  Francis  1. 
makes  proposals  to  him  td  take 
ground  against  the  Emperor,  269. 
His  timidity  and  treachery,  270. 
His  death,  280,  281. 

Sforza,  Ludovico,  i.  126.  Becomes 
Duke  of  Milan,  1 65.  Is  conquered 
and  taken  captive  by  Louis  XII., 
166. 

Sforza,  Maximilian,  becomes  Duke  of 
Milan,  166. 

Shipwrecked  persons,  treatment  of, 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  357. 

Sicily,  under  the  sway  of  Naples,  i 
159. 

Sigismund  of  Poland,  grants  part  of 
Pmssia  to  Albert  of  Brandenburg, 
II.  133,  134. 

2Y 


560 


INDEX. 


Siena,  the  people  resist  the  attempt 
of  Mendoza  to  enslave  them,  iii. 
Ill,  112.  Taken  by  Cosmo  de' 
Medici,  151  -  158.  The  investiture 
of  the  city  granted  by  the  Emperor 
to  his  son,  Philip,  159. 

Sieverhaussen,  battle  of,  iii.  117. 

Silk;  its  rarity  in  early  times  ;  its  in- 
troduction into  Europe,  i.  360. 

Sion,  Cardinal  of,  his  influence  with 
his  Swiss  countrymen  against  the 
French,  i.  605. 

Slavery,  overthrow  of,  i.  46. 

Slaves,  condition  of,  under  the  feudal 
system,  i.  256,  257.  Voluntary, 
260,  261.  Manumission  of,  296- 
302.     Voluntary,  or  ohlati,  300. 

Bmalkalde,  league  of  Protestants  at, 
II.  213,  214.  Heniy  VIII.  aids 
the  confederates  with  money,  2 1 8. 
The  league  of,  renewed,  250.  The 
league  refuse  to  acknowledge  the 
call  for  a  council  at  Mantua,  320, 
321.  Admits  the  king  of  Denmark, 
323.  The  league  attacks  and  drives 
out  Henr}',  Duke  of  Bninswick,  for 
bis  proceedings  against  Goslar,  413. 
Demands  a  reform  of  the  imperial 
chamber,  414.  Members  of  the 
league  repel  the  Duke  of  Bruns- 
wick's attempt  to  recover  his  do- 
minions, 450.  Their  apprehensions 
as  to  the  intentions  of  Charles,  454, 
455.  Their  divisions,  456-458. 
Answer  of  the  Emperor  to  the  ques- 
tions concerning  his  warlike  prepa- 
rations, 475.  Charles  makes  a 
treaty  with  the  Pope  against  them, 
476.  The  Pope  publishes  the 
terms  of  the  treaty,  479.  Active 
preparations  of  the  confederates  to 
resist  the  Emperor,  481.  They 
send  embassies  to  the  Swiss  and 
the  Venetians,  481-483.  They 
solicit  the  aid  of  England  and 
France,  483,  484.  They  raise  an 
army,  485.  They  publish  an  ap- 
peal to  the  Emperor,  488.    In  an- 


swer, he  places  them  under  the  baa 
of  the  empire,  488,  489.  Difficul- 
ties resulting  from  divided  com* 
mand,  492,  493.  Blunders  of  tht 
generals,  49 1-494,  496, 497.  The 
array  advances  upon  Ratisbon,  493. 
Gives  up  the  siege,  495.  Movea 
toward  Ingoldstadt,  ih.  Endeav- 
ors to  draw  the  Emperor  into  bat- 
tle, though  unsuccessfiiUy,  496- 
498.  The  leaders  allow  a  I'lemish 
reinforcement  to  join  Charles,  499. 
Maurice  of  Saxony  joins  the  Em- 
peror against  the  league,  502.  By 
his  attack  on  Saxony  and  Hesse, 
causes  a  dissolution  of  the  army  of 
the  league,  507*-  509.  Dissolution 
of  the  league,  511,  512.  Francis 
proposes  an  alliance  against  the 
Emperor,  to  the  league  of,  536.  The 
vengeance  of  the  Emperor  upon 
the  members  of  the  league,  572, 
573. 

Society,  notes  upon  the  state  of,  in 
the  :Middle  Ages,  i.  355-359. 

Solyman  the  Magnificent,  his  char- 
acter and  government,  i.  222. 
Condition  of  Turkey  under  the 
reign  of,  421.  Ascends  the  Otto- 
man throne,  523.  Eeduces  Bel- 
grade, 616.  Captures  Rhodes, 
617.  Invades  Hungaiy,  ii.  162. 
His  victoiy  at  INIohacz,  ih.  His 
prisoners,  163.  Siege  of  Vienna 
by,  201  Invades  Hungary,  220. 
Repulsed  without  a  battle,  221. 
Takes  Barbarossa  under  his  protec- 
tion, 254.  Appoints  him  admiral 
of  his  fleet,  ih.  Approves  of  his 
plan  to  conquer  Tunis,  256.  The 
expedition  successful,  256  -  258. 
Aids  the  regents  of  Hungary  in  de- 
feating Ferdinand,  and  then  seizes 
the  kingdom,  374,  375.  Threatens 
to  drive  Ferdinand  from  the  towns 
he  still  held,  376.  His  jealousy  at 
the  conduct  of  Francis  removed, 
388,  389.    Makes  a  closer  alliance 


INDEX. 


561 


vlth  him,  389.    Agrees  to  send  a 
fleet  under  Barbarossa  to  aid  Fran- 
cis against  the  Emperor,  402.     In- 
vades and  subdues    Hungary,  406. 
His  fleet  ravages  the  coasts  of  Ca- 
labria,  ib.      Aids   Francis    in  the 
siege  of  Nice,  407.     Charles  nego- 
tiates a  treaty  with,  470.     Francis 
proposes    to   him   a    new    league 
against  the   Emperor,  536.     Is  so- 
licited by  Queen  Isabella  of  Hun- 
gary to   aid   her  against  her   co- 
regent,  Martinuzzi,  in.  47.    Brings 
an    army   against  Ferdinand,   86. 
Maurice  marches  against  his  forces 
in  Hungary,  95,  96.     Sends  a  fleet 
to  the  Mediterranean,  113.     Favors 
the  return   of  Queen  Isabella  into 
Hungary,  125.     The  scheme  of  his 
mistress  Koxalana  against  his  son 
Mustapha,  126.     She  is  made  free 
and  lawfully  married  to  him,  127, 
128.     She  awakens  his  jealousy  of 
his   son,   129-131.     Mustapha  is 
bow-stringed,  132,  133. 
Spain,  contests  between  the  kingdoms 
of,  I.  103,  104.    Its  prosperity  and 
power  consequent  upon  the  mar- 
riage of  Ferdinand   and   Isabella, 
and   the  expulsion  of  the  Moors, 
120.    Formation  of  the  inftrntry  of, 
134.     Under  the  rule  of  the  Goths 
and    Vandals,    167.     Its    political 
condition    under  the  Moors,    169, 
Its  union  by  the  marriage  of  Ferdi- 
nand and  Isabella,    170.      Its  an- 
cient institutions  survive  the  Moor- 
ish conquest,  170.     Limited  power 
of  the  kings,  and  the  independence 
of  the   nobles,   172.      The   minor 
kingdoms  of,  before  the  consolida- 
tion,  182.     Rapid  growth  of  the 
cities  of,  1 83 .     Its  nobility  humbled 
by  Ferdinand,  1 86  - 1 88.    Practice 
of  private  wars  in,  315.     Trial  by 
combat  concerning  the  lituro:y,  322. 
Hevenues   and   possessions  of  the 
nobility  of,  378.    Municipal  insti- 
VOL.  III.  7^ 


tutions  in,  379,  380.      Commerce 
and  manufactures  of,  380,    Mili- 
tary order  of  St.  Jago  of,  381  -  383. 
State  of  society  in,  384.     The  holy 
brotherhood,   384,    385.      Joanna, 
heiress  presumptive  to  the  crown 
of,  429.      Its  condition  upon  the 
death     of    Ferdinand,     455,   456. 
Charles,  king  of,  aspires  to  be  Em- 
peror on  the  death  of  Maximilian, 
487.     He  is  elected,  499.     Keflec- 
tions  of  the  Spaniards  upon  the  re- 
sult, 501,  502.     Disorders  in  Va- 
lencia, 503.      Remonstrances   sent 
to     Charles    from     Castile,     505. 
Charles  carries  his   point  against 
the  nobles,  507,  508.     He  appoints 
viceroys  and  departs  for  Germany, 
508,  509.     Insurrection  in  Toledo, 
lb.  Insurrections  during  the  absence 
of  Charles,  ii.  4.    Measures  adopt- 
ed by  Adrian  to  suppress  them,  6. 
The  political   condition  of,  at  the 
time  of  the  election  of  Charles  V., 
9,  10.     Formation  of  the  patriotic 
^*  holy  junta,"  11.    Padilla,  leader 
of  the  insurgents,  pretends  to  act 
in  the  name  of  the  neglected  Queen 
Joanna,  13.    Tliey  deprive  Adrian 
of  authority,   14.    The  formal  re- 
monstrance of  the  junta,  addressed 
to   Charles,  15-19.    Parallel  be- 
tween   this    revolution    and  that 
against  the  Stuarts,  20.    Defeat  of 
the  junta,  30  -  33.    The  divisions 
prevent  the  success   of  the  revolu- 
tionists,  41.      Supreme  power  of 
Charles,  and  afterwards  of  Philip, 
in,  III.  296,  297. 

Spires,  diet  summoned  at,  n.  206. 

Special  Providences,  belief  in,  i.  59. 

Stephen,  Earl  of  Chartres  and  Blois, 
his  account  of  the  Crusaders,  i.  271. 

Stirling,  Mr.,  an  account  of  his  re- 
searches into  the  records  of  the 
cloister  life  ofCharlesV,  111.328. 

Strasburg  compelled  to  approve  th« 
Interim,  ii.  604.    Assumes  a  \>o» 


562 


INDEX. 


tare  of  defence  towards  Henry  II., 
III.  77-79. 

Strozzi,  Peter,  appointed  to  com- 
mand the  French  army  in  Siena 
against  the  forces  of  Cosmo  de' 
Medici,  iii.  152.  Defeated  by 
Medecino,  154,  155. 

8uabia,  the  house  of,  i.  161.  Insur- 
rection in,  II.  125. 

Suffolk,  the  Duke  of,  invades  Piear- 
dy,  II.  58. 

Sugar-cane  brought  from  Asia,  i.  360. 

Surrey,  Admiral,  commander  of  the 
English  forces  against  France,  i. 
615.  Retires  from  Picardy  with- 
out advantage,  ib. 

Swobia.     See  Suabia. 

Sweden,  the  king  of,  makes  an  alli- 
ance with  Francis  against  the  Em- 
peror, II.  392.  State  of,  iii.  322, 
323. 

Swiss  Troops  employed  by  Louis 
XI.,  I.  116.  Arms  and  discipline 
of  the,  132,   133. 

Switzerland,  the  cantons  favor  the 
election  of  Charles  as  emperor,  i. 
492.  Opposition  to  the  sale  of  in- 
dulgences in,  545.  Refuses  aid  to 
the  Smalkaldic  league  against  the 
Emperor,  ii.  482,  483. 

Sybilla,  wife  of  the  Elector  of  Sax- 
ony, defends  Wittemberg,  ii.  554, 
555.  Intercedes  for  her  husband's 
life,  558,  559. 

Syria,  added  to  the  Ottoman  empire, 
1.  488. 

T. 

Tacitus,  his  account  of  the  Germans, 
I.  236. 

Taxation,  not  in  vogue  among  bar- 
barous nations,  i.  389,  390. 

Tenures,  Feudal.  See  Feudal  St/s- 
tem ;  Land. 

Termes,  Marechal  de,  takes  Dunkii-k, 
1X1.  264. 

Terouenne,  taken  and  demolished  by 
Chttrles  V.,  in.  121 


Tetzel,  agent  for  the  sale  of  indolo 
gences  in  Saxony,  i.  527.  Pub. 
lishes  counter-theses  against  Lu- 
ther, 533. 

Teutonic  Knights,  their  history  and 
power,  II.  133.  They  lose  Pmssia, 
134. 

Theatines,  the  order  of,  iii.  185. 

Theology,  the  scholastic,  i.  86. 

Thuringia,  the  rebellion  headed  by 
Thomas  Muncer  in,  ii.  128-  131. 

Titian,  his  portraits  of  Charles  V., 
III.  387,  388.  His  Last  Judgment 
removed  from  Yuste  to  the  Esco- 
rial,  503. 

Toledo,  insurrection  in,  upon  depart- 
ure of  Charles  V.  for  Germany,  i. 
508,  509.  The  cathedral  stripped 
by  the  wife  of  Padilla,  to  supply 
the  forces  of  the  junta,  ii.  25,  26. 
Letter  from  Padilla  to,  33.  De- 
fended against  the  army  of  the  no- 
bles by  Donna  Maria,  widow  of 
Padilla,  34,  35.  Surrender  of  the 
town,  and  flight  of  Donna  Maria, 
36. 

Toleration,  progress  of,  in  religious 
affairs,  in.  175  -  181. 

Tomorri,  Paul,  general  of  the  Hun- 
garian forces  against  Solyman,  ii. 
162. 

Tordesillas,  member  of  the  Cortes 
for  Segovia,  his  fate,  ii.  4,  5. 

Torrelobaton  taken  by  Padilla,  ii.  29. 

Torriano,  the  mechanician,  and  com- 
panion of  Charles  V.,  in.  400- 
402.     See  Tiin-iano. 

Towns,  the  liberties  and  privileges 
of,  increased,  i.  39,  40. 

Tramouille,  La,  drives  the  English 
out  of  Picardy,  ii.  58. 

Transylvania,  suiTcndeied  to  Ferdi- 
nand, III.  49. 

Travellers,  perils  of,  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  I.  90.  Entertainment  of,  in 
the  Middle  Ages,  355,  356. 

Trent,  a  general  council  called  at,  il. 
411.     The   Protestants  object,   «&. 


INDEX. 


563 


No  legates  assemble,  on  account  of 
the  war,  and  the  Pope  prorogues 
the  council,  412.  General  council 
opened  at,  452.  Conduct  of  the 
Emperor  respecting  the  council, 
453.  Decision  of  the  council  of, 
upon  the  disputed  docti'ines,  467, 
468.  The  council  assembles  at, 
III.  34.  Henry  of  France  protests 
against  its  legality,  34,  35.  The 
Emperor  endeavors  to  sustain  its 
authority,  35,  36.  The  Protestant 
divines  demand  a  safe-conduct  from 
the  council,  no  less  than  from  the 
Emperor,  45,  46.  The  council  pro- 
rogued on  account  of  the  war,  74. 
Reason  of  tlie  failure  of  councils, 
75.  Accounts  of  tliis  council,  76, 
77. 

Trent,  Cardinal  of,  sent  by  Charles 
V.  to  the  Pope,  ii.  474. 

Trivulci,  general  of  the  French  forces 
in  Genoa,  n.  188. 

Tunis,  its  conquest  by  Barbarossa, 
II.  255-258.  The  Emperor  and 
other  Christian  powers  unite  to 
restore  Muley-Hasccn,  258.  Bar- 
barossa defeated,  263,  264.  Con- 
ditions imposed  upon  Muley-Has- 
cen,  265,  266. 

Turkey,  origin  and  character  of  its 
government,  i.  217,  218.  Its  no- 
bility not  hereditary,  219.  The 
restraints  upon  its  sultans,  220. 
Origin  of  the  janizaries,  220. 
Growth  and  power  of  the  empire, 
222,  223.  Note  upon  its  govern- 
ment, 416-419.  The  janizaries, 
420.  Its  condition,  power,  &c. 
under  Solyman,  421. 

Turkish  power,  jealousy  in  Europe 
of  the,  I.  488. 

Turks,  cruelty  of,  i.  27. 

Turriano,  the  artist,  companion  of 
Charles  at  St.  Justus,  in.  272,  273. 
See  Torriano. 

Tuscany,  view  of  the  state  of,  during 
the  16th  century,  in.  318. 
7 


U. 

Ulm,  insurrection  at,  ii.  125.  A  city 
in  the  Smalkaldic  league,  submits 
to  the  Emperor,  511,  513.  The 
Emperor  violently  subverts  its  free 
government,  600. 

Ulrie,  Duke  of  Wurtemberg,  ex- 
pelled from  his  dominions,  ii.  246. 
Regains  them  by  force,  247. 

Universities,  establishment  of,  i.  352. 


V. 

Velasco,  Don  Inigo,  Constable  of 
Castile,  appointed  associate  regent 
with  Adrian,  ii.  15.  Effects  a 
junction  with  Conde  de  Haro,  30. 

Valencia,  note  concerning  the  gov- 
ernment of,  I.  377.  Disorders  in, 
503,  504.  The  nobles  refuse  to 
acknowledge  Adrian  as  the  king's 
representative,  504.  Charles  aids 
the  people  against  the  nobles,  505. 
Don  Diego  Mcndoza,  Conde  de 
Melito,  made  viceroy,  508.  Insur- 
rection in,  II.  37.  The  association 
of  the  "  Germanada,"  ih.  The  roy- 
alists victorious,  39. 

Valentinois,  Duchess  of,  her  influence 
in  bringing  about  peace  with  Philip, 
III.  269,  270. 

Valladolid,  popular  disturbances  in, 
II.  8. 

Vandals,  irruption  of  the,  i.  4.  And 
Goths,  conquest  of  Spain  by,  i. 
167. 

Van  Male,  the  chamberlain  of 
Charles  V.,  in.  391-393.  His 
testimony  as  to  the  Emperor's 
autobiography,  447,  448. 

Van  Rossem,  commander  of  a  French 
army  in  Brabant,  n.  393. 

Vendome,  Duke  of,  general  of  a 
French  army  in  Flanders,  393. 

Venice,  i.  29,  33.     League  of  Cam- 
bray  against,  136-140.     Its  po 
2Z 


564 


INDEX. 


sition  and  prosperity,  136, 137.  A 
republic,  144.  Policy  of  the  gov- 
erament  of,  as  to  military  affairs, 
155.  Naval  and  commercial  power 
of,  156.  The  citizens  favor  the 
election  of  Francis  as  Emperor, 
492.  The  interest  and  policy  of, 
as  between  Charles  and  Francis, 
513.  Unites  with  the  Emperor, 
11.  45.  The  government  joins  the 
league  against  Charles,  136,  137. 
Complains  of  the  inactivity  of 
Francis,  142.  Seizes  Kavenna, 
upon  hearing  of  the  capture  of 
the  Pope,  169.  Its  objects  in  en- 
tering the  league  against  the  Em- 
peror, 183.  The  goveiTiment  re- 
fuses the  application  of  the  league 
of  Smalkalde,  481,  482.  Francis 
proposes  a  league  against  the  Em- 
peror to  the  people  of,  537.  So- 
licited by  Paul  to  take  arms  against 
the  Emperor,  583.  Decline  of  its 
power  and  commerce,  iii.  317-319. 

Verrina  joins  with  Fiesco  in  a  con- 
spiracy to  overthrow  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Dorias  at  Genoa,  ii. 
521.  Upon  its  failure,  flies  to 
France,  and  is  protected  by  Fran- 
cis, 540. 

Vielleville,  a  French  officer,  discovers 
the  plot  against  Metz,  iii.  164. 

Vienna,  besieged  by  Solyman,  ii.  201. 

Villalar,  the  defeat  of  the  insurgents 
under  Padilla  at,  ii.  30-33. 

Villani,  their  legal  condition,  i.  259. 

Villalva  consoles  the  dying  hours  of 
the  Emperor,  iii.  491.  Delivers  a 
sermon  at  the  funeral,  496,  497. 
Officiates  at  the  Escorial  when  the 
Emperor's  remains  ai-e  removed 
thither,  506. 

Viilena,  Marquis  de,  his  detestation 
of  Bourbon  the  traitor,  ii.  113, 
114. 

Visconti,  family  of  the,  i.  164. 

Voltaire  note  upon  the  attainments 
and  w(.rks  of,  i.  422. 


W. 

"Wallop,  Sir  John,  leads  the  English 
forces  to  aid  the  Emperor,  ii.  405- 

War,  cost  of,  under  the  modem  sys- 
tem, I.  135.  The  only  profession 
of  gentlemen  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
348. 

War,  Private,  to  redress  injuries,  i. 
50.  The  origin  of  the  practice, 
302.  What  relatives  were  involved 
in,  304,  305.  Expedients  to  re- 
strain, 306-312.  The  brotherhood 
of  God,  310.  Order  of  Philip  the 
Fair  concerning,  312.    In  England, 

314,  315.     In  Castile  and  Aragon, 

315.  In  Germany,  316-318. 
Wartburg,   Luther   concealed   at,   I. 

581,  582. 

Wentworth,  governor  of  Calais,  ill. 
25.5. 

Wittemberg,  invested  by  Charles  V., 
II.  554. 

Wittikindus,  Abbot,  his  testimony  in 
favor  of  judicial  combat,  i.  325. 

Wolsey,  Cardinal,  his  rise,  character, 
and  influence,  i.  516-518.  Is 
gained  by  Francis  of  France,  518. 
Charles,  by  holding  out  hopes  of 
the  papacy,  detaches  him  from  his 
rival,  520,  521.  Secretly  in  favor 
of  the  Emperor,  586.  Appointed 
by  Henry  VIII.  in  the  mediation 
between  Charles  and  Francis,  596, 
597.  Makes  a  treaty  for  Henry 
with  Charles,  598.  His  disappoint- 
ment at  not  being  made  Pope,  ii. 
55.  His  plans  for  revenge,  56. 
Advises  Henry  to  take  ground 
against  the  Emperor,  after  the  vic- 
tory at  Pavia,  96.  Persuades  Hen- 
ry to  join  the  league  against  the 
iimperor,  168. 

Worms,  diet  called  at,  to  check  the 
Eeformation,  i.  524.  Slow  pro- 
ceedings of  the  diet  of,  578. 

Wurtemberg,  the  Duke  of,  expelled 
from  his  dominions,  ii.  246.     Re- 


INDEX. 


565 


gsins  them,  247.  Aids  in  the 
league  of  Protestant  princes  against 
Charles,  486.  Sues  for  the  Em- 
peror's pardon  on  his  knees,  512. 
Wyat,  Sir  Thomas,  heads  an  insur- 
rection on  account  of  the  approach- 
ing marriage  of  Philip  and  Mary, 
III.  140,  141,  145. 


Ximenes,  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  re- 
mains faithful  to  Ferdinand,  x.  437. 
Magnanimously  supports  Ferdi- 
nand for  the  regency  of  Castile, 
447.  Acquires  territory  in  Bar- 
bary  for  the  crown,  448.  Appoint- 
ed regent  of  Castile  until  arrival  of 
Charles  V.,  456.  His  character 
and  career,  457-459.  Yields  re- 
spect, &c.  to  Adrian,  but  retains 
the  power  himself,  459,  460.  Re- 
moves Prince  Ferdinand  to  Madrid, 
and  watches  his  movements,  460. 
Induces  the  Castilians  to  receive 
Charles  V.  as  king,  461,  462.  En- 
deavors to  curtail  the  power  of  the 
Castilian  nobles,  462,  463.  Pro- 
cures for  the  king  a  military  force, 
464.  Enlarges  the  revenue  of  the 
crown  by  wresting  the  royal  pos- 
sessions from  the  hands  of  the  no- 
bles, 465-467.  His  bold  answer 
to  the  deputation  of  the  nobles, 
467,  468.    His  contests  with  the 


king's  Flemish  ministers,  468,  469. 
His  mastery  over  the  new  associ- 
ates in  the  regency,  469.  Ims- 
trates  the  attempt  of  John  d'Albrct 
to  regain  Navarre,  470.  Bears  the 
defeat  of  the  Spanish  army  by  Bar- 
barossa  with  equanimity,  471.  En- 
treats Charles  to  visit  Spain,  476. 
His  industry  and  self-denial,  i.  477. 
Writes  to  Charles  advising  him  to 
dismiss  his  Flemish  followers,  and 
desiring  an  interview,  477, 478.  His 
indignation  at  the  king's  cool  treat- 
ment, ib.  His  death,  479.  His  rep- 
utation for  wisdom  and  sanctity,  ib. 


Y. 


Yuste,  account  of  the  situation,  wealth, 
&c.  of  the  monastery  at,  in.  332- 
334.  The  Emperor  leaves  legacies 
to  the  convent,  498.  The  care  and 
repair  of,  507.  Its  destruction  in 
the  Peninsular  war,  ib.  Its  neg- 
lected condition,  509,  510. 


Zamora,  raises  a  regiment  of  priests 
to  defend  Tordesillas,  ii.  24. 

Zuinglius  opposes  the  sale  of  indul- 
gences, I.  545. 

Zuiiiga,  Don  Luis  de  Avila  y,  risitt 
the  Emperor,  in.  362. 


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